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Morteza Hessari, Hassan Akbari, Alireza Sardari-E Zarchi,
year 1, Issue 1 (12-2017)
Abstract

Abstract
In this paper, research was performed on cultural materials from Bard Panir, which morphologically is located on southern Central Zagros at mountainsides of Lorestan, close to the Khuzestan Plain and is geopolitically a part of Khuzestan Province. However, this region is similar to Lorestan Province with regard to its average rainfall, its mild temperature is neither similar to freezing winters of Lorestan, nor like torrid summers of Khuzestan. In addition, this region had traditionally been fertile because of being near Bala Roud, Dez and Karkhe (Hole, 1994). Regarding Cultural-Historical parameters, this region seems to be at least contemptuous with cultural materials from cultural periods such as Shoush II or Uruk in Mesopotamia. Shoush II Period in Khuzestan is known based on what is found in Acropolis I, especially layers 17-22. Moreover, materials from Apadana are analogous to those from Acropolis1, layers 19-22 (Dittmann, 1986: 76). Therefore, this time horizon seems to be related to a network of societies that connect Central Zagros to Khuzestan, and from there to Mesopotamia, within which is especially located the key deployment called Uruk, which is divided into three periods: Early Uruk, Mid Uruk, and Late Uruk. Hence, based on cultural materials excavated by authors and some samples from this site which were kept in Andimeshk Cultural Heritage, the morphology and location of this Tappeh, as a special physiographical region, were determined.
Keywords: Bard Panir, Shoush II, Uruk, Beveled Rim Bowl, Baneshi Tray.

Location and Description of Bard Panir
This site is located near the banks of Bala Roud Dam, Bala Roud, close to Hosseinieh
Town, northern Andimeshk City, Khuzestan Province. It is at 32 40 13.4 northern latitude; at 048 15 49.4 eastern longitude; and at a height of 343 m Altitude the sea level. Although, Bard Panir is geopolitically mapped within Khuzestan Province, it must geographically be located at southern Central Zagros. Bard Panir is about 10 m high; its area is 3.5 Ha; and distribution of pottery in it extends to around 30 Ha. This site is within a plain, at 100 meters from the banks of Bala Roud. Moreover, the site is about 40 m above the level of this river, and all surrounding area can be observed. It is circular. Within it, there are observed pieces of architectural evidence such as steeples and walls. Fortunately, because of being surrounded by the dam, it is not damaged by illegal excavations, buildings, farming, and traffickings by domestic and humans; so that it is easy to find large pieces of pottery and other data on the surface of this site.

Surface Data
Different cultural materials were collected from Bard Panir such as:

Pottery, Coarse Ware
1. Beveled Rim Bowl (Tab 1, Fig 3): This type of bowl is buff or cream-pink in colour. It is categorized among simply designed potteries. It is made of Chaff. There is observed some impurities because of using sands. Its surface is coarse because of the methods of they are produced. On the interior side of this kind of pottery is observed the deep trails of potter’s fingers. The rim of the container had been bevelled by a thing such as a piece of pottery or bone or fingers. Temper such as large (about 1.5 cm) chaff had been used. Moreover, average and tiny (0.5mm-5mm) sands had intentionally been added to the pottery material, so that the surface of the pottery is coarse. The mouth of all excavated pieces were approximately identical, ranging from 15 cm to 16.7 cm. All potteries are firmly made and almost all samples are baked completely. Data with regard to four of these containers are as follows: Container no. 1: 980ML; Container no.2: 965ML; Container no.3: 940ML; Container no. 4: 928ML
2. Baneshi Tray: Baneshi tray, which is known by its Uruki name, is a simple and shallow container. This had been made in circular and oval shapes in pinkish or buff colour. These potteries are hand-made and are made without any kinds of decorations or motifs. The temper used is of herbal kind which includes large (1.5 cm long) chaffs; however, some tiny (rarely larger than 2 mm) soft sands had intentionally added to the soil. It seems that they had been haggled; then they had been sprayed like a bread; and lastly the rims of the container had been leaned inwards; while, the surface of the container is levelled by hands and fingertips. The coarse exterior surface is the outcome the method of manufacturing them.
Fine Buff Ware Plain and painted (Tab 2, Fig 4): This type of Buff pottery includes often simple and rarely painted Motives. They had been designed mostly in brown and red colours. Their body is relatively thin.The Temper which are used mostly belong to the category of minerals. In the body of these pieces are observed coarse and homogeneous sands (0.20-2mm), being graded with a quality ranging from good to very good. According to the temper used in these types of potteries, the soil used by the potters had been relatively clean. There were not observed any impurities except for rare cases. The mould used by potters had acceptably been knead; however, the large amount of temper had resulted in its firm structure.
Fine Red Ware (Tab 3): This kind of pottery with orangey-red mould, includes often plain and rarely painted potteries. The Temper that had been used in these kinds of potteries are tiny minerals and are similar to small knobs on the interior and exterior surfaces of all pieces. Furthermore, in some cases the additive Chaff is observed, and this is one of the most important characteristics. In all these types of potteries except for one, the interior surface of the open-mouth pottery which is covered similar to the exterior surface is simple and untouched; so that the trails of parallel lines made by pot-wheel are observed clearly on the interior surface of the pottery. The soil used in manufacturing these potteries are observable with naked eye, although the herbal additives are chipped very small in size, and lots of heterogeneous and numerous sands in all sizes. The mould had acceptably been knead and potteries are made of a constant and firm structure.

Morteza Zamani, Sirvan Mohammadi Ghasrian,
year 2, Issue 6 (3-2019)
Abstract

Abstract
The Marivan Plain is a small elongated alluvial plain which lies at the westernmost extent of the Zagros Mountains in the Iranian province of Kurdistan and c. 80 km west of the provincial capital Sanandaj. The plain is c. 60 km from the Iraqi city of Sulaymaniyah and less than 20 km from the Sharizor Plain in Iraq to the west. The plain is located between two archaeologically important regions of western Iran: the central Zagros to the southeast and the Lake Urmia region to the northeast. Early studies of prehistoric periods were mainly conducted in these two regions, while little attention was paid to the region of Marivan. Prior to the commencement of the 2018 project, an earlier survey in the Marivan region had been carried out by Department of Archaeology at Bu-Ali Sina University in Hamadan (Iran). Research focused on the Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods and, unfortunately, evidence from the Chalcolithic periods is yet to be published. In 2018, we began to re-examine ancient settlement in the Marivan region with a 4 week survey. The survey identified and documented more than 60 sites. Preliminary studies of the material collected during the survey resulted in the identification of about 13 sites dating to the Chalcolithic period; it was possible to differentiate the material sufficiently to allocate occupation at the sites to the Early, Middle and Late Chalcolithic periods. This paper presents the important and new evidence of the development of Late Chalcolithic period settlement and is starting to provide an insight into the impact of the Uruk Expansion in this part of the Zagros Mountains. Even the Late Chalcolithic (LC) period in Marivan area is somewhat overlap to Uruk (early, middle and late) period in Mesopotamia, until LC5 phase (Tepe Rasha), not any Mesopotamian influences is evident in Marivan sites. 
Keywords: Marivan Plain, Late Chalcolithic, Uruk, Mesopotamia, Tape Godin.

Introduction
This paper presents the first results from the Marivan Plain Survey (MPS) in the province of Kurdistan – one of the westernmost regions of Iran and the Zagros Mountains. The project recorded important new evidence of the development of Late Chalcolithic period settlement and is starting to provide an insight into the impact of the Uruk Expansion in this part of the Zagros Mountains. The MPS project began work on the Marivan Plain in the summer of 2018. It is undertaking a review of previous survey work in the region and is directed by Morteza Zamani with the assistance of Sirvan Mohammadi Ghasrian. The Marivan Plain is a small elongated alluvial plain (UTM 38S 603000E, 3930000N) which lies at the westernmost extent of the Zagros Mountains in the Iranian province of Kurdistan and c. 80 km west of the provincial capital Sanandaj. The plain is c. 60 km from the Iraqi city of Sulaymaniyah and less than 20 km from the Sharizor Plain in Iraq to the west. In the past, the plain of Marivan with its picturesque Lake Zerewar an important node in the communication routes between Iraq and Iran. The plain is located between two archaeologically important regions of western Iran: the central Zagros to the southeast and the Lake Urmia region to the northeast. Early studies of prehistoric periods were mainly conducted in these two regions, while little attention was paid to the region of Marivan. In 2018 the MPS began to re-examine ancient settlement in the Marivan region with a 4 week survey. The survey identified and documented more than 60 sites. Preliminary studies of the material collected during the survey resulted in the identification of about 13 sites dating to the Chalcolithic period; it was possible to differentiate the material sufficiently to allocate occupation at the sites to the Early, Middle and Late Chalcolithic periods.

Conclusion
Investigations conducted by the MPS on the Marivan Plain have resulted in the identification of two preliminary trends related to LC period sites:
Firstly, the MPS has recorded several sites dating to the Middle Chalcolithic and the later part of the LC period. Except for a few earlier LC (2) shreds (Godin VII/VI:3 period) identified from the site of Aba Fatol, not any LC 2 sites have yet been confirmed on the Marivan plain. This contrasts with other areas of western Iran and the province of Kurdistan where early LC2 sites are common. At this stage of research on the plain, it seems that there was a lower number of sites in the earlier LC (LC2) compared to both the previous Middle Chalcolithic period (Seh Gabi and Dalma pottery traditions) and the subsequent later part of the Late Chalcolithic –LC 3-5 (Godin VI: 2-1).
Secondly, the MPS recorded Uruk culture related material from a single site (Tepe Rasha) and only in the form of Bevelled Rim Bowl shreds. This is surprising and suggests that cultural interaction with southern Mesopotamia was limited or that what impact there was from cultural interaction was low and did not permeate into the local cultures. Limited evidence of contact with Uruk Mesopotamia is also evident from recent surveys in north-western Iran and in northern parts of the Iraqi foothills of Zagros. In contrast, distinct and substantial evidence of contact with the south is to be found in the central Western Zagros and Central Plateau of Iran and on the plains south of the Greater Zab River in north-eastern Iraq. Iran  and particularly  its western regions is crucial for the understanding of key events in the history of Mesopotamia, one of which is the spread of Uruk culture from southern Mesopotamian into neighbouring regions during the Late Chalcolithic (LC) period (5th-4th millennia B.C.). 

Amir Masoud Ghaedi, Rouhollah Yousefi Zoshk, Bita Sodaei,
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
Abstract

Abstract
This article delves into the enduring enigma of bevelled-rim bowls, ubiquitous ceramic artifacts of the late 4th millennium BCE Near East, particularly within the Uruk sphere of influence. These crudely manufactured vessels, found in vast quantities across Mesopotamia and the Iranian plateau, have sparked extensive scholarly debate regarding their function. While utilitarian hypotheses, such as their use as ration bowls or baking molds, have been proposed, this article explores the compelling evidence for their ritualistic significance. Through an examination of archaeological context, iconography, and textual evidence, the article highlights the potential role of bevelled-rim bowls in religious ceremonies, offerings, and sacred meals. Ultimately, bevelled-rim bowls serve as a testament to the intricate interplay between the practical and the sacred in the Uruk period, underscoring the ongoing quest to decipher the complexities of the ancient Near East. This article explores the many different uses of bevelled-rim bowls. It was determined that these bowls were used for a variety of purposes, including everything from measuring food to baking to using the bowls for ritualistic purposes. The Warka Vase was examined and it was discovered that the depictions on the vase were very similar to the bowls. This was used as evidence that bowls were used for more than just utilitarian purposes.
Keywords:

Introduction
The late 4th millennium BCE, a period marked by the burgeoning complexities of urban life and the dawn of writing, witnessed the widespread dissemination of a distinctive ceramic form: the bevelled-rim bowl. These crudely fashioned, hand-made vessels, characterized by their thick walls and flared, out-turned rims, have captivated archaeologists for decades, serving as a key marker of the late Uruk period in Mesopotamia and its far-reaching influence across the Iranian plateau and beyond. While their origins are firmly rooted in the Mesopotamian heartland, their ubiquitous presence across a vast geographical expanse, coupled with a perplexing array of proposed functions, continues to fuel scholarly debate. The sheer volume of bevelled-rim bowls discovered at archaeological sites, coupled with their standardized, albeit roughly executed, form, suggests a mass-produced item. This ubiquity, however, belies the complexity of their potential roles within ancient societies. Beyond their widespread distribution, the lack of definitive contextual evidence has led to a plethora of interpretations, ranging from mundane utilitarian functions to more nuanced ritualistic applications.   Among the most prominent theories is the “ration bowl” hypothesis, which proposes that these vessels were used for the distribution of staple goods, such as barley or grain, to workers within large-scale economic units. This interpretation is bolstered by the sheer quantity of bowls found at administrative centers and the association of the bowls with the archaic cuneiform sign NINDA, meaning bread. However, this interpretation is not without its critics, who point to the variability in bowl sizes and the lack of direct evidence for their use in ration distribution. Another prevalent theory posits that bevelled-rim bowls served as baking moulds. This idea draws parallels with similar ceramic forms found in contemporary Egyptian contexts, suggesting that the bowls were used to bake flatbreads or cakes. The rough, porous texture of the bowls would have been suitable for baking, and the out-turned rim could have facilitated the removal of the baked product. Yet, conclusive evidence, like the presence of charred remains within the bowls, remains elusive. Beyond these practical interpretations, a growing body of scholarship has explored the potential ritualistic significance of bevelled-rim bowls. The discovery of these bowls within temple precincts, alongside other ritual paraphernalia, has led some scholars to suggest that they were used as offering vessels or for the distribution of sacred meals. This hypothesis is further supported by the depiction of similar bowls on the Warka Vase, a monumental alabaster vessel adorned with intricate scenes of ritual processions and offerings.

Discussion
The Warka Vase, a masterpiece of Uruk period art, provides a compelling visual link between bevelled-rim bowls and ritual practices. The vase’s elaborate narrative, depicting a procession of individuals carrying offerings to a female deity, features individuals holding vessels that closely resemble bevelled-rim bowls. This visual association suggests that these bowls were not merely utilitarian objects but also held symbolic value within the religious sphere. Further bolstering the ritual interpretation is the discovery of bevelled-rim bowls in association with sealings and ideograms that appear to depict religious ceremonies. The archaic cuneiform sign GU, meaning “to eat,” is often depicted as a human head with a bowl, reinforcing the association of these vessels with food consumption in a potentially ritualistic context. The discovery of a cylindrical seal in Tell Billah, portraying a religious ceremony with similar vessels being transported, suggests a strong connection between the bowls and organized ritualistic actions. The prevalence of religious beliefs in the Mesopotamian society of the late 4th millennium BCE cannot be overstated. The pantheon of deities, the elaborate temple complexes, and the sophisticated system of religious rituals all point to a culture deeply invested in the spiritual realm. In this context, it is plausible to consider that bevelled-rim bowls, given their widespread distribution and association with temple contexts, played a significant role in religious practices. The iconography of the era, particularly the representations of Inanna, a prominent goddess of fertility and abundance, offers further insights. The symbolic association of Inanna with sheep, cattle, and grain, alluding to agricultural prosperity, aligns with the potential use of bevelled-rim bowls in offering ceremonies. The myth of Inanna and Dumuzi, which celebrates the sacred marriage and the cyclical renewal of life, also provides a narrative context for the use of these bowls in ritual feasts and offerings. The sheer volume of bevelled-rim bowls found at major Uruk sites, such as Uruk itself, Nippur, and Ur, suggests that they were not merely incidental objects but rather integral components of the social and economic fabric of these urban centers. Their presence in significant quantities at temple sites like the Eanna precinct in Uruk further underscores their potential connection to religious activities. The geographical distribution of bevelled-rim bowls also offers clues to their function. While their primary concentration is in Mesopotamia, their presence across the Iranian plateau, from Susa to Tepe Yahya, indicates that their use extended beyond the core Uruk region. This wide dispersal might indicate the spread of Uruk cultural practices, including ritualistic uses, or simply reflect the adoption of a practical container for various purposes. The debate surrounding the function of bevelled-rim bowls highlights the challenges of interpreting archaeological evidence. While the “ration bowl” and “baking mould” hypotheses offer plausible explanations for their widespread use, the ritual interpretation adds a layer of complexity and nuance to our understanding of these enigmatic vessels. However, despite the compelling arguments for a ritualistic function, concrete evidence remains elusive. The lack of detailed contextual information, such as the analysis of residues within the bowls or the precise stratigraphic association with other ritual objects, hinders definitive conclusions. Moreover, the inherent ambiguity of archaeological interpretation allows for multiple, often conflicting, explanations. The challenge lies in reconciling the seemingly mundane, utilitarian nature of the bowls with their potential symbolic and ritual significance. It is possible that these vessels served multiple functions, adapting to the diverse needs of the societies that produced and used them. They might have been used for both practical purposes, such as measuring rations or baking bread, and for ritualistic purposes, such as offering food to the gods or participating in sacred meals.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the bevelled-rim bowls remain a testament to the complexity and ambiguity of archaeological interpretation. While their exact function continues to be debated, the evidence suggests that they were more than just simple containers. They were objects that bridged the gap between the mundane and the sacred, serving as both practical tools and symbolic instruments within the dynamic societies of the Uruk period. The enduring fascination with these enigmatic vessels underscores the importance of continued research and the ongoing quest to unravel the mysteries of the ancient Near East. Future research, employing advanced analytical techniques, such as residue analysis and micro-archaeological studies, may shed further light on the function of bevelled-rim bowls. By examining the contents of the bowls and their precise contextual associations, we may be able to discern their specific uses and gain a more nuanced understanding of their role in the social, economic, and religious life of the late 4th millennium BCE Near East.



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