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Rouhollah Yousefi Zoshk, Sahar Yazdani,
year 2, Issue 6 (3-2019)
year 2, Issue 6 (3-2019)
Abstract
Abstract
Proto-Elamite writing system known as phase 2 in proto-writing system in the Iranian plateau. Unfortunately, in decipherment and interpretation of the Proto-Elamite texts, they are always Under the influence of their contemporaneous writing system, proto-cuneiform. With further study at this system, albeit they have a common ancestor, but we have to consider to its specific and unique properties like Ecological geography, subsistence system, social hierarchy and etc., that make this culture.
Keywords: Proto-Elamite, Susa, Proto-Cuneiform, Tablet.
Introduction
During the early French excavations of Susa, more than 1600 texts and fragments were found and were recognized to be a very early writing system (Dyson, 1968), and called the Proto-Elamite writing system (Scheil, 1900). After a while, Proto-Elamite texts have been found at sites across Iran. Due to the nature of the available radiocarbon data, the Proto-Elamite tablets can only to be dated with confidence to around 3300-3000 BC (Dahl, 2014:24). Current archaeological research suggests that many important sites across Iran were abandoned around 2800 BC. However, there is no consensus of how we understand the data, and we can here only note that there exist no samples of writing from Iran between the disappearance of Proto-Elamite writing system around 2900 BC and the introduction of cuneiform around 2300-2200 BC (Ibid:26).
Since Proto-Elamite texts record administrative transactions within a cultural and economic setting which is not entirely unknown to us, and since the scribes who wrote the texts had inherited certain bookkeeping techniques the content-specific numerical system, from their western neighbours in Mesopotamia, we can decipher the content of many texts. In 1978-79, Joran Friberg proposed a partial decipherment of a group of texts based on the number of cereal products found in these texts, the use of specific numerical systems, and the resemblance to text from Mesopotamia. Building on the results of him Peter Damerow and Robert K. Englund, a few years later proposed several sign identifications. Years after them, Jacob Dhal, also proposed a partial decipherment of sheep and goat terminology in Proto-Elamite texts(Ibid).
Though all these decipherments are true for part of these texts, but they consist of the relationship with Mesopotamian writing systems. Following this article, we can find at least two texts that could not verify all their signs and numerical systems match with that decipherment, and they could suggest that we need to review the decipherments manner with more Accuracy and independent from Mesopotamian texts.
MDP31, 33 and MDP31, 27
Both are administrative Proto-Elamite clay tablets and first published by Roland De Mecquenem in 1949 and keep in Louvre Museum.
In the seventh entry of MDP31, 33 texts, there is a string of signs: M024+M004+M218+M263~b+M038~a, that shows the owner(s) name of products M263~a which count with 2 N01. Because of the fading, it also might be two strings of names, but the important thing is the sign M263~b appeared in the string of the names and its very common in other texts that one sign which represents as products or workers, used as a syllable of the names. The other important thing like MDP31, 27 is behind the tablet, where we had an entry that normally should be the total account, but the entry contains sign M243~g which does not appear in the rest of the text and counting with numerical signs: N39b+1N24+1N30C and this number is not equal with this tablet’s front text. So, we can offer that, this tablet is not about the accounting of few products and their final total, but it represented several products that they had been donated to the warehouse (maybe the elite warehouse) and the sign M243~g is an introduction for the module and its size which, each product counts with this. The other suggestion for this Inequality can be: the products accounting with another numerical system that could not be recognised for us by now.
In MDP31,27, also, the above result could be true, but the other impressive difference in this text is the absences of the signs of owner(s) before product signs, which shows that all these products (grain and dairy which usually did not account together) belongs to the household or institute that came at header entry sign and that’s why the scriber didn’t need to separate them.
Conclusion
As a conclusion to sum up, the texts that were reviewed shows that hypothesis based on proto-cuneiform texts contemporary Proto-Elamite period which considered for the decipherment of these texts couldn’t be true and need more investigating.
In addition, the lake of material evidence from Proto-Elamite sites that showing their subsistence system and management system, hasty look and compare this period with its neighbors in Mesopotamia, Leads to more problems to its decipherment.
So, it’s worthy to consider in additional of Semantic structure, notice to the subsistence system, the economic and social hierarchy of the Proto-Elamite period.
So far, the assumption in the interpretation of Proto-Elamite texts has been revealed that everything on the tablet count should be accounted as their final total on the reverse the tablet exactly. But these two tablets presented that this rule might be a break and we might search on the new numerical system or consider them as text that contains products that offer to a warehouse, and this entrance wasn’t important as export from the warehouse or to have final total.
Proto-Elamite writing system known as phase 2 in proto-writing system in the Iranian plateau. Unfortunately, in decipherment and interpretation of the Proto-Elamite texts, they are always Under the influence of their contemporaneous writing system, proto-cuneiform. With further study at this system, albeit they have a common ancestor, but we have to consider to its specific and unique properties like Ecological geography, subsistence system, social hierarchy and etc., that make this culture.
Keywords: Proto-Elamite, Susa, Proto-Cuneiform, Tablet.
Introduction
During the early French excavations of Susa, more than 1600 texts and fragments were found and were recognized to be a very early writing system (Dyson, 1968), and called the Proto-Elamite writing system (Scheil, 1900). After a while, Proto-Elamite texts have been found at sites across Iran. Due to the nature of the available radiocarbon data, the Proto-Elamite tablets can only to be dated with confidence to around 3300-3000 BC (Dahl, 2014:24). Current archaeological research suggests that many important sites across Iran were abandoned around 2800 BC. However, there is no consensus of how we understand the data, and we can here only note that there exist no samples of writing from Iran between the disappearance of Proto-Elamite writing system around 2900 BC and the introduction of cuneiform around 2300-2200 BC (Ibid:26).
Since Proto-Elamite texts record administrative transactions within a cultural and economic setting which is not entirely unknown to us, and since the scribes who wrote the texts had inherited certain bookkeeping techniques the content-specific numerical system, from their western neighbours in Mesopotamia, we can decipher the content of many texts. In 1978-79, Joran Friberg proposed a partial decipherment of a group of texts based on the number of cereal products found in these texts, the use of specific numerical systems, and the resemblance to text from Mesopotamia. Building on the results of him Peter Damerow and Robert K. Englund, a few years later proposed several sign identifications. Years after them, Jacob Dhal, also proposed a partial decipherment of sheep and goat terminology in Proto-Elamite texts(Ibid).
Though all these decipherments are true for part of these texts, but they consist of the relationship with Mesopotamian writing systems. Following this article, we can find at least two texts that could not verify all their signs and numerical systems match with that decipherment, and they could suggest that we need to review the decipherments manner with more Accuracy and independent from Mesopotamian texts.
MDP31, 33 and MDP31, 27
Both are administrative Proto-Elamite clay tablets and first published by Roland De Mecquenem in 1949 and keep in Louvre Museum.
In the seventh entry of MDP31, 33 texts, there is a string of signs: M024+M004+M218+M263~b+M038~a, that shows the owner(s) name of products M263~a which count with 2 N01. Because of the fading, it also might be two strings of names, but the important thing is the sign M263~b appeared in the string of the names and its very common in other texts that one sign which represents as products or workers, used as a syllable of the names. The other important thing like MDP31, 27 is behind the tablet, where we had an entry that normally should be the total account, but the entry contains sign M243~g which does not appear in the rest of the text and counting with numerical signs: N39b+1N24+1N30C and this number is not equal with this tablet’s front text. So, we can offer that, this tablet is not about the accounting of few products and their final total, but it represented several products that they had been donated to the warehouse (maybe the elite warehouse) and the sign M243~g is an introduction for the module and its size which, each product counts with this. The other suggestion for this Inequality can be: the products accounting with another numerical system that could not be recognised for us by now.
In MDP31,27, also, the above result could be true, but the other impressive difference in this text is the absences of the signs of owner(s) before product signs, which shows that all these products (grain and dairy which usually did not account together) belongs to the household or institute that came at header entry sign and that’s why the scriber didn’t need to separate them.
Conclusion
As a conclusion to sum up, the texts that were reviewed shows that hypothesis based on proto-cuneiform texts contemporary Proto-Elamite period which considered for the decipherment of these texts couldn’t be true and need more investigating.
In addition, the lake of material evidence from Proto-Elamite sites that showing their subsistence system and management system, hasty look and compare this period with its neighbors in Mesopotamia, Leads to more problems to its decipherment.
So, it’s worthy to consider in additional of Semantic structure, notice to the subsistence system, the economic and social hierarchy of the Proto-Elamite period.
So far, the assumption in the interpretation of Proto-Elamite texts has been revealed that everything on the tablet count should be accounted as their final total on the reverse the tablet exactly. But these two tablets presented that this rule might be a break and we might search on the new numerical system or consider them as text that contains products that offer to a warehouse, and this entrance wasn’t important as export from the warehouse or to have final total.
Mostafa Dehpahlavan, Mahdi Jahed,
year 5, Issue 15 (6-2021)
year 5, Issue 15 (6-2021)
Abstract
Abstract
In determining the boundaries of Qara Tappeh Sagzabad and Tappeh Qabristan in July 2016, evidence of a cemetery in the east of Qara Tappeh and southwest of Tappeh Qabristan belonging they revealed to the Iron Age 2 and 3 under sedimentary layers. In the 2018 and 2019 seasons of excavations, we got valuable findings in trenches 13 and 12 on the site. Among these findings are two tablet-like objects, one of these two objects, made of stone with a rectangular shape and light gray with a length and width of 12.5 × 18 cm and a thickness of 2.8 cm with circular blind holes, The holes made in four vertical rows and nine horizontal rows to a depth of 1.4 cm on one side of the object. We found the object in Grave No. 8 of Trench 13. Another example is a broken part of a gray rectangular clay object measuring 5.1 x 5.86 cm long and 2.81 cm thick with six circular blind holes 2.2 cm deep. We excavated this object from Trench 12. The two objects in question are comparable to the specimens found from Kul-Tarikeh, Haftavan Tappeh, and specimens unearthed from the neighbors of the Uzbeki archaeological site and the Sialk cemetery in the first millennium BC. This article examines these objects in terms of morphology and compares them with other similar findings, and it is likely that these findings, based on other examples and examples from older periods, are a kind of tablet for counting games; First by placing the findings in the archaeological context and comparative comparison with contemporaneous sites and then measuring the results with earlier examples of these findings in other archaeological sites, a preliminary proposal to use a counting game or board game for objects provided.
Keywords: Iron Age, Sagzabad, Qara Tappeh, Numerical Tablet, Boardgame.
Introduction
Since the first archaeological excavations in West Asia to the present day, thousands of types of objects have been discovered from archaeological sites, and researchers have proposed various approaches for the functional interpretation of each object. Among these approaches has been a comparative comparison of the findings with other similar findings and an understanding of the functional concept of the object in the archaeological context. Examples of objects found over a long period from the Late Neolithic period to the Achaemenid period and later in various areas from Egypt to Central Asia have been called game boards. In the excavations of the 2018 and 2019 years seasons in the Qara Tappeh of Sagzabad, similar findings were obtained with these samples. Initially, the findings were assumed to be a common type of board game in ancient West Asian cultures. Further study in this field revealed that unfortunately, no correct definition of the board has been provided in the archaeological literature of West Asia and different these forms from the Neolithic period to the first Islamic century (7th century AD) in this region known or registered. Therefore, the samples were compared with objects called board games, and a suggestion was made to use them. Thus, first, the desired findings and the texture of the place of their discovery are described, and then a brief review of the type of cultural materials called game boards done, and finally, the desired materials analyzed and we make comparative conclusions. Based on this, these findings can be near-certainty examples with the use of counting games. The two morphological objects found in the Qara Tappeh excavations can be like the examples from the findings of the West Asian sites, which are known as game boards in the archeological cultures of the region. For this issue, the two fundamental questions of this research will be in the following order.
1- What is the use of the previous samples in terms of morphology that are like the findings of Qara Tappeh Seghzabad?
2- What kind of Function can the two objects found in Qara Tappeh Sagzabad represent?
Identified Traces
Qara Tappeh is one of the key sites of the Iron Age in the center of the Iranian plateau. Two special findings have been obtained, which are like ancient game boards. The relative and absolute chronology show that these two objects belong to the first millennium BC. Game boards are among the archaeological finds found in large geographical and cultural areas of West Asia and North Africa and the Indian subcontinent, simultaneously with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, and the Mesopotamian Dynasty, Egypt up to the Achaemenid period, Perhaps the oldest examples of this are, for example, what introduced by Hole (1977: 215) from the Neolithic site of Choghasefid and Kirkbride (1966: 34) of Beidha and Rollefson (1977) of the Ain Al Ghazal. Various other types of game boards with The Game of 20 Square, The Game of 58 Holes, Senet, Mehen, Mankala, Nine men’s morris, Backgammon, and Chess have been introduced from ancient cultures. With certainty, examples of Qara Tappeh can be one game of 58 holes. This game Rule is less well known, but the overall morphology of the game shows that this board Has been a kind of racing game, pieces like pins could be inserted into the holes of the board and move along a certain path according to the number of dice poured, the name of the game is a description of the appearance of the game but always the number of holes on the board Not equal, it thought that this game invented in Egypt during the ninth to twelfth dynasties (2100 BC) and has been widespread in Egypt since the late third millennium BC. Has found. This game was common during the second millennium BC of Mesopotamia and among its close neighbors. Archaeologists have not found examples of this game in various areas of the region after the 6th century BC. (de voogt et al., 2013: 1718-1719). The samples found from Qara Tappeh can be considered as a type of game of 58-hole based on the morphological comparison.
Conclusion
What is found in the trench of 13 Qara Tappeh with 36 blind holes and a passing hole in the highest part of the tablet can be among the types that are known as the game with 58 holes, the closest example in terms of the number of holes on the find, sample Is introduced in the surface survey of the Kul Tarikeh. Another example that is similar in shape to the two aforementioned examples is the example introduced from the Haftavan. This finding, however, unlike the two aforementioned findings, has 3 horizontal rows and 8 vertical rows. If we accept that the tablet found in Trench 13 is a kind of board game, we must say that there are no special rules for the type of use. On the other hand, the presence of an all-round hole in the upper part of the find can indicate that the tablet could hang from somewhere. Finally, according to the relative comparisons, the object found in Trench 12 can be considered as a broken piece of a game 58-holes. But in the case of Trench 13, this must be considered more carefully. Only according to the appearance of the object can be considered as a preliminary use of the game of 58-holes for it.
In determining the boundaries of Qara Tappeh Sagzabad and Tappeh Qabristan in July 2016, evidence of a cemetery in the east of Qara Tappeh and southwest of Tappeh Qabristan belonging they revealed to the Iron Age 2 and 3 under sedimentary layers. In the 2018 and 2019 seasons of excavations, we got valuable findings in trenches 13 and 12 on the site. Among these findings are two tablet-like objects, one of these two objects, made of stone with a rectangular shape and light gray with a length and width of 12.5 × 18 cm and a thickness of 2.8 cm with circular blind holes, The holes made in four vertical rows and nine horizontal rows to a depth of 1.4 cm on one side of the object. We found the object in Grave No. 8 of Trench 13. Another example is a broken part of a gray rectangular clay object measuring 5.1 x 5.86 cm long and 2.81 cm thick with six circular blind holes 2.2 cm deep. We excavated this object from Trench 12. The two objects in question are comparable to the specimens found from Kul-Tarikeh, Haftavan Tappeh, and specimens unearthed from the neighbors of the Uzbeki archaeological site and the Sialk cemetery in the first millennium BC. This article examines these objects in terms of morphology and compares them with other similar findings, and it is likely that these findings, based on other examples and examples from older periods, are a kind of tablet for counting games; First by placing the findings in the archaeological context and comparative comparison with contemporaneous sites and then measuring the results with earlier examples of these findings in other archaeological sites, a preliminary proposal to use a counting game or board game for objects provided.
Keywords: Iron Age, Sagzabad, Qara Tappeh, Numerical Tablet, Boardgame.
Introduction
Since the first archaeological excavations in West Asia to the present day, thousands of types of objects have been discovered from archaeological sites, and researchers have proposed various approaches for the functional interpretation of each object. Among these approaches has been a comparative comparison of the findings with other similar findings and an understanding of the functional concept of the object in the archaeological context. Examples of objects found over a long period from the Late Neolithic period to the Achaemenid period and later in various areas from Egypt to Central Asia have been called game boards. In the excavations of the 2018 and 2019 years seasons in the Qara Tappeh of Sagzabad, similar findings were obtained with these samples. Initially, the findings were assumed to be a common type of board game in ancient West Asian cultures. Further study in this field revealed that unfortunately, no correct definition of the board has been provided in the archaeological literature of West Asia and different these forms from the Neolithic period to the first Islamic century (7th century AD) in this region known or registered. Therefore, the samples were compared with objects called board games, and a suggestion was made to use them. Thus, first, the desired findings and the texture of the place of their discovery are described, and then a brief review of the type of cultural materials called game boards done, and finally, the desired materials analyzed and we make comparative conclusions. Based on this, these findings can be near-certainty examples with the use of counting games. The two morphological objects found in the Qara Tappeh excavations can be like the examples from the findings of the West Asian sites, which are known as game boards in the archeological cultures of the region. For this issue, the two fundamental questions of this research will be in the following order.
1- What is the use of the previous samples in terms of morphology that are like the findings of Qara Tappeh Seghzabad?
2- What kind of Function can the two objects found in Qara Tappeh Sagzabad represent?
Identified Traces
Qara Tappeh is one of the key sites of the Iron Age in the center of the Iranian plateau. Two special findings have been obtained, which are like ancient game boards. The relative and absolute chronology show that these two objects belong to the first millennium BC. Game boards are among the archaeological finds found in large geographical and cultural areas of West Asia and North Africa and the Indian subcontinent, simultaneously with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, and the Mesopotamian Dynasty, Egypt up to the Achaemenid period, Perhaps the oldest examples of this are, for example, what introduced by Hole (1977: 215) from the Neolithic site of Choghasefid and Kirkbride (1966: 34) of Beidha and Rollefson (1977) of the Ain Al Ghazal. Various other types of game boards with The Game of 20 Square, The Game of 58 Holes, Senet, Mehen, Mankala, Nine men’s morris, Backgammon, and Chess have been introduced from ancient cultures. With certainty, examples of Qara Tappeh can be one game of 58 holes. This game Rule is less well known, but the overall morphology of the game shows that this board Has been a kind of racing game, pieces like pins could be inserted into the holes of the board and move along a certain path according to the number of dice poured, the name of the game is a description of the appearance of the game but always the number of holes on the board Not equal, it thought that this game invented in Egypt during the ninth to twelfth dynasties (2100 BC) and has been widespread in Egypt since the late third millennium BC. Has found. This game was common during the second millennium BC of Mesopotamia and among its close neighbors. Archaeologists have not found examples of this game in various areas of the region after the 6th century BC. (de voogt et al., 2013: 1718-1719). The samples found from Qara Tappeh can be considered as a type of game of 58-hole based on the morphological comparison.
Conclusion
What is found in the trench of 13 Qara Tappeh with 36 blind holes and a passing hole in the highest part of the tablet can be among the types that are known as the game with 58 holes, the closest example in terms of the number of holes on the find, sample Is introduced in the surface survey of the Kul Tarikeh. Another example that is similar in shape to the two aforementioned examples is the example introduced from the Haftavan. This finding, however, unlike the two aforementioned findings, has 3 horizontal rows and 8 vertical rows. If we accept that the tablet found in Trench 13 is a kind of board game, we must say that there are no special rules for the type of use. On the other hand, the presence of an all-round hole in the upper part of the find can indicate that the tablet could hang from somewhere. Finally, according to the relative comparisons, the object found in Trench 12 can be considered as a broken piece of a game 58-holes. But in the case of Trench 13, this must be considered more carefully. Only according to the appearance of the object can be considered as a preliminary use of the game of 58-holes for it.
Maryam Dara,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The Urartians lived about 9th to 7th centuries B.C around the shores of four Lake Urmia, Lake Sevan, Çildir Lake and Van Lake. The production of the sealed bullae started from Rusa II’s reign about 713 B.C. The stamp and cylinder seal impressions on these pieces of evidence could provide us with the wide range of data about the Urartians. There are some recognized cylinder seal impressions on some bullae and tablets belong to the Urartian official called aṣuli. This official is mentioned in the seal impressions from several Urartian sites including Bastam, Ayanis, Anzaf and Toprakkale. Some studies and contributions have been taken place on who these aṣulis could be the crowned princes or the officials. The question of who were aṣulis and from which sites their seal impressions are discovered aer significant issue as there are several pieces of evidence discovered. Also, there was the question of the possible difference between the seals and their inscriptions and motifs. Also, the difference between their seal impressions and the variety of their seals were significant questions. It is the aim of this paper to put the different seal impressions of aṣulis in different groups and subgroups according to the detail of the illustrated mythical scenes of the griffins or genies in two sides of a sacred tree and the position of the inscription above and below this scene and the difference in the inscriptions. Additionally, the author provides the readers with the reasons she thinks aṣuli is not the crowned prince but a trusted official who had the permission to deliver commands and massages. The research has been fulfilled by both library and field work.
Keywords: Urartu, Bulla, Tablet, Seal Impression, Aṣuli.
Introduction
Bastam or mrusa=i URU.TUR is close to Ghareziaeddin, close to Khoy and Maku, in Western Azerbaijan in Iran and is recognized the most developed Urartian fortification. W. Kleiss and the German archaeologists have excavated Bastam fortification and city from 1968 to 1979, except 1971 and 1976. Then H. Khatib Shahidi continued the studies in the sites. Bastam was founded by Rusa II, son of Argišti, and is the most developed Urartian city of all.
The tablets and bullae discovered in Bastam could bring significant data with their inscriptions and cylinder and stamp seal impressions. The Urartian cylinder seal impressions bore mostly the inscription of king Rusa II, son of Argišti, and other officials. Among the persond whose inscriptions on the seal impressions are recognized are aṣuli officials who seem to be trusted persons of the king.
Urartian sealed tablets and bullae of Bastam have previously been reported by Seidl (1976; 1979; 1988), Zimansky (1979; 1988), Salvini (1979a, 1988; 2012) and the author (2017; 2019).
The question of who aṣulis were and from which sites their seal impressions are discovered is a significant issue as they are couple of pieces of evidence remained from them. Also, the difference between their seal impressions and the variety of the seals was challenging for the scholars.
Accordingly, it was the aim of this paper to study the seal impression by this official in different Urartian sites to find out the difference and variety and groups of seal impressions remained from aṣulis and also to propose who this official could be in regard of their seal impressions. The author suggested they were trusted persons. Some of the seal impressions mentioned in this paper are published for the first time after the excavations. Additionally, the iconography of their seal impressions scenes was to be studied. The research has been fulfilled by both library and field work.
Paper
There are at least seven groups of the cylinder seal impressions mentioned in this paper according to their inscriptions and motifs discovered in several Urartian sites including Bastam, Ayanis, Anzaf and Toprakkale. The slightly different details of the sacred trees, genies and griffins were observed as well. Also, the exact position of each sign of the two-line inscription on the above and below the scene were studied in comparison with the other impressions.
KIŠIB LÚa- ṣu-li is always the key expression to this sort of seal impressions and sometimes the name of the aṣuli rarely along the name of his father was also mentioned in the inscription.
It is possible that a group of aṣuli seal impressions is discovered in different sites and some are only observed in one site. Bastam, Upper anzaf, Ayanis and Karmir-blur are the sites that the seal impressions of aṣulis have been previously discovered in.
As the seal impression of the aṣuli have been observed on the order tablets and with respect to their fathers’ names it is possible that they were the Seal Holders appointed by the king himself and not the crowned princes, princes or ordinary officials.
The scene of the sacred trees with two genies or griffins holding buckets facing the trees was repeated on the seal impressions of the aṣuli therefore it is possible that they were regarded as the guardians of the Urartian king and his kingship. This scene is very much similar to the Assyrian scenes on the reliefs and seal impressions. The scene is nor recognized on the Urartian reliefs.
Additionally, the iconography of the sacred tree, genies and griffins are studied to provide a better perception of the elements illustrated on the seals of the aṣulis.
The author proposed that the trees could be regarded as the eternal kingdom of Urartu to be guarded by the aṣulis. It is also possible that the genies and griffins are symbols of the aṣulis on their cylinder seal impressions.
Conclusion
Seven groups and the sub-groups of the slightly different cylinder seal impressions of aṣulis have been proposed and analyzed in this paper according to the impression inscriptions, details of the motifs and the position of the cuneiform signs in the two-line inscriptions above and below the scenes that are observed on the bullas and tablets discovered from Bastam and other Urartian sites. The suggested categories of the aṣulis’ impressions are presented according to Bastam bullae and tablet impressions in comparison with the impressions of other Urartian sites as Ayanis, Upper anzaf and Karmir-blur that aṣulis’ impressions are discovered over the bullae or tablets.
It is possible that at least seven seals were used in the Urartian states by the aṣulis but of course there could be more that are not discovered or are destroyed. The identical seal impressions discovered in different sites in Urartian reign is challenging. It is possible that the bullae or tablets with exactly the same seal impressions were sent or brought from one site to another in the Urartian era or exactly the same seal was copied in another site which seems less possible.
The name and sometimes the fathers’ names of the aṣulis are observed on some of the bullae or tablet impressions. Accordingly, aṣuli was an official in the Urartian reign who possibly bore the seal of the king or had the power to convey his orders and messages to the Urartian cities, fortifications or garrisons. Perhaps some of them were from the royal family but according to the inscription by the aṣulis there is lack of the piece of evidence they were crowned princes or sons of the Urartian kings. It is possible that the seals of the aṣulis were used in order to officially be sent as the orders by the highest ranks.
It is possible that griffins or genies facing the sacred tree on the aṣulis’ seal impressions were symbols of aṣulis themselves safeguarding the Urartian king and his kingship and the sacred trees were the symbols of the Urartian eternal kingdom to be protected and served by the aṣulis.
Additionally, discovering the same seal impressions of the bullae or tablets from different sites could bring the idea of sending or receiving these objects from other sites in the antiquity.
The Urartians lived about 9th to 7th centuries B.C around the shores of four Lake Urmia, Lake Sevan, Çildir Lake and Van Lake. The production of the sealed bullae started from Rusa II’s reign about 713 B.C. The stamp and cylinder seal impressions on these pieces of evidence could provide us with the wide range of data about the Urartians. There are some recognized cylinder seal impressions on some bullae and tablets belong to the Urartian official called aṣuli. This official is mentioned in the seal impressions from several Urartian sites including Bastam, Ayanis, Anzaf and Toprakkale. Some studies and contributions have been taken place on who these aṣulis could be the crowned princes or the officials. The question of who were aṣulis and from which sites their seal impressions are discovered aer significant issue as there are several pieces of evidence discovered. Also, there was the question of the possible difference between the seals and their inscriptions and motifs. Also, the difference between their seal impressions and the variety of their seals were significant questions. It is the aim of this paper to put the different seal impressions of aṣulis in different groups and subgroups according to the detail of the illustrated mythical scenes of the griffins or genies in two sides of a sacred tree and the position of the inscription above and below this scene and the difference in the inscriptions. Additionally, the author provides the readers with the reasons she thinks aṣuli is not the crowned prince but a trusted official who had the permission to deliver commands and massages. The research has been fulfilled by both library and field work.
Keywords: Urartu, Bulla, Tablet, Seal Impression, Aṣuli.
Introduction
Bastam or mrusa=i URU.TUR is close to Ghareziaeddin, close to Khoy and Maku, in Western Azerbaijan in Iran and is recognized the most developed Urartian fortification. W. Kleiss and the German archaeologists have excavated Bastam fortification and city from 1968 to 1979, except 1971 and 1976. Then H. Khatib Shahidi continued the studies in the sites. Bastam was founded by Rusa II, son of Argišti, and is the most developed Urartian city of all.
The tablets and bullae discovered in Bastam could bring significant data with their inscriptions and cylinder and stamp seal impressions. The Urartian cylinder seal impressions bore mostly the inscription of king Rusa II, son of Argišti, and other officials. Among the persond whose inscriptions on the seal impressions are recognized are aṣuli officials who seem to be trusted persons of the king.
Urartian sealed tablets and bullae of Bastam have previously been reported by Seidl (1976; 1979; 1988), Zimansky (1979; 1988), Salvini (1979a, 1988; 2012) and the author (2017; 2019).
The question of who aṣulis were and from which sites their seal impressions are discovered is a significant issue as they are couple of pieces of evidence remained from them. Also, the difference between their seal impressions and the variety of the seals was challenging for the scholars.
Accordingly, it was the aim of this paper to study the seal impression by this official in different Urartian sites to find out the difference and variety and groups of seal impressions remained from aṣulis and also to propose who this official could be in regard of their seal impressions. The author suggested they were trusted persons. Some of the seal impressions mentioned in this paper are published for the first time after the excavations. Additionally, the iconography of their seal impressions scenes was to be studied. The research has been fulfilled by both library and field work.
Paper
There are at least seven groups of the cylinder seal impressions mentioned in this paper according to their inscriptions and motifs discovered in several Urartian sites including Bastam, Ayanis, Anzaf and Toprakkale. The slightly different details of the sacred trees, genies and griffins were observed as well. Also, the exact position of each sign of the two-line inscription on the above and below the scene were studied in comparison with the other impressions.
KIŠIB LÚa- ṣu-li is always the key expression to this sort of seal impressions and sometimes the name of the aṣuli rarely along the name of his father was also mentioned in the inscription.
It is possible that a group of aṣuli seal impressions is discovered in different sites and some are only observed in one site. Bastam, Upper anzaf, Ayanis and Karmir-blur are the sites that the seal impressions of aṣulis have been previously discovered in.
As the seal impression of the aṣuli have been observed on the order tablets and with respect to their fathers’ names it is possible that they were the Seal Holders appointed by the king himself and not the crowned princes, princes or ordinary officials.
The scene of the sacred trees with two genies or griffins holding buckets facing the trees was repeated on the seal impressions of the aṣuli therefore it is possible that they were regarded as the guardians of the Urartian king and his kingship. This scene is very much similar to the Assyrian scenes on the reliefs and seal impressions. The scene is nor recognized on the Urartian reliefs.
Additionally, the iconography of the sacred tree, genies and griffins are studied to provide a better perception of the elements illustrated on the seals of the aṣulis.
The author proposed that the trees could be regarded as the eternal kingdom of Urartu to be guarded by the aṣulis. It is also possible that the genies and griffins are symbols of the aṣulis on their cylinder seal impressions.
Conclusion
Seven groups and the sub-groups of the slightly different cylinder seal impressions of aṣulis have been proposed and analyzed in this paper according to the impression inscriptions, details of the motifs and the position of the cuneiform signs in the two-line inscriptions above and below the scenes that are observed on the bullas and tablets discovered from Bastam and other Urartian sites. The suggested categories of the aṣulis’ impressions are presented according to Bastam bullae and tablet impressions in comparison with the impressions of other Urartian sites as Ayanis, Upper anzaf and Karmir-blur that aṣulis’ impressions are discovered over the bullae or tablets.
It is possible that at least seven seals were used in the Urartian states by the aṣulis but of course there could be more that are not discovered or are destroyed. The identical seal impressions discovered in different sites in Urartian reign is challenging. It is possible that the bullae or tablets with exactly the same seal impressions were sent or brought from one site to another in the Urartian era or exactly the same seal was copied in another site which seems less possible.
The name and sometimes the fathers’ names of the aṣulis are observed on some of the bullae or tablet impressions. Accordingly, aṣuli was an official in the Urartian reign who possibly bore the seal of the king or had the power to convey his orders and messages to the Urartian cities, fortifications or garrisons. Perhaps some of them were from the royal family but according to the inscription by the aṣulis there is lack of the piece of evidence they were crowned princes or sons of the Urartian kings. It is possible that the seals of the aṣulis were used in order to officially be sent as the orders by the highest ranks.
It is possible that griffins or genies facing the sacred tree on the aṣulis’ seal impressions were symbols of aṣulis themselves safeguarding the Urartian king and his kingship and the sacred trees were the symbols of the Urartian eternal kingdom to be protected and served by the aṣulis.
Additionally, discovering the same seal impressions of the bullae or tablets from different sites could bring the idea of sending or receiving these objects from other sites in the antiquity.
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