Abstract
In the history of architecture, one of the elements to transfer the vertical forces in buildings has been columns. They appeared in various forms depending on the nature of forces, architectural styles, available materials and joints applied. Examination of columns may revive and reveal certain parts of the lost knowledge of Persian architecture. Also, such an examination may help to categorize columns in terms of form and structure. The final form of the stone columns in pre-Islamic Iran has been directly influenced by their size and form of the trunk, base as well as capital. In this regard, columns have been often examined only in case studies. The present article, however, has studied the stone columns in pre-Islamic Iran in terms of geometric aspects. Data were mainly gathered based on library sources and field studies. In order to do a systematic classification, the stone columns were photographed. This article aimed to study the impact of form and size on the structure of the stone columns in pre-Islamic Iran. The results implied that the forms of base and shaft in stone columns of ancient Iran were mainly influenced by the vernacular motifs common at the time; bases of the stone columns were in cubic form or in the form of inversed vase. Similarly, the shafts of the columns were in simple, fluted and gadrooning forms. However, formation of the capitals is an adoption of forms found in columns of other civilizations. The forms include floral, zoomorphic a human images. 
Keywords: Geometry in Architecture, Structure of Stone Columns, Persian Monuments.

Introduction
Architecturally speaking, the formation of columns might be attributed to the idea that a given space was supposed to be extended. Columns transfer the weight load of the roof to the ground. At the same time, some archeologists believe that columns appeared when large flat roofs were built (Firouzmandi, 2008: 29). The oldest columns in Iran date back to the 6th millennium BC. Certain examples of which can be seen in western and North-west archeological sites of the country (Rezaienia, 2008: 329). The existence of columns went on to subsequent eras. However, since some of them were made of wood they did perish and only their stone bases survived (Firouzmandi, 2008: 29). The oldest examples of stone columns can be found in Median catacombs. This trend can also be observed in next eras and even in given monuments which columns played no structural role, columns embedded in walls were used. Geometrically, the stone columns used in pre-Islamic Iran functioned not only as structural element, transferring vertical forces, but also as architectural decorations presenting beautiful images in spaces. Hence, examination of the stone columns may help reveal the ancient architects’ capabilities to transfer forces structurally and to form architectural spaces aesthetically. So, in this study, the following questions are raised: Are any specific geometric proportions between forms and motifs used in column capitals of the pre-Islamic Persian monuments? Which kinds of geometric forms have been used more commonly in Persian column bases? What are the most commonly used geometric forms in the structure of Persian ancient columns?

Research Finding
One of the oldest usages of stone columns can be observed in columned halls in Māni sites. Hassanlou hill is a prime example in this respect. The survived monuments from Median era in which columns have been used can be divided into two groups: The first includes certain columned halls like those existing in archeological sites. The second includes Median catacombs.In terms of functional columns, Median  catacombs can themselves be divided into two groups: The first includes catacombs which have free columns in entering gate. The second group includes catacombs which have half-columns in entering gate. Columns in Achamenid architecture played more important role compared with earlier eras. The column bases appear in different forms including cubic and bell-shaped the latter of which are different from each other in terms of patterns and motifs applied. The trunks are either smooth or fluted. In addition, in Achamenid era, the column capitals appear in a variety of animal forms including bull, lion, horse, griffin and bull-man. The columns built in Seleucid era have been adopted from Roman order. Columns in Arsacid era can be grouped into three classes: Greek order, Persian order and vernacular style. The columns adopted from Greek-style generally appear in three common Greek orders: Corinthian, Doric and Ionic. In addition, the columns adopted from Achamenid style have cubic bases and capitals representing two animal heads in opposite directions. Columns in vernacular style represent square or octagonal trunks with or without patterns. Columns in Sassanid monuments, however, are the continuation of those in Arsacid monuments in form and style. The most commonly used capitals are in the form of truncated pyramid. The upper base of the pyramid is square in form and the lower one is circular decorated with repetitive animal or floral patterns. There are, of course, capitals adopted from Corinthian order. The trunks survived of the Sassanid columns are in simple, fluted or spiral forms with or without relief pat. 

Conclusion 
Column capitals in ancient Persian architecture include a variety of forms and decorations. Some of the forms like spiral patterns may play decorative role on the trunks. However, the spiral forms may only appear on capitals. Also, column bases are mainly cubic, bell-shaped or circular in form. Cubic bases are more common which appear in different forms visible in all but eras examined. In terms of form and decorative elements, column capitals in two Achamenid and Arsacid eras are more similar to each other than those in other eras. Other than decorative forms used in the bases, trunks and capitals, geometric patterns have been also used as decorative elements including floral, animal and human ones. Of course, floral forms have been most commonly used. With respect to the trunks, smooth circular trunks have been common in all eras studied. They may appear with or without fluted or spiral forms. Despite the importance of columns in pre-Islamic Persian architecture and their role in forming columned spaces, no comprehensive examination, in terms of geometric classification, has been made in this regard. In this study, the components of Persian stone columns in different pre-Islamic eras were classified geometrically. Other researcher may carry out similar examinations on architectural columns in Islamic era, classify them and determine the similarities and contrast. 

Abstract
In the classical society of the Sassanid era, the clerical class was one of the most important pillars of the community. It had influence, credibility and popularity, and represented an important and influential institution from the lowest to the highest levels of society. This important institution is however not well-known and many uncertainties remain about it. One of these ambiguities is the inner structure of this class, which is still almost unknown. Due to the vagueness of the information coming from various sources other than a few titles, there is almost no precise data about its hierachy. Due to the great importance of this class, a proper understanding of the Sassanid era would not be possible without a proper understanding of the clergy class. This is the topic of the present paper, mainly based on literary material. It could notably be proven that the Zoroastrian clergy of the Sassanid period can be divided into two general groups in terms of the presence or absence of governmental professions and official titles. It is not possible to determine the upper ranks of this class, such as Rad, Dastour or Mowbed, while the head of the clergy class (as the Mowbedān-Mowbed) was a member of the class known as the Sassanid privileged ones (Vozorgan).
Keywords: Zoroastrian Clergy, Sassanid Era, Structure and Hierarchy of the Zoroastrian Clergy.

Introduction
It is difficult to reconstruct the internal structure of the institution of Zoroastrianism. It is due to two fundamental factors: first, the length of the Sassanid era and the dynamics of the society that inevitably led to profound changes and transformations in various institutions during these 430-year periods.  and the second the final prophecy What happened during this time was long after the collapse of this dynasty, which was modified by the same institution in accordance with the goals and purposes of this institution and in accordance with the conditions of the time.  Thus the texts further complicate matters rather than the help solving the problems. For example, in the Sad Dar Nasr is written: “In the case of sin, one should try to repent to the Hirbads and the Dasturs and the Rads.” In this phrase, three important cleric titles or positions are mentioned without any precision concerning their precise attribution (Sad Dar Nasr, Dar-e 45). It is probably explained because the main target audience of these books were familiar with these definitions and titles, and that the authors of the texts did feel consequently the need to explain them clearly. So what is the meaning of the titles used by clerics during the Sassanid period? How did this social class evolve? Almost all scholars who worked on the Sassanid period inevitably dealt with Zoroastrianism, and consequently the institution of the clergy (Christensen, 1368. Frye, 1382. Shaked, 1384. Zarinkob, 1388. De Yong, 1390. Daryaee, 1383. Shaki, 2011. Miri. 2013 &...).

Discussion
Daryaee segregated the Sassanid clergy class “in terms of their rank and duty”, including “Mowbeds, Hirbbads, Dasturs, Dadvars, and Rads”, which meant: the senior clergy, the Fire Worshiper clerics, specialist theologians or jurists, judges and scholar clerics “ (Daryaee, 1392B: 144). It is further shown in this study that it is not possible to deal with the internal division of this class clearly. For example, while Manouchehr, the author of the letters of Manouchehr, introduced himself in his letters as the Rad of Pars and Kerman, at the beginning of his third letter to all Behdinān, he called himself the Hirbad-e Khodāy. On the other hand, some of the categories are sometimes mentioned for a specific task, so it becomes very difficult to determine exactly what each of these positions was. In the Ravayat-e Azarfranbag-e Faroxzadan, in response to the question, “If all members of a family are to be Behdin except one woman, can she become the Padehah Zan?” it is said: “Rads, Mowbeds and Dasturan have to choose a guardian for her.” There are many similar cases in Sassanid texts which make it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions in this regard. Unfortunately, seals are not really helpful as Gyselen points out: “It should be noted that glyptic does not offer anything other than a very few titles or whether the lack of findings was because some authorities needed Have they not used the seal? Or the cause of something else is unclear “(Gyselen, 1995: 123). Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts. The first deals with the official titles and ranks of the Zoroastrian clergy and the second part deals with the informal titles.

Conclusion
- Some clerical titles correspond to official titles, employed in government offices or bureaucracies, while most of clerics were not State employed and devoted themselves solely to religious activities.
- There were clerics who had no position in the clerical hierarchy and were usually referred as clergymen with specific characteristics, such as the title of Zartoshtom, which was probably something like a polar and a disciple.
- Although it is possible to imagine Rads, Dasturs and Mowbeds in the top ranks of the clergy, it is not possible to determine precisely the position of each of these titles in the hierarchy and their priority.
- The clergy class, like other classes of Sassanid society, had a leader whose title varied in different eras. The title Mowbedān-Mowbed is only attested since the middle of this period and probably did not exist in the early Sassanid era. It is still unclear what was the title or name of the head of this class at that time.
- It seems incorrect to distinguish the titles of Mowbed and Mog (Magi), and to place them in two separate degrees in the Zoroastrian hierarchy, at least until the mid-Sassanid era. They have the same linguistic meaning. Of course, in the later periods, and given the dynamics of Sassanid society, a distinction may be drawn between these titles, in which Mowbed took precedence over Magi.

Abstract
City locals can be considered as the smallest unit of framework and social at traditional parts of Iranian cities and folks, however, in cities comprehensive plan historical districts bear sever changes and their traditional structure gradually decayed and lost its influence due to nonconformity with modern conditions. This lead to decrease in habitant’s relationship with each other. Hamadan was important city at western side of Iran at Islamic period. Its structures age returns to pre-Islamic period. Apart from any kinds of bordering rules among locals, dividing locals were of special attention at cities, in a period that urbanism was moving fast and division among locals of cities was important from city management point of view. Also, there is no research about Hamadan city locals in recent Islamic centuries. This research tries to introduce main elements of local formation, based on existing architectural and historical evidences. Based on mentioned aim, the main question is this: How was the space and framework structure of Hamadan’s historical locals? Research results shows that most of the locals gradually take circular and linear form at structural framework of locals, there are elements playing important role in meeting habitant needs from them; we can refer to Mosque, Bath, Grass, Holy shrine, Crypt and Caravansary. From this viewpoint, mosques were of important structures at each local. 
Keywords: Hamadan, Ghajar Period, Space Structure, Local Mosques, Improving Social Relationship.

Introduction
Historical locals were part of space structure of city. City plans changed the traditional old locals and they gradually lost their efficiency. In Hamadan city expansion was based on religious structure and space. Structure focus was round the mosque, holy shrine, which totally made a collection these elements were reflects of social condition and locals’ architectural structure at Ghajar period local was at the main bases of city framework and keeping locals and effect on social life balance. At Ghajar period Hamadan had many locals and villages. There were 30 lanes and locals in different forms. Hamadan as a case study in this paper, has a lot to think about city progress rules. Hamadan is a prominent sample of a city with different locals due to its genuine texture and commercial nature which lasts till now. In this research, we study and introduce the formation method and space structure of Hamadan locals.
Investigation Questions: According to the mentioned goals, important questions were as follows: How was the framework and organizing structure of Hamadan’s historical locals? Which mechanism follows space governing models of Hamadan locals?
Research Methods: This research is functional and belongs to qualitative research family which done by analytical- qualitative method. Creditable sources for research have been chosen first hand documents and matching study based on the existing evidence for this study have been chosen. Also, study uses of three method including documents study, interview with local habitants and observing texture and architecture and architecture kind.

Conclusion
With close look at local space and framework structure we notice that the main route of locals leads to local center. In other word, local mosque had the most access and focus to local formation and all planning about space organization was done at mosques. On the other hand, baths and springs had the most interaction for organization. About space structure of locals, we can say no preplanning was done and although their design was natural. However, its functions cover was so that all people take benefit of it, so that each local has private gate and realm and was separated from others. From other hand, mosques bath and springs more over than their main function had Other use as meeting places so they are main factors of structure of Hamadan locals. These elements respectively have the most frequency. Other results show that Hamadan locals center have linear and circular shapes. These shapes created for access to center. Also, there is other element named grass with quadrant, rectangular and trapezius shape or without shape This place plays a significant role at consolidating loyalty relationship among people, so that all people attend in this place for recreation and meeting.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
Despite the importance, position and high role of the city of Hamadan in the political, economic, social and cultural developments of Iran during the Qajar era, targeted studies that determine the spatial organization and social structure of this city during that period have not been carried out, and there are many questions regarding the nature of the changes in the context. Its history remains unanswered. The current research seeks to answer questions about the transformation and development of the spatial structure of Hamedan city during the Qajar era by relying on written sources, architectural works and archaeological evidence. In order to achieve this goal, while using all the written sources related to this city in the mentioned period, the changes of the urban context and the structural characteristics of its spaces were determined and the factors affecting the growth and development of the city were determined during this period. The result of the research made it clear that due to its ancient background, special geographical location, benefiting from suitable environmental capabilities such as abundant water resources, and also due to its location on the path of important trade-pilgrimage routes in the Qajar period, Hamedan was one of the cities with social and economic importance and status. It has gained merit and accommodates a relatively large population and has attracted the attention of various social groups, especially merchants. Thus, suitable conditions have been created for the construction and discovery of numerous architectural works and monuments with different functions (defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, squares and plazas, markets and caravanserais, mosques, schools, baths, churches, etc.) and the urban space, especially in aspects The south and southeast have developed and expanded significantly.
Keywords: Iranian Cities, Qajar Era Cities, Historical Context of Hamadan, Spatial Structure, Written Sources.

Introduction
Cities are one of the main centers of the emergence of civilization and valuable cultural treasures, without knowing them, it is not possible to study the history of various developments in human life. For this purpose, the study of the cities left from the past plays a significant role in understanding the political, administrative, social, economic and cultural structure of the societies that created them (Krimian, 2014: 121-111) and can provide clear horizons in recognizing the physical, social and cultural structures And reopen the past civilizations to researchers (Krimian and Seyedin, 2009: 69). The study of the ancient living spaces of Iran and the historical contexts of the cities is a necessity that has allocated a part of the scientific activities of archaeologists. Although the historical fabric of Hamedan has suffered a lot of damage due to various reasons, including indiscriminate and irregular constructions, but a number of its historical and valuable buildings have survived the ravages of various times and manipulations. Recovered and recognized to a great extent. Hamadan is one of the few historical and ancient cities in the country that has survived historical developments with strength and has preserved its historical context to some extent. Undoubtedly, Hamedan’s location on the path of communication routes in different eras, as well as its special geographical location and the benefit of environmental capabilities are the main reasons for the continuity of this city throughout history. Fortunately, valuable elements of the architecture of the Qajar era have survived in this city, and by studying them, it is possible to analyze and restore the spatial structure of Hamadan city to a great extent.
The purpose of the Research: The main purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to find out how the physical structure and spatial organization of Hamadan was created, developed and transformed by relying on architectural works, archaeological evidence, written sources and visual documents left from the Qajar period.
Research Questions: In this study, we have attempted to answer questions about space structure, different types of architectural works, scope and physical realm, as well as the extent to which different social groups have been influenced by the space organization and architectural works of Hamadan in the Qajar era.
Research Method: The study presented in this article is historical -analytical in nature and content, and has been conducted in both field and library methods.
The original text of the previous article consists of several different sections. In the discussion of the research background, the most important studies on the historical context of Hamadan have been emphasized with the emphasis on the Qajar era. In the context of the structural characteristics of the Iranian cities in the Qajar era, the main characteristics and components of the identity of Iranian cities in the Qajar period as well as how the structural characteristics of Iranian cities from the Safavid era to Qajar has been discussed. The next section of the article is analyzed and explained by the Qajar Space Organization in the Qajar era based on written sources. Travelogues and historical texts from the Qajar era have formed the most important study sources in this section. In the other section, the urban spaces of Hamadan during the Qajar period are discussed. In this section, relying on written sources and existing architectural evidence, some of the most important physical and historical spaces recovered by the Qajar era of Hamadan, including defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, inter -and -outskirts, squares and squares, commercial spaces and markets And the disposal of sewage, mosques, baths, churches, and so on. It was also known that marketers and traders were more involved in the phenomenon of the city’s architectural works in the Qajar era than other social groups.

Conclusion
In the present article, it was attempted to find out what the space structure of Hamadan had in the Qajar period by relying on the written sources and existing architectural works. With what was done, it turned out that the city was forming from three internal (city center), middle (urban areas and neighborhoods) and exterior (fence and suburbs). Hamadan Space Agency is also influenced by the pattern of Islamic cities of Iran, has a citadel (government, bureaucratic and administrative headquarters), Jame Mosque (Religious Center) and Market (Economic Heart) and other urban elements (schools, blessed shrines, intra city caravans, baths And ...) Somehow they were related to these three. Relying on written documents, it can be said that areas outside the city’s defense walls were exploited for agriculture and horticulture. During the Qajar period of Hamedan, with the center of the mosque and the bazaar in the south and southeast direction, it expanded and some new neighborhoods, along with urban elements such as mosques, baths, etc., are being constructed in this area. Most of the reasons for the expansion of the city’s texture in this area can be considered as the proper slope of the land and the lack of natural effects that could have been a barrier to construction. Due to the flow of the four rivers inside and outside the city during the Qajar period and their annual floods that occur as a result of heavy and long -term rainfall, as well as the slope of the city in the south -north, as a result of the flooding of the northern parts, as well as the natural complication. The so -called Mosalla hill in the eastern part, which prevented the development of the city’s physical structure, was the best way to develop it, southern and southeast side, along the rivers in the inner -city rivers of al -Wawsger and Davin. According to written and illustrated documents as well as existing architectural works and archaeological evidence, it can be said that the city of Hamedan in the Qajar period from the north to the Goulan Heights, Nazarbaig and Shalabafan, from the east to the neighborhoods of Imamzadeh Yahya and Zandis, from the West to the Bonehbazar and Sabadbafan neighborhoods were confined to the Kolapa, Doroudabad and Doguran neighborhoods from the south. Also, the result of studies on the role and influence of different social groups and classes in the formation of Qajar architectural works of Hamadan indicated that the traders and marketers of the marketers top the list of builders and sponsors of various buildings (religious, commercial, residential and public).

Abstract
Ardebil’s Jomeh Mosque is located on an ancient beat that has been the city’s cemetery for centuries. All written sources and archaeological evidence state that the mosque has gathered artistic and architectural innovations from the early Islamic centuries to the Qajar era. Today’s remnants of the building are located in the northeast of Ardabil city and due to measures to preserve the building, it still maintains its firmness. The main purpose of this research is to identify the structural, physical and decorative characteristics of the building in different historical periods. The present study seeks to answer the following questions. What changes have been made to the spatial structure and structure of the mosque from the beginning of its emergence to the contemporary period? And in terms of map and archaeological evidence, which buildings are comparable to the Jomeh mosque? The research method is interpretive- historical and analytical. In addition, documentation and comparative studies have been the basis of the work. The data collection tool is library and field. Based on the results of the research and according to the narratives and writings of researchers and the results of archaeological studies, it can be concluded that its original building dates back to the early Days of Islam, which has been destroyed and rebuilt several times during different periods and has elements of Deilami, Seljuk, Ilkhanid and Qajar architecture and contemporary era. The current persistence of the Jomeh Mosque has Seljuk architecture, but the interior and decorative arrays of the building are in contrast to its façade. In terms of architectural structures, this building has a combination of four arches with porch, which is very similar to seljuk-like, comprehensive and comprehensive buildings of Uremia. Also, the pillar discovered in The Nave have a clear similarity with the historical mosque of Damghan and Jomeh Nain.
Keywords: Ardebil, Friday Mosque, Historical Developments, Analysis of Physical Structure, Building Decoration.

Introduction
Ardebil’s plural mosque is located in the northeast of Ardabil city over an artificial pulse of approximately 5 meters, among the neighborhoods of Pir Shams al-Din and Abdullah Shah. Among the people, it is known as “Jomeh Masjid” and is among the early centuries-old Islamic buildings in Ardabil. Studies have been conducted by domestic and foreign researchers about the emergence and evolution and the manner of the destruction of this cubic building. Today, only the remnants of the dome and porch, which were later reshaped and transformed into an indoor nave, and the minaret remains solitary.
Even some scholars are skeptical about the use of this building as a mosque. In recent decades, archaeological excavations have been carried out in this mosque and have been able to recognize some of the architectural features of this mosque. Considering that this mosque reflects the art and architecture of different periods of the Islamic period in Ardabil and also as one of the few remaining buildings in the primary and historical core of the city, identifying and studying the characteristics of this mosque can help to further understand its architecture, decoration and comparison with its contemning buildings. It has been tried to collect as much information as possible from the characteristics of this mosque through library studies, reporting archaeological excavations and using surveys and visits to the site.
The research questions are as follows: 1) what changes have been made in the structure of the mosque from the beginning of Genesis to the contemporary period? 2) Which decorations belong to which periods? 3) In terms of the physical and decorative Friday of the mosque is comparable to which buildings? The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is a combination of two methods of field and documentary (including identification, study, classification of information, analysis of them and data collection on the subject of the study).

Materials and Methods
The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is a combination of two methods of field and documentary (including identification, study, classification of information, analysis of them and data collection on the subject of the study).

Data
Jomeh Mosque, which was once the most elevated building of the city, is formed in the present situation from three parts: 1- dome house 2- Ivan, which is now a mosque and its southern side leads to the dome space through a large mouth and elevation. 3- Minaret located along the middle axis of Seljuk Mosque (Shahbazi Shiran, 2019:9). Considering the present situation of the mosque, it seems that this building is the same mosque that historians of the early centuries have described about it. In some sources, historians have generalized descriptions of the space of the old mosque.
In the early Islamic centuries, a space called a mosque, a large fence around the city with gates on four sides and a crucifix-shaped market that formed these factors formed the main core of the city. Archaeological studies in recent decades (1974, 1988 and 2019) can help. The discovering of northern and western naves with the base of the pillar as well as their similarity with the pillars of early Islamic mosques is consistent with the statements of Islamic historians. Descriptions mentioned in historical texts about the mosque can help effectively within the area of the building. It is also said that in the early centuries, the city had a mosque (Baladi, 1967:167-163). The Safavid travel writers’ report also mentions the Friday of Ardebil Mosque and shows that the building was still functioning in worship before this period despite destruction in some parts and has attracted the attention of tourists (Yousefi, 2020:913). This is a reason for historians and Orientalists who have described and visited this building.

Discussion
Our knowledge of the building in the early centuries is based on historical sources and archaeological reports. The mosque in the Deylamian era had the foundations of thick and polygonal pillar. In the Seljuk period, it was fourfold (Torabi Tabatabai, 1355:284) and a low-rise dome. In the Ilkhanid era, in addition to the construction and restoration of destroyed sections, the thickness of the southern wall has increased (Siro, 1988:184). And tile and gypsum decorations were added to it. From the Qajar era, the foundations of four-sided pillar were obtained (Shahbazi Shiran, 2004:28). Archaeological discoveries have led to the identification of three architectural periods indicating the evolution of architecture from historical period (problems) to Qajar era in this section (Yousefi, 2020:912).
The ancient excavations of Shakhti have shown that contrary to what was thought until then, the Jomeh Mosque was not exclusive to the dome and the remains of the porch, but had several extensions and components and encompassed a wide space. In total, seven pillar stands emerged from the total base of western nave pillar and showed that more remained intact (i.e., 34 and 35). Also, in 1988, the first trench encountered the remains of a huge stone wall stretching west along the outer wall of the southern wall of the dome. The wall itself is built on ancient remains and underneath it are buried pieces of brick inscriptions in the prominent Kufic script.
The construction of northern pillar is based on a kind of reminiscent of the pillars of our pre-Seljuk mosques (3rd and 4th centuries AH) including the historical Damghan Mosque and the Nain Grand Mosque, and these pillar should be considered as pre-Seljuk. The minaret of this building is completely solitary and there is no sign of its connection to the Seljuk building. In terms of the type of plan, it is possible to compare the Jomeh Mosque of Ardebil with the Bersian Mosque and the Grand Mosque of Uremia, which is one of the buildings of the Seljuk era.

Conclusion
In the 4th century AH, Ardabil city was the largest and most important city of Azerbaijan according to historical sources and the center of that state and the headquarters of the army. On the ruins of the primary mosque, one of the primary pillar mosques, which is composed of different courtyards and naves, parts of it have been destroyed and the soil has been destroyed. According to archaeological evidence, the initial mosque had a columned nave map with a map and pattern of early Islamic mosques. Ardebil Mosque in its Seljuk form consists of a dome and a porch in front of it, and the results of the Jomeh mosque survey show the continuation of the application of such proportions before the construction of the Ilkhanid era. According to the map, these mosques are comparable to their contemporary buildings including the Bersih Jomeh and the Jomeh Mosque of Uremia. According to the comparison of the building with the Barsian community, it can be said that by following the usual customs, the Chahartaghi Mosque of Barsian has at least definitely influenced part of the detailed structure, façade and map of the Jomeh Mosque, and the plans of the building (Barsian Mosque) have been expressed completely differently in the work of the next architects (Jomeh Mosque). The other is that Ardebil’s plural mosque is so closely based on the Jomeh Mosque of Uremia that the direct architectural impact of the Jomeh Mosque of Ardebil on it is hardly undeniable.
Considering that the quadrilateral and porch composites are more closed than Fermi’s four-porch plan, therefore it is more proportional to the cold climate of Ardabil region and finally, due to the fact that the body is subject to climate or function and the porch is located in the four-fold plan on the northern jab, it is naturally used in mosques as a cold part. Also, the decorative arrays used in Ardabil’s plural mosque have been used in perfect harmony with the construction periods. Considering the identification of decorative arrays, the Seljuk period to the end of the Qajar era was enumerated for interior and exterior decorations of the mosque.

Abstract
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.

Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.

Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).

Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.

Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.

Abstract
Saqanefars are kinds of wooden ritual monuments with religious functionality, found only in Mazandaran province, north of Iran, and date back to the Qajar era. In these buildings, the mourning of Muharram and other mourning rituals are held every year. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran’s Saqanefars, the type of wood used in these buildings has not yet been identified and researches have been focused on their architecture and paintings. In this research, the wood used in different structural members of five Saqanefars in different areas of Qaemshahr including Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK) were examined macro- and microscopically. After extracting a list of wood anatomical features from the stained microscopic sections, each specimen was identified. All studied specimens were of ring-porous hardwoods. Except for GN, other wood samples turned the water golden after immersion. The wood species used in the Saqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were identified as Zelkova (Zelkova carpinifolia) while the Saqanefar of GN were made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). Both kinds of wood are durable, have little moisture uptake, and do not require much repair and maintenance work. Oaks and other tree species with high-quality constructional timber were as widespread as Zelkova in the forests near studied Saqanefars. Hence, the preference for Zelkova could not solely be related to its availability and technical quality. Considering that from the 16th century onwards, Zelkova wood became one of the most popular types of timber for the construction of historical and religious buildings in the Far East (especially in Korea and Japan), and the similarity of the architecture and painting of wooden Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, choosing this wood could partly be influenced by cultural exchanges.
Keywords: Wooden Structure, Cultural Heritage, Sacred Building, Wood Identification, Iran.

Introduction
A Saqanefar is a kind of ritual monument in Mazandaran province, north of Iran. Some older Saqanefars are completely wooden and were built in the late Safavid and early Qajar periods, and due to cultural exchanges between the local people and Chinese merchants, they are partially influenced by the architecture of Buddhist temples. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran Saqanefars, the type and age of the timbers used in them has not been investigated so far, and researches have been limited to their architecture and surface paintings. However, knowing the type of constructional timbers used in ancient wooden structures and objects can provide many unknown facts about the history, culture and trades in a region. Moreover, for the maintenance and renovation of ancient buildings, it is essential to know the type of wood used in them. In this research, the types of used timbers in the historical Saqanefars of Qaemshahr city were identified and discussed. The main hypothesis of the research was that due to the sacredness of Saqanefar s, lumbers from a certain tree species was used in their construction.

Materials and Methods 
Five Saqanefars were identified in different areas of Qaemshahr city, located in the villages of Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK). Small wooden samples were extracted from different parts of each monument, using a handsaw or an increment borer. The transverse surface of the samples was sanded and first examined macroscopically. Then, thin sections were cut, stained, and analyzed, microscopically. The anatomical features of the wood of each sample were extracted based on the IAWA list of microscopic features for hardwood identification (Wheeler et al., 1989) and finally, each sample was identified.

Results and Discussion 
With the macroscopic and microscopic examination of the samples, it was found that all samples extracted from different structural members of a Saqanefar are made of the same wood species. The wood used in the four Sqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were all from zelkova trees (Zelkova carpinifolia), while the Sqanefar GN was made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). This distinction was evident in the golden color of the water after immersing the wood of the first four Saqanefar and the absence of such a state in the last one. Zelkova is a high-quality wood and is known as one of the best construction timbers. Zelkova wood has a low moisture uptake, and in addition to wooden structures, it was also used to make the door and window frames of mosques in Iran (Browicz, 1982). This wood was widely used for construction of historic timber structures (Hwang et al., 2009) and places of worship in the Far East, and is considered the most important hardwood in building of old temples in South Korea (Kim & Choi, 2016). In Japan, Zelkova wood has been used to build temples since the 16th century. In fact, it was the Chinese carpenters who taught the Japanese how to work with this tough wood and suggested its use in the 15th century (Mertz, 2016). Oak has been one of the most popular type of wood for building timber for centuries due to its high durability and the little need for maintenance and repair. 

Conclusion 
Most of the old, timber-structured Saqanefars in the villages of north Iran were made of zelkova, and only one of the five investigated structures was from oak wood. Considering that these two woods are of good and comparable quality, and almost the similar abundance of these two species in the forests around the location of Saqanfears, the preference for using Zelkova is not only due to technical and economic issues, and could be related to cultural reasons. Zelkova wood is mostly used for the construction of shrines and religious sites in the Far East and especially in Korea, and due to the similarity of the architecture and painting of Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, the choice of Zelkova timber for the construction of these places can be partly influenced by cultural exchanges. 

Abstract
Agriculture played a significant role in the economic prosperity and development during the Sassanid era. The Sassanid facilitated economic, social, and political growth by constructing water structures tailored to the environmental landscape of the region and establishing laws for water utilization. The presence of perennial rivers like the Dez and Karkheh in Khuzestan created conditions not only to supply the water needs of local settlements but also to address the shortage of drinking, industrial, and agricultural water in other areas distant from rivers that had fertile soil. This was achieved through the construction of structures such as weirs, canals, Qanats, and other water facilities. Specifically, the water supply for the city and agricultural lands of Gondishapur, located 15 kilometers from the Dez River, was accomplished through various water bodies; among these, river Qanats played a fundamental role in transferring reliable water from the Dez River to the city and its farmlands. Archaeological field studies conducted by the authors have led to the identification of new water structures, including weirs, Qanats, and related canals, which had previously been recognized only in part. A considerable portion of these structures is located on the eastern side of the Dez River, and some extend near Gondishapur, suggesting the hypothesis that river Qanats were the main source of water supply for this city-a notion traceable in historical writings. The primary question of this research is how the permanent water required by the city of Gondishapur was supplied, what role the river Qanats played, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Satellite imagery analysis indicates the prominent role of Qanats utilization in transferring water to Gondishapur from the Dez River during the Sassanid period, although some of the Dezful Qanats can be attributed to a later period, even the Safavid era.
Keywords: Aqueduct - Canal, Sater Structure, Dez River, Gondishapur, Dezful, Sasanian.

Introduction
Water, as a vital element, has played a central role in the development of civilizations. In Iran, a country with water limitations, this issue has gained double significance, and water engineering has been recognized as one of the most prominent aspects of Iranian technology and skill from ancient times to the present. The Qanats, one of the most astonishing achievements of water engineering in Iran, is regarded not only as a solution for managing scarce water resources but also as a valuable cultural symbol. These irrigation systems, some of which extend over a hundred kilometers, are renowned not only in Iran but also worldwide.
In this text, the author examines the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and its connection with the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It is emphasized that a more accurate understanding of these systems can contribute to a better comprehension of the subsistence economy and economic development during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. Furthermore, analytical-comparative studies can demonstrate the level of creativity and the impact of these systems on the life of the city of Gondishapur.
The author has used descriptive-analytical methods and tools such as remote sensing, aerial and satellite imagery, maps, and digital elevation models to analyze the data. This research seeks to answer questions about the role of river Qanats in providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur and how the technology and construction methods of these Qanats were.
The research hypotheses state that the water needed for the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River. Tangible evidence such as the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes are presented as examples of this technology.
This research not only assesses the historical and archaeological aspects of these systems but also pays attention to their importance in sustainable development and the preservation of cultural heritage. Ultimately, this study can serve as an important resource for researchers interested in the history and technology of water in Iran.

Discussion
The central question of the current research is how the perennial water supply needed by the city of Gondishapur was secured, what role the River Qanats played in this, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was like. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Therefore, the forthcoming article examines and analyzes the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and how it relates to the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It specifically seeks to answer the following questions: Based on historical and archaeological documents, how are the River Qanats evaluated in terms of providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur? And what was the technology and construction method of the River Qanats of Dezful and their various components? Following these questions, the hypotheses of this research have been organized as follows: The water needed by the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River as a permanent water source. This action has been evidenced by the construction of the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes as tangible proofs of water transfer to the city of Gondishapur.

Conclusion
Field research and analysis of Corona aerial imagery have revealed numerous water structures in the northern, western, eastern, and southern areas surrounding Dezful. Among these, the Qanats located on the eastern bank of the Dez River hold particular significance due to their direct relevance to this study. For instance, no traces of Qanats are identifiable in the Yaqub-e Leyth region in the 1968 Corona images, yet two Qanats shafts were discovered during field investigations. A primary deficiency in the initial plan was the failure to identify the Qanats chains in the Benuarshami area. Following the discovery of ancient Qanats and canals, research began on their history, indicating that some Dezful Qanats, such as Qamish-e Momenun, might date back to the Safavid era. It appears that parts of these Qanats, ancient canals, and water structures supplying the city of Gondishapur were constructed at least in the latter half of the Sassanid period, or it cannot be said that all Dezful Qanats branches belong to a specific era.
It seems that in the first half of the Sassanid period, open earthen canals were responsible for supplying water to Gondishapur, and in the latter half, the introduction of new crops such as rice and sugarcane increased water demand, rendering the canals connected to the Dez River insufficient. This situation partly justifies the creation of Qanats. After the abandonment of the city in the 7th or 8th century AH, it is likely that the water supply structures of Gondishapur became ineffective. Consequently, the Qanats, whose water discharge was recorded until 1966 AD, transferred water to the western lands of Gondishapur or directed it downstream via the Siyah Mansur River.

Abstract
The Kur River basin, located in the Northwest of Fars province, is considered one of the main centers of the formation of the Achaemenid Empire. In terms of geographical landscape and climatic characteristics, the mentioned region includes vast intermountain plains (including Marvdasht and Korbal), rivers with deep beds (Kur and Sivand) and semi-arid climate. According to these conditions, the managers of Achaemenid economic-political institutions intelligently used the environmental capabilities of the region by building dams, weirs, Pool, reservoirs/catchments and canals to control surface waters and direct them to the ground. Agriculture and human settlements have paid. The dams and Weirs, while playing the aforementioned role, also prevented the damage to the agricultural lands located downstream by controlling the floods. The method of construction and selection of materials in the construction of structures has been different depending on the environment and their function. Dams and Weirs are mainly formed with an earthen core and a stone wall. The canals are also created in two ways: earthen and stone, or a combination of these two methods. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. The present study tries to introduce the Hydraulic Structures of the Kur River basin, its functional nature and morphological characteristics by using the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the evidences resulting from archaeological excavations and surveys. 
Keywords: Achaemenians, Kur River Basin, Hydraulic Structures, Canal, Agriculture.

Introduction
Central Fars region/Kur basin has a semi-arid climate with a Mediterranean rainfall pattern, most of which occurs in the winter season. New geological research and climate data show that during the Achaemenid period, the weather conditions of the Kur River basin were very similar to today (Djamali et al., 2009; Kehl et al., 2009; Rigot, 2010). Therefore, water control and management in a semi-arid environment with irregular rainfall patterns and rivers with deep beds has been vital and inevitable. According to these conditions, the managers of the political and economic institutions of the region have invested in the construction of structures such as dams, Weirs, reservoirs, and canals, whose works and evidence have been proven as a result of research and investigation. These Structures were built in different areas of the Kur River and with different purposes. The discussed structures in terms of dimensions and size, the amount of work and the materials used show the support and investment of the government. Therefore, the existence of various water structures, conducting targeted research in order to find out the functional nature of the structures, their physical structure and the reasons for assigning them to the Achaemenid period seems necessary. The main and important question of the current research is what was the function and performance of Hydraulic Structures in the Kur River basin during the Achaemenid period? What was the basis of the chronology and assignment of the studied water structures to the Achaemenid period? The structure, the environmental study and the geographical background of the formation of the structures have shown their various functions, such as supplying water to human settlements and agricultural lands, controlling and directing floods. Also, the discussed structures have been dated to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar Structures.

Identified Traces 
As it was mentioned before, as a result of Archaeological investigations and researches, several important Hydraulic structures from the Achaemenid period have been identified and studied in the Kur river basin. In terms of morphological characteristics, the mentioned structures are divided into groups such as Dams, Weirs, Canals and Reservoirs. Among them, we can mention Band-e- Dokhtar, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Rahmat Mountain Canal, Asiyab Dam, Qondashloo Mountain Canal, etc. For the accurate dating of some of these structures (such as the band Dokhtar and the Bard Burideh), there is enough evidence, including the use of carved stone blocks and Dovetail Clamps. But some others can be attributed to the Achaemenid period based on possible evidence, including comparative comparison with similar structures and the connection with the surrounding sites. Band-e- Bas II and identified channels are included in this group. The precision and skill used in the construction of these structures indicate the existence of advanced engineering in the Achaemenid period. The chosen place for the implementation of Hydraulic projects reflects their functional nature. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Hydraulic Structures can be defined in connection with water supply and irrigation projects. The reason for the existence of Channels makes sense in this connection. Band-e- Dokhtar, Band-e- Bas and Asiyab Dam probably had a multifaceted function (irrigation, water supply and flood control). The Persepolis Tablets refer to a large amount of Agricultural and horticultural products in the Kur River basin. According to the texts of Persepolis, the diet of the people of this area in the Achaemenid period was mainly based on Agricultural products (barley and wine). Some of these crops can only be cultivated if irrigated. In addition, the implementation of irrigation projects has made it possible to plant nurseries and fruit gardens (mentioned in the Tablets).

Conclusion 
As the heart of the Achaemenid Empire, the Kur River basin has diverse environmental and geographical capabilities, including vast and fertile plains and permanent rivers. These natural characteristics have prompted the economic policy makers of the Achaemenid Empire to implement the economic programs of the Kur region according to its potential. The use and exploitation of surface water (rivers and springs) for the economic prosperity of the region by building structures such as dams, Weirs, canals and reservoirs is one of these measures. In this context, Band-e- Dokhtar and the canal branching from it, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Koh-e- Rahmat Canal, Koh-e- Qondashloo Canal, Koh-e- Ayyub Canal, Dezhabad-Amir Aqueduct are worth mentioning. The environmental study of the formation of structures and their placement in the landscape of the region shows that the main purpose of creating structures was to supply water to human settlements and Agricultural lands. The Persepolis Archive implicitly indicate the expansion and prosperity of agriculture/Gardening activities and diet based on agricultural products in the Kur river basin. Also, the reference of the Tablets to the cultivation of water crops (cotton, flax and rice) and various fruits can be considered as clear evidence of the role of water supply structures. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding Sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. In terms of size and dimensions, the above structures show the amount of work and materials used for government support and investment.

Abstract
Historic cities, as reflections of the interaction between natural and human forces over different periods, have always provided a basis for studying physical structures and spatial transformations. From this perspective, the historic city of Narāq—due to its particular geographical location along the communication routes from Kashan to western Iran and its access to natural resources and physical elements—has so far remained largely unexamined. The main objective of this study is to investigate and analyze the role of both natural and human geographical factors in the formation of the spatial structure and the physical transformations of Narāq throughout its history, an issue that has not yet been addressed in a comprehensive and systematic manner.   This study employs a descriptive–historical approach, utilizing both documentary and field data collection methods. Historical written sources—including geographical texts, travelogues, waqf deeds, and local documents—were analyzed.  The findings indicate that Narāq’s location along major historical trade routes and its access to water resources, combined with the region’s specific topographical conditions, played a pivotal role in its economic prosperity and in shaping the city’s linear spatial pattern during the Safavid and Qajar periods.  The findings indicate that Narāq’s location along major historical trade routes and its access to water resources, combined with the region’s specific topographical conditions, played a pivotal role in its economic prosperity and in shaping the city’s linear spatial pattern during the Safavid and Qajar periods. The interruption of these communication routes and the economic changes in the contemporary era have led to a decline in the city’s urban functions, creating a spatial disconnect between the historic core and the new urban developments. The research highlights the need to formulate conservation strategies and spatial regeneration plans that aim to restore the relationship between the historic elements and the city’s contemporary structure.
Keywords: Narāq, Historical Geography, Communication Routes, Spatial Structure, Historic City.

Introduction
Previous studies on the city of Narāq have primarily provided a brief examination of its physical fabric and individual historical monuments, without offering a systematic understanding of the role and impact of natural and human geographical factors in the city’s spatial and physical formation and transformation. Moreover, the alteration of communication routes in the contemporary period and the resulting disruption in the continuity of physical and functional connections have posed serious challenges to the city’s historical identity and spatial cohesion.
The central question of this research is how natural factors—such as climate, water resources, and topography—and human factors—including economic, cultural, and political relations—have, at different historical periods and in various ways, contributed to shaping the spatial and physical structure of Narāq, and what consequences this process has had for the pattern of the city’s contemporary development.
The study and analysis of the historical geography of ancient cities—particularly Narāq—is significant because these settlements represent a living reflection of the interactions between natural and human forces throughout history. Understanding the processes that shaped them provides a valuable basis for interpreting their spatial and historical identity, for planning sustainable development, and for formulating policies aimed at conserving urban heritage.
At a time when many of the country’s historic cities are facing crises of identity and physical integrity as a result of contemporary spatial and functional transformations, examining the factors that influenced the spatial formation and evolution of Narāq—as a prominent example of a strategically located settlement on the Iranian Plateau—can help identify development patterns that are better suited to local and historical contexts.
The necessity of this research also lies in filling the existing gap in systematic historical–geographical studies on Narāq and in clarifying the role of communication routes and natural resources in its spatial formation and subsequent transformations—an issue that has been largely overlooked in both national and regional research so far.

Research Questions and Hypothesis: The primary research question aims to identify the key factors that influenced the historical development of the city of Narāq. In particular:
• What role have human factors played in the city’s formation?
The primary hypothesis proposed in response to these questions relates to Narāq’s distinctive geographical position—specifically, its location along major communication routes. Although environmental factors such as water resources and agricultural lands played a crucial role in the formation and subsequent transformation of the city’s spatial structure, these developments were fundamentally shaped by regional connections and the city’s position on important trade routes.

Urban Structure of Narāq
The principal structural elements of a traditional Iranian city typically include: the Arg or Kuhandezh (citadel), the Shahrestan (main residential city), the central urban complex—comprising mosques, madrasas, bazaars, and neighborhood centers—urban connecting spaces such as alleys (guzar), squares, hosseiniyehs, and shrines, the outer section (rabad) with surrounding villages, gardens and farmlands, as well as water-related features such as qanats, cisterns, and icehouses (Tousili, 2012: 34).
Field surveys show that among these elements, Narāq essentially lacks a Kuhandezh (old citadel) that would have formed the basis for the city’s secondary development. This absence may be attributed to the history and type of early settlements in the region, characterized by numerous farmlands scattered across the geographical setting of Narāq. Kalantar Zarrabi, in his History of Kashan, describes it as follows:
“From Narāq, a great river and torrent descend from the mouth of Suk Cham, first from the southern and western highlands of Kashan, crossing the travelers’ road to Iraq-e Ajam and Arabia, and finally reaching the Kashan plain. Along the banks and surroundings of the river lie green and flourishing villages and farmlands.” (Kalantar Zarrabi, 1962: 17)
From a morphological perspective, Narāq exhibits a compact urban fabric oriented east–west, following the course of the river and parallel to the northern and southern mountain ranges. This layout clearly reflects the influence of geographical location on the city’s form. The urban fabric is shaped by two main thoroughfares:
• Imam Khomeini Street, which extends in an east–west direction, and
• Fazel Naraqi Street, which runs parallel to Imam Khomeini Street, starting from the eastern part of the city and leading westward to the Jame’ Mosque.

Conclusion
This study aimed to explore the historical geography of the city of Narāq and to explain the role of natural factors in shaping the city’s formation and spatial–physical transformations. The findings reveal that Narāq’s distinctive geographical location along the historical communication routes between Kashan and western Iran—especially during the Safavid and Qajar periods—provided an effective foundation for spatial development, economic prosperity, and the consolidation of its urban status. Abundant water resources, the linear topography, and the close relationship with surrounding fields and gardens, together with communication corridors running parallel to the river and valley, led to the formation of the city’s unique physical structure and the establishment of functional elements such as the bazaar, squares, and religious centers along east–west axes. Chronologically, it was shown that during the pre-Islamic and Sasanian periods, settlements were primarily located in the surrounding areas and on the elevated fringes. Gradually, in the Islamic era—particularly during the Safavid period—the city’s spatial and communicational center became firmly established near the river. This spatial pattern reflected the natural setting and the functional needs of the traditional society of that time. The analysis of more recent developments indicates that the redirection of major communication routes and the consequent disruption of the city’s functional connection with its former strategic networks have resulted in economic decline, spatial disjunction within the historic fabric, and the diminishing role of the bazaar, placing the city on a path of uneven contemporary transformation. Given Narāq’s limited population and the modest pace of migration, no major transformation of the city’s structure has occurred; its historical evolution continues to be shaped largely by natural advantages and geographical factors. The research demonstrates that a thorough understanding of historical geography and the application of traditional models compatible with the natural setting and the socio-cultural context play a crucial role in preserving and enhancing the city’s historic structure, both now and in the future.