Abstract
One of the shortcomings of this field is the study of architectural remains individually and without considering the text layers and textural changes affecting it. This study described intertextuality connections of architectural and urbanization collections of Tabriz during the Il-khanate period in two levels: micro (Tabriz city) and macro (regional and international) through discourse analysis and using historical and archaeological data in order to reveal the evolutions and implicit semantics of text layers (architectural and urbanization collections). It is question that how intertextuality connections of the mentioned remains from point of view layer semiology have been and how have manifested semiotic systems. In this study in order to understand data is used qualitative method in the form of descriptive-analytical. Findings show that the use of intertextuality reading of layered semiology leads to the understanding of hidden layers of meaning in architectural remains and involves the effect of broader paradigms in study. In the intertextuality connections of different layers of architecture and urban planning of Tabriz in the Il-khanate era at micro and macro levels, codes such as the main elements of government, including political power, cultural-religious power and economic power, the layers (temporal, spatial, cultural-social) are entered into a syntagmatic and paradigmatic connections and have become a semiotics.
Keywords: Il-Khanate Period, Tabriz, Layered Semiology, Intertextuality Connections, Codes.

Introduction
Although fundamental research on semiology in general and architectural semiology, in particular, are rather abundant, it has been neglected as an approach for many artistic instances in a monographic and independent manner. Therefore, the current study seeks to determine the intertextuality relations and interpretation process between architectural and urban collections in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, such as Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah, using semiology studies and especially, post-structuralism and its layered approach to identify the evolution and different semantic layers within the architecture and urban development of the city during that period. Although various scholars investigated the architecture and urban development of the Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era in different books and papers, no study took a semiotics and semantic approach to examine the semantic meanings. The applications of semiology in Iran were mainly limited to linguistics and literary or religious texts. Many researchers neglected the architectural perception (including historic architecture) and its different structures as a kind of language having all required semiotics systems, or they were influenced by common methods of reviewing the history of art, including traditionalism (especially mystical and historic approaches). This study sought to answer the following questions: (1) what were the semantic evolutions of Tabriz architectural works caused by contextual changes (i.e., time, location, society-culture, and intertextuality relations) on a macro (i.e., Iran and the region) and micro (i.e., Tabriz city) level? (2) What are the intertextuality relations between prominent architectural works in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era based on the semiology approach, and (3) how are different semiotics systems manifested in different layers of texts (architecture)? The research is a fundamental qualitative study using a descriptive-analytic approach and the interpretative post-structural semiology method, aiming to represent the hidden meanings of prominent architectural works of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era in the form of “text”, “context”, and “codes.” The main goal was to investigate the process and how the meaning changed in the architecture and urban development collections of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, along with its contextual variations.

Discussion
Many architecture and urban development collections were constructed in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, especially during Ghazan Khan’s reign. There is not enough archaeological information about the plan and structure of architecture and urban development collections of that era, except for the Citadel of Alishah. However, the main architectural structures of the collections can be determined, and their different meanings and aspects might be analyzed using major historical sources of the era and the remnants of the collections. For Shanb Ghazan, buildings such as congregational mosque, Shafi’i and Hanafi religious schools, Beyt al-Ghanoon (House of Law), etc., as symbolic systems and the location of the Sultan tomb in the centre as the most important system are instances of the bond between political power and religion. Ghazan Khan was thoughtfully seeking to monopolize political power and religion for his government and himself. In fact, when the caliphate collapsed, and a kind of void was felt by the people, Ghazan Khan manifested the political power-religion bond in his buildings based on the theories of Khawaja Rashiduddin, which can be found in Shanb Ghazan. Roshidyeh Town was the utopia of Rashiduddin, who tried to build the town based on his national and Islamic school of thought regarding political philosophy. The economy of Rashidi depended on surrounding villages and gardens. So, unlike Shanb Ghazan, the city was economically independent. Citadel of Alishah was built by Tajuddin Alishah, the vizier of Öljaitü and Abu Sa’id Bahadur Khan, between 1316 and 1324. In fact, Tajuddin Alishah concentrated and associated symbolic elements of religious power (i.e., mosque and Khanqah), political power (i.e., governmental buildings and palaces), and economic power (i.e., bazaars) in Citadel of Alishah to lessen the importance of Rashiduddin’s brilliant works and gain legitimacy with people and Sultan. His actions remained incomplete by his death. If political, religious, and economic powers are considered the three pillars of governance, Rab’-e Rashidi is the true example of establishing a bond between politics and religion and a symbol of religion. However, all power elements (i.e., political, religious, and economic) accompany each other in Citadel of Alishah, reflecting the general power structure and network at that time.

Conclusion
The results showed that the meanings of Ilkhanid architectural collections of Tabriz became a trend, manifesting through architectural works of other cities and creating a series of particular relations, which are completely affected by contextual changes on a micro and macro level. The prominent architectural works of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era represent a system of codes composed of different layers, such as Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah. On the macro level, Tabriz had intertextuality relations with cities such as Maragheh, Soltanieh, Baghdad, and Karakoram/Beijing and meaning was constantly flowing and communicated between these cities. As intertextuality relations were interpreted, it was established that different layers of Tabriz city, including Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah, on the micro level, and Maragheh, Soltanieh, Baghdad, and Karakoram/Beijing on the macro level are the representation and external instances of the relations between codes of political, religious-cultural, and economic powers with various sub-codes as the main pillars of governance. These cities became a semiosis for each pillar in a certain period due to the meanings exchanged during the Ilkhanid dynasty.
On the micro level, Shanb Ghazan is an example of the bond between politics and religion accompanied by sub-codes, such as Persian approaches to town management and supporting Shafi’i, Hanafi, mystical, etc. religions or building religious schools near Ghazan tomb. With Gonbadkhaneh (Dome Room) in the center (the tomb of Rashiduddin), Rab’-e Rashidi outshines Shanb Ghazan as a religious and scientific semiotics. In the layered semiology perspective, Rab’-e Rashidi encompasses a company and then a substitution relation between religion and science. The gathering of main government codes, including political power (i.e., governmental buildings and palaces), religious power (i.e., mosque and Khanqah), and economic power (i.e., bazar and downtown) in a structural system was achieved for the first time in Citadel of Alishah during Öljaitü reign. However, when he died and was replaced by Abu Sa’id, the Citadel of Alishah lost its statute to Soltanieh Dome due to the different viewpoint of the new Sultan toward religion. In the next eras and especially when Safavids came to power, the Citadel of Alishah was considered a virtual representation of military power against Ottoman invasions because the capital was changed to Ghazvin and Isfahan and the locational context was changed.

Acknowledgment
The Authors of the article consider it necessary to appreciate the anonymous referees of the journal who accepted the effort and added to the richness of the text of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The Authors declare that according to the extraction of the article from the doctoral thesis, the writing was done by the first Author with the guidance and supervision of the second Author and the consultation of the third Author.

Conflict of Interest
The Authors, while observing the publishing ethics, declare the absence of conflict of interest and material and administrative support from the Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor of Mohaghegh Ardabili University.

Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.

Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn.  It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.

History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture.  Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.

The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.

Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.