Abstract
The composition of music and poem has leaded both of them to poetical growth and deep thinking. Sasanid civilization had penetrated in to the pillars of the society in Abbasid period, and music found an important place as one of the symbols of Sasanid civilization. Poets in Abbasid period have  created lovely images by musical instruments. In this way, Abu Nawas was a poet who showed his power in creating poetical images by musical instruments. He was able to mix music with human feeling. He knew music as a doleful tune and delightful melody which rises up of the soul of musician, it did not come from a strict string, or a lifeless wood (stick). In his poems, he mentioned some of the instruments; Lute and Flute and Harp, Tambourine and Tanbur and Mizmar were the most important among them.
Keywords: Iranian Music, Abu Nawas, Sasanian Period.

Introduction
Music of Sassanid and Abbasid era: The history of musical performance in Sassanid Iran is, however, better documented than earlier periods. This is specially more evident in the context of Zoroastrian ritual. By the time of Xusro Parviz, the Sassanid royal court was the host of prominent musicians. In general, the period of Xosro Parviz reign is regarded as an “golden age of Iranian music” and himself is shown in a large relief at Taq-e Bostan among his musicians and himself holding bow and arrows and while standing in a boat amidst a group of harpists. The relief depicts two boats and the whole picture shows these boats at “two successive moments within the same panel”.
 The musical instruments which appeared distinctly on the Sassanid sculptures were the harp, the horn, the Daf, the drum and the flute or pipe. The harp is triangular, and has seven strings; it is held in the lap, and played apparently by both hands. The drum is of small size. The horns and pipes are too crudely represented for their exact character to be apparent. Concerted pieces seem to have been sometimes played by harpers only, of whom as many as ten or twelve joined in the execution. Mixed bands were more numerous. In one instance the number of performers amounts to twenty−six, of whom seven play the harp, an equal number the flute or pipe, three the horn, one the drum, while eight are too slightly rendered for their instruments to be recognized. A portion of the musicians occupy an elevated orchestra, to which there is access by a flight of steps. Music is one of the most important factors in the Sassanian Persian civilization. Unfortunately, there is no note left from that period about their melodies. Thus, we are not able to become familiar with the theory of music in these periods.
Abu Nawas, an innovative poet: Innovative poets in the beginning of Abbasid era changed the contents of Arabic poetry. It is exclamatory that the leadership of this innovativeness belongs to Iranians. Bashaar, Abu Ataaie, Abu Nawas are the initiators of evolution in Abbasid poetry and they are called as the modernists of Abbasid Period.
Musical instruments in the poems of Abu Nawas: The names of musical instruments in Abu Nawas’ poets are mixed with his poetic emotions. For Abu Nawas, these instruments are not a set of strings or woods to be mentioned in the poem, rather he connects his emotions with these instruments. He vitalizes them. He perceives them their sound as human emotions as he blows in them or plays them weather in mood of euphoria or illness.
Lute and Flute: Lute is also called Barbat. It is an old instrument which is called Mezmer by Arabs and it is considered the best and the most joyful instrument. It is said that: they asked Lute, “is there any instrument better than you?” It answered “No”, while he bent his head to the back and stayed that way.
Harp and Daf: Literary, harp means paw and it is the name of a popular instrument or the name of anything which is bent. Harp is made by zinc. Hitting two of them together makes it sing. In Hindi they call it Jahanche. In Persian, Daf is the name of a popular instrument. In Arabic it is called Dof. Daf has a circular shape and it is made by wood, covered by animal skin. In some of its parts, rings are attached to it and this instrument is very precious for Dervishes.
Tanbur: Tanbur is a Persian musical instrument which has entered into Arabs culture. Originally this instrument was called Danbare in the beginning. Its bowl and surface was smaller than the bowl and surface of Shervanian Tanbur and it surface was flat and smooth.
Mizmar: It is said that Mizmar is a reed or it is lute and also it has been referred to as Barbat. It has been called Mezmar by concise which means Trachea. Mazaamir are burnt reeds. Paluarr form of Mizmar means Trachea and in Arabic, it means the puluarar form of singers’ instruments.

Conclusion
Last words: Abu Nawas, a modernist poet of Abbasid period, is an Arab poet (originally Persian) who has created new and beautiful concepts and images based on the culture and civilization of Sasani. This concepts and images include Iranian instruments and melodies of Sasanid period. Reed, Lute, Harp, Daf, Tanbur, Mizmar are mentioned in Abu Nawas’ poetry. Among this instruments, Reed and Lute are two mostly been mentioned together. An important point to mention about these instruments is their vitalization by the poet. These instrument are not only names to be used to describe the event or report the lifestyle of that period, they have been used as symbols to show us the joy of living, by imagination and vitalization of the instruments. Abu Nawas’ proficiency in Arabic language, his knowledge of Iranian culture and Sasanid music, enabled him to create new images and meanings and granted him a special place in Abbasid period.
 

Abstract
Up to now, 35 rock reliefs have been identified from the Sassanid period, one of them is located outside the political borders of Iran, at the site known as the Rag-e Bibi in Afghanistan. 34 other rock reliefs have been discovered inside Iran’s political borders in various regions such as: Rey city, Taq-e Bustan, Salmas, Barm-e Delak, Goyum, Tang-e chogan of Bishapour, Naqsh-e Rostam, Naqsh-e Rajab, Sarab-e Bahram, Tangab-e Firouzabad, Darabgerd, Tang-e Qandil and Sar Mashhad. Although all of these rock reliefs were studied by archaeologists and domestic and foreign researchers repeatedly, but most studies have focused on identifying the main character of the rock reliefs -the Sassanid king. And there is no serious and diligent attempt at identifying other characters on the scene. Of course, some scholars tried to clarify the true identity of some of the characters in the Sasanian rock reliefs. But most of them did not succeed. Because most of these identities are based on speculation. However, identifying individuals in the Sasanian rock reliefs should be based on historical evidence or face recognition or semiotic studies. For example, some researchers said that the character discussed in this article should be the servant of the king. Some also said that he should be the representative of the Karin family. In this research, which is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, was attempted to clarify the true identity of one of the characters in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan with the help of historical evidence, face recognition and semiotic studies. The results of the studies show that the person present in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan should be Tansar. An influential clergyman who has been tried to spread Zoroastrianism and to regulate the texts of Avesta, and helped Ardashir Babakan to reach power and also helped him stabilize his power. 
Keywords: Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Ardashir Babakan, Tansar, Historicl Approach, Face Recognition, Semiotic.

Introduction
Personology of Sassanid reliefs raised debates among researchers, because of same thematic models of Sassanid kings and lack of inscriptions. Present paper discusses Ardashir’s relief of investiture and crowned by Ahuramazda. 
The research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, whereas collected data bibliographically, identification and thorough study of different written historical sources, and fieldwork, visiting Ardashir’s reliefs at Tanganb Firuzabad, Naqsh-i-Rajab and Naqsh-i-Rostam. Comparative study of historical sources and analytical approach at archaeological evidences and using historical approache are the methods to analyze and interpret data. 

Visual Evidence and Semiotics
Sassanid martial activities initiated years earlier that Ardashir to overcome Persia. Different factors caused clergymen raised to power and became influential through Sassanid rule (Hosseini 1392). Ardashir Babakan was a priest of Anahita temple at Istakhr, Fars (Christensen 1367: 134) enjoyed and joined dissatisfied clergymen to his government and endowed them high positions; it was his philosophy because his new ruling based on religious power and aristocracy that concluded to unification of religion and ruling (Hosseini 1392). As conclusion, one can say Ardashir needed clergymen confirm him to legitimize his ruling. Direct relation and superiority on people, doubled acceptance and support of clergymen. Following study of historic and written sources on presence of a cleric figure alongside Ardashir, firstly there is need to involve in similar visual parameters of the relief, which is identified earlier, for personological studies of the figure. In order to conclude, figure of Kartir is the best option, among options, because of the similarities to target figure, on the other hand, we know Kartir for the badge on his hat (Moosavi Haji 13996: 166); powerful face with shaved face, a badged hat, and his hair that came out of his hat on neck (fig. 5). His official custom is a long robe to his knee and a belt with a sheath (fig. 6). All explanation about his appearance is comparable to our target figure, so one could suggest that the appearance characteristic of Sassanid clergymen relied on the same pattern and tradition. However, every clergyman has common characteristic in every given religion. 

Conclusion 
Accordingly, one could conclude:
- It is not logical that a neutral person, a servant, would be carved on a public media such as a royal relief, let alone in a scene of investiture ceremony and crowning of Ardashir as the representative of Ahuramazda on earth. 
- No servant allowed to hold sword.
- Accordingly, Ardashir always needed general legitimation and acceptance that could be facilitated by a chosen religious figure at people. 
- Considering Sassanid and further written and historical sources, presence of Tansar as great supporter and evangelist is undeniable. His appearance in the relief matches to the discussion of present paper. 
- Visual composition and evidences of the figure, garment, shaven face, hat, and hairs are completely similar to great clergyman Kartir of later Sassanid period, so one could probably suggest it as general homogeny of the clothing of clerics during Sassanid period. 
- Badge of the figure, is completely similar to Kartir’s badge, on the other hand, adaptable to fire altar of reverse of coins of Persid period. Persids ruled Fars province during Seleucid and Parthian eras, who were eager to religious issues, so some scholars name them “fire servants”. 
- The target figure is present at Sassanid sources and religious events of Ardashir reign, but according written sources, Kartir replaced him after this period with no further trace on reliefs. 

Abstract
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran. Numerous archaeological and artistic works as well as written manuscripts have been remained from the Sasanian period. In the meantime, oral traditions of the period and its inspiration on Islamic era cannot be denied. The Sasanian inscribed bullae are among the most important heritages of this glorious era. This article deals with a technical analysis based on “electron probe microanalysis” to understand compounding materials of the Sasanian bullae. It also stresses on the mineralogy of the bullae’s compounds and raise a question if their manipulation follow any standard(s) or not? Evaluating such a hypothesis, the authors have selected small sample pieces of the bullae from three well-known historical sites: Takht-e Soleyman (West Azarbaijan Province), Qasr-e Abu-Nasr (Fars Province) and Teppe Kabudan (Golestan Province). To answer to main question of the paper, EMPA technique has been selected, which is one of the most accurate tests. Initially, fixed compound elements of each bullae were discovered and then an attempt was undergone to evaluate and compare the bullae compounds of the three Sasanian sites.
Keywords: Sasanian, Bullae, EPMA, Mineralogy, Compound Materials.

Introduction
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran, which was founded by Ardashir I (224 AD), and constituted the last great Iranian empire before the advent of Islam (651 AD).The collapse of this dynasty was so bitter for Iranian identity and nationality, that it can be equal to Zoroastrian final resurrection in some texts.
Varied cultural heritage of this magnificent era, including royal inscriptions, coins, gold and silver vessels, glass containers, seals and bullae belonging to nobles and officials, including  priests, governors and army commanders, can be a proof of the claim. Such archeological evidences have been discovered in most of the historical sites of Iran, especially in Sasanian homeland: Fars province (cf. Gyselen 2006: 25).
Nevertheless these Zoroastrian Pahlavi manuscripts, written heritage, or the Sasanian heritages in the other countries, is out of this paper.
Although so many scholarly works have been published about the history, art and culture of the Sasanian in the past 100 years up to now (Malandra 2005: online), but less effort has been made on technical tests such as fingerprinting of the bullae, analyzing glass works with non-destructive testing, etc. in Iran.  These technical tests are obviously a part of Iranian Studies, Archaelogy and Museum studies. So, we decided to conduct a highly accurate EPMA (electron probe micro-analyzer) test on some Sasanian bullae in three different geographic regions. This paper describes the results for the first time. We avoided ICP (Inductively Coupled Plasma) test or other destructive technical tests. EPMA is one of the safe ways to examine and preserve objects without any damages. In professional ICP technical test a solution, i.e. part of an object with a liquid should be made, but such a test runs counter to the rules. 

Sasanian Bullae 
The Sasanian inscribed bullae are one of the most important remnants from this great cultural period. These works are most important references in archeological studies and Iranology, etc. such as research on artistic aspects and inscriptions (including individual names, their designation and religious legends). The bullae were also used in administrative matters, both in political affairs and in commerce (Gyselen 2002: 24). Several collections of Sasanian bullae has been discovered in Iran’s provinces most of which have been printed by Western scholars (cf. Gignoux and Gyselen 1987). These works have been made out of raw mud which has been kneaded with hands and are mostly in rounded form. In an overview, most of them are looks like the same in shape and color. The largest collection of Sasanian bullae is discovered from Takht-e Solayman. 
However, this article doesn’t focus on historical, artistic and administrative aspects of the works (cf. Azarpay 2003: online; Gubaev et al 1996: 56); but the authors of the paper are looking to find out how well the makers of these bullae were familiar with the knowledge of mineralogy? Whether they used any standard(s) to extract mines or select initial mud for the creation of these works? Whether technical tests, based on analyzing of the compound materials of the samples, can improve us about ability and knowledge of the makers? How much similar or dissimilar are those compound materials from a site to another one? 

Background
In the past years, some scholarly works were published based on the technical tests (or chemical) on metals, ceramics, bronze and porcelains. Most of them used “XRF” or “PXRF” (cf. Ashkanani 2013: 245; Tanasi at al 2017: 222-234). Meanwhile no chemical or other tests have been reported on bullae
Furthermore, the results of the tests such as XRF and the like cannot be comparable with the technical test of EPMA. While the other tests are destructive, EPMA is completely safe. Moreover, it is much easier for scholars to access to the ancient archeological works such as ceramics and bronze rather than bullae.

Selecting Samples of the Bullae from Three Historical Sites 
To answer the above mentioned questions, we selected samples from three known Sasanian sites (Iran) including: Takht-e Soleyman in West Azarbaijan ProvinceI, Qasr-e Abu Nasar in Fars ProvinceII and Tappeh Kabudan in Golestan ProvinceIII . The samples were selected from the Department of Seals and Coins of the National Museum of Iran, where the bullae of these three sites are kept. The samples were sent to Research Institute of Processing Minerals of the Ministry of Industry, the only holder of EPMA instrument in the country; Mr. Qolizadeh and his colleagues were responsible to do the technical test. Two small pieces of bullae were selected from each above mentioned site (Bullae) and sent for the EPMA test. Meanwhile, the team was unable to use the “polish section” test on the basis of BSE because of ICHTO rules; also the EPMA photos are of a higher resolution.  Obviously the resolution of %10 - %15 is enough for such a test and there is no need for resolution of %1 -%2. In this work, the expert team used the BSE shooting method, which means “backscattered electrons (for photography)”. The following, charts indicate the compound materials of the samples:
According to the charts, close similarities have been seen in the compounds of the Takht-e Soleyman samples except iron. Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s samples could be considered of having the same similarities next to Takht-e Soleyman. In fact, remarkable dissimilarities between the examples of these two sites can be seen in those of Teppeh Kabudan. 
Meanwhile the question arises as: “why there are such similarities and dissimilarities between the compounds?” 
Takht-e Soleyman is one of the most sacred, important and well-known Sasanian sites. Enough has been said and written about the religious aspect of the site for the Zoroastrianism (Boyce 1987: online) and Iran under Sasanian; the very important works of the Sasanians have been discovered in this site (Gobl 1976). This site is geographically surrounded by the nearby mountains so that the craftsmen accessed probably to the mines of clay. It is not reasonable to suppose that they transferred mud from far away!
Although Qasr-e Abu Nasr is one of the most important Sasanian sites, but it cannot be compared with Takht-e Soleyman. Meanwhile archeological excavations attest its rank in Sasanian studies. The Achaemenid evidences from Qasr-e Abu Nasr can be considered as a part of archaic background of the site (Frye 1973: 8).
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is almost unknown,in which the least excavations have been conducted. Sasanian bullae from Tappeh Kabudan in the National Museum of Iran have been discovered in the site accidently. The lack of the archeological excavations to get more information about the site from one side, and its special geographical location in Golestan Province which has been surrounded by the mines, fertile hills and rivers from another side, differentiate Tappeh Kabudan from the previous sites. Most probably the craftsmen who worked in Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr cannot be compared with those in Teppeh Kabudan. Post-Sasanian texts have frequently referred to Sasanian kings who visited Takht-e Solayman for the ritual rite. Also a royal gateway of Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s site can be assumed as a connection between the site and the Power, while there is no trace in this regard on Tappeh Kabudan. It seems that Takht-e Solayman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr were two significant political and religious sites in Sasanian era.
In spite of this, we need many other samples from the north, south, east and west sides of the country to determine similarities and dissimilarities of the bullae. However such destructive tests on objects are illegal, we were unable to find more samples. 

Conclusion
The Sasanian bullae are one of the most outstanding heritages for understanding the administrative geography of Iranshahr in the eraIV These bullae have been widely used in administrative matters, especially in the trade.
They belonged to the nobles and ranked class such as the priests, army commanders, provincial governors, tradesmen and etc. Despite the scholarly works, the technical tests to analyze the compounds of the bullae have not been done yet. As any destructive test is prohibited according to the rules, we need broken fragments and pieces for doing such a test on the bullae. In fact we hardly received a few number of the samples for EPMA test from the National Museum of Iran. 
The EPMA is one of the most accurate technical tests for analyzing the compound elements of the archeological clay objects; thus it can serve as a gateway to other tests on the other clay works such as jars, bowls and etc. The result of our technical test testifies that the bullae compounded from fixed elements, the issue that has not been studied during the last century. 
The results of the tests show that the makers prepared raw mud very accurately; so that they did not use the raw mud of anywhere. The similarities of the compound’s elements of the two most important sites of the Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr show that the makers have had good information for selecting the mud. These similarities have been certified as a standard selection of raw mud for Sasanian bullae. However, a question arises as to whether those who provided the mud were same as who kneaded it?
 It cannot be also ignored that most of these bullae date back to the late Sasanian (sixth century A.D.). Obviously during the sixth century art, music, coinage technique, and probably the knowledge of how to prepare mud for such a work had reached its peak. At least The percentage of silver in Sasanian coins is a good attest for standardization in this century. However the tests, which have been done on the bullae, testify the skill of the makers of these works.
Furthermore this achievement is a significant event in archeology, Iranian studies, and etc. Takht-e Soleyman, as a sacred religious site, was probably a place where craftsmen and masters worked in. The specific geographical location of this Zoroastrian site would have possibly provided the artists with a unique opportunity to look for their required mud within the site and nearby. Perhaps the similar compounds of the bullae can be considered as a proof to testify that makers extracted mud from specific mine(s) of that region.  
Many masterpieces have been discovered from Qasr-e Abu Nasr site in Fars province.  Similarity in compounds of the bullae of this site, same as Takht-e Soleyman, can be a claim that craftsmen followed a kind of standards for their works. Historical sites of Fars province, homeland of Sasanian kings, have played a significant role on Sasanian studies since the last century.
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is a less known site in archeological studies, especially on Sasanian era. A considerable difference is being noticed in the percentage of the compounds of the samples of this site in comparison with the two discussed sites. The geographical location of Tappeh Kabudan can be a notable factor that causes dissimilarities between this site and Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr. Against to the archeological knowledge about Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr in the past fifty years, our information about Tappeh Kabudan is not enough. In fact, the results of the tested samples of this less known site, in northern part of the country, cannot be compared with the two mentioned well known Sasanian sites.

Endnote
I. The site was excavated by German archaeologists in 1960s. They discovered a most important collection of the bullae and seals (Osten and Naumann 1961). Meanwhile Mr. Y. Moradi (RICHTO) excavated the site some years ago and discovered more than 300 new bullae: cf.RICHTO, Archive).
II. Qasr or Takht-e Abu Nasre is located in Fars Province, near Shiraz city. The collection of the bullae (and other objects) was published by R. Frye (Frye 1973).
III. Cf. Akbarzadeh and T. Daryaee 2012: online.
IV. The term used by Sasanian inscriptions and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts (Daryaee 2009: 5).

Abstract
Arrajan had been one of the important xoras of the Fars state in the Sasanian and Islamic eras. Regarding the toponym of Arrajan, there is numerous differences both in written sources and among researchers. One of the main reasons for these differences is the different information of written sources and the inconsistency of archaeological evidence with these sources, which has slightly led to various points of view as to this issue. Here, the author tries to reach an obvious understanding of the subject matter by mentioning different views and combining them with archaeological evidence. Among other things that will be noted in this article is the issue of geographical changes that have undergone Arrajan in a span of different periods. Arrajan has gone through many border and administrative changes in different times, as in the early centuries of Islam, it had the same structure and scope as the Sasanian epoch, but in later eras it saw a shift from one state to another, renaming and diminishing its boundaries. This article is an attempt to address two important questions: The first, how have administrative changes been in Arrajan up to the present? And the second, what are the main reasons for existing discrepancies among scholars over the real name of Arrajan? It is obvious that researchers have made many references and explanations in order to recognize the picture of Arrajan and its administrative and border changes; however, the combination of historical and archaeological data is less common in the studies of these researchers. Therefore, the author tries to combine both historical and archaeological approaches to the subject of toponym and administrative and border changes of Arrajan during the Sasanian and Islamic eras. The article under study is conducted by examining and comparing archaeological evidence and materials with information extracted from written sources.
Keywords: Arrajan, Qobad-Xora, Behbahan, Sasanian Era, Islamic Epoch.

Introduction
The connection between archaeology and historical geography can be traced back to both time and place. Today, in the field of archaeology, there is the identical attention to time and place, and in order to understand and recognize the past with all its features, both elements of time and place must be considered together. There are various definitions and approaches regarding historical geography and its field of study, and no clear consensus exists over it. Historical events do not occur in a vacuum, but come under the influence of temporal-spatial conditions. In space, no phenomenon - whether natural or man-made - is stationary and evolves over time. Research in the field of historical geography is valuable because it can provide a clear picture of the historical geography of events in a place and its surroundings. In the present article, in addition to studying the process of administrative and border changes of Arrajan during these periods, an attempt is made to examine the written and archaeological evidence such as seals and coins and to put together prominent experts’ points of view to a new understanding of the toponym of Arrajan and resultant changes in its historical geography.

Archaeological Backgrounds
The Behbahan Plain is archaeologically known as a part of “Greater Susiana” (Darabi et al. 2017). The existence of numerous pre-historic sites, Elamite ones, the historic period manuments and the Islamic city of Arrajan have led to field studies in the area. Field studies of Nissen and Redman (1971) are the first ones conducted in Arrajan. At the meantime, Hans Nissen carried out an excavation in the area in 1973 (Nissen 1973). The greatest archaeological discovery on the plain was the Neo-Elamite tomb which was haphazardly found in Arrajan in the early 1980s (see Alizadeh 1985; Majidzadeh 1992; Potts 1999; Alvarez-Mon 2006). Since 2000 on, surveys and excavations have carried out in Behbahan area. One of the studies specifically dedicated to the hydraulic structures and facilities of this region is Esmaeili Jelodar’s (2004) one. Since 2005, excavation team of Behbahan Plain headed by Kamyar Abdi commenced the survey in the region. Of the most important studies done in Behbahan after 2010 may be mentioned Abbas Moghaddam’s (2016) excavation and Hojjat Darabi’s (2017) one. A few researchers have investigated the historical geography of Arrajan. Among them, it can be refered to Heinz Gaube (1980) who, in a detailed and specialized manner, using historical, geographical and archaeological findings, has been focusing on the evaluation and analysis of Arrajan since the time of the conquest of the Arab by the end of the Safavid era. Ahmad Eqtedari (1996) is one of the other important researcher who worked on the region. Although the aforementioned has benefited from the Gaube’s valuable studies as to Arrajan and its areas, there are some positive points in the Eqtedari’s studies. Eqtedari was able to see the parts of the northwest of Behbahan, where today they are located in Bahmai County and its dependent areas (those parts that Gaube could not see due to insecurity in that areas) and published his valuable results. Ebrahim Rayegani and colleagues also discussed reasons behind the decline and recession of Arrajan in the Sasanian and Islamic eras (Rayegani et al 2015).

Conclusion
In the present article, an attempt was made to study and analyze written sources, both historical and geographical ones, archaeological evidence and researchers’ opinions, for better understanding the toponym of Arrajan, as well as historical geography and developments in its political borders from Sassanid era to the present. As mentioned above, there is a consensus about the creation of Arrajan by Qobad I and its location between Fars and Khuzestan, but no agreement on its exact name has been reached. Tabari’s reference to two names, Ram Qobad and Barm Qobad, led researchers to believe that the two names were for the same area. Researchers such as John Walker believes that Barm Qobad was the name of a large area that Arrajan was the name of its ruling part; H. Gaube considers Bram Qobad the official name of the region and Arrajan the unofficial one. However, numismatic evidence does not support these claims and shows that Arrajan and Barm Qobad are two separate places. Ardashir Babakan points to Arrajan as he crossed the area, prompting other scholars to believe that the region were probably inhabited before establishment of Qobad-xora near the Tab River. Regarding the geographical and administrative changes in this region, it seems that from the beginning of the sixth century A.D. to the Seljuk period, Arrajan was part of the Fars state. During the Buyid dynasty period, Arrajan not only preserved borders of the Sasanian epoch, but also expanded from the north and northeast, and the ports of Siniz and Janabah were joined to it. During this period, we are witnessing the prosperity of this region, as Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami says: “I want Iraq because of its name and Arrajan for its income.” However, during the Seljuk period, the region witnessed changes; all northern parts of Arrajan were attached to Shapur-xora and Arrajan itself was joined to Khuzestan. There is no mention of Arrajan in the historical books of the Ilkhanid period, but other areas of xora are mentioned. It is possible that Arrajan was nothing more than a ruin during this period.

Abstract
Jahangir site, which located in the western part of Sasanian Empire, had been excavated, since 2016 unitl 2019 during the constructing of Kangir Dam in Ilam province. Three architecture phases and plan of a huge building contained 11 spaces had been revealed during three seasons of excavations, and S.XI also revealed in the fourth season of archaeological excavations. Following the research problems of the previous seasons, the most important aim of this season of excavation, is to obtain the connection between the constructions and spaces with the main hall, and also to distinguish the availability and the entrance of the main hall. Maybe a religious function could be imagined for this structure Or it can be a structure for fermenting materials for beer and wine production and portable finds, led us to the new dimensions of Sasanian art, with the indigenous identity. The first stage of the settlements goes back to the pre-historic in the northern part. This site had been used also in Parthian period. A complex of buildings had been constructed in Sasanian era in the central part of the site. The results of dating experiments approve the date of Sasanian for Jahangir site, while the discovery of a Derakhma from Shapour II, shows that the site had been used continuously from the middle Sasanian period until Early Islamic. Gathering the data of this study is based on field study, library and laboratory studies, and descriptive-analytical method. The results of the excvations in this site, concludes the realization of social process of the high-ranked level of Sasanian society in the region according to the royal-local architecture methods.
Keywords: Jahangir, Architecture, Sasanian, Kangir Dam, Ilam.

Introduction
The Jahangir Building is located 25 km southeast of the Eyvan township in Ilam Province within an inter mountain valley next to Sartang village. In Jahangir 17-hectare site, several large monuments and two cemeteries are visible. After four seasons of excavations in central mound, the plan of some parts of an enormous building including 11 spaces, an area in 832 m2 have been revealed. Jahangir building include hall, Eyvan, rooms and courtyard. The walls, arcades, arcs and stuccos exist in this building, and the mortars are rubbles and semi-baked and semi-impressed plaster. These materials are quick and pressure and stretching persistent. The height of the walls are different, those made by floating the slabs in mortars and covered them with a plaster/gypsum layer.
The S.II, S.III, S.V, S.VII, S.IX, S.XI were one of the most important architectural spaces revealed in S.XI. This space in the size of 15.5×12.5 meters, in fact is the continue of the S.I, in order to revealing the connection between central mound and rectangular halls. The Western gate of rectangular and a round-shaped construction made by slabs and plaster in 2.45 meters distant from the West of the entrance have been found. In order to forming the round-shaped space, especially in outer part, the molded stuccos with a curve into the inside. The diameter of this construction is between 2.30 to 2.45 meters and depth of 64 cm(s). 
In the Northeast of the floor, there is a round curved part, which is a closed space and have not any pores, and covered by plaster/gypsum. In the absence of any cultural materials related to this structure, it is hard to recognize the function. There were even no traces of debris inside inner part and intentionally filled with a soft brown clay, and there were no trashes or ruin. This structure related to the second settlement plaster floor. In other words, the round-shaped structure with 45 cm(s) height from the first settlement floor, had been built in later periods. Maybe a religious function could be imagined for this structure or it can be a structure for fermenting materials for beer and wine production. The only similar and comparable specie is in Kish palace, which are round-shaped lavers with covered floor besides the vaulted room jahangir, which will describe in detail.
The fourth season of excavations at the site was carried out to explore the relation between different structures and spaces discovered in previous seasons. Excavations began in the main hall of the building, clearing the path between the two parts, and opening the entrance to the main hall. In addition to exposing the main entrance in the middle of the west wall of the building, we also found the remains of a stair way, a round gypsum construct and a feature attached to the southeastern corner of the main hall, as well as valuable portable finds. 
In this Season, a cut was made at the layers exposed in the north side of space XI in order to study the stratigraphy of the building, finding two clay and gypsum floors some 4-7 and 3-5 cm thick. This observation supports other finds from the building that there are two construction phases. The lower floor is an stamped layer of brownish soil-252 cm deep dating to Parthian period on which the Jahangir Building was constructed in the Sasanian period. 
In this season of excavations we came across a number of noteworthy facts. First, the site came into attention in Parthian period, but it was in the Sasanian period that a set of building were constructed here, especially in its central part. Dating of finds from previous seasons all point to a date in late Sasanian period, but the discovery of a silver coin of Shapour II in this season, suggests that this building may have been built in middle Sasanian period and continued to be used through early centuries AH It was then used by nomadic people. Three construction phases casn be discerned in the building phase 1 using cobbles and gypsum mortar a building was erected on the earher Parthian remains; phase 2 additional stone structures have been added to the building and repairs have been made, and phase 3 when the building was abandoned and used by nomads.

Conclusion
The pottery found in this season is similar to what we have found in previous seasons. The only difference is that we found some typical clinky ware on Feature no. 87, i.e , the last feature excavated in this season, supporting our hypothesis that the Sasanian building was erected on top of a Parthian settlement. We also found some gypsum stuccos with floral and geometric decoration, as well as examples with reverse motifs within different geometric frames reminiscent of the previous season’s finds. Finds include the aforementioned silver coin, in addition to glass, bone implements, and floral remains.

Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

Abstract
With the foundation of Sasanian dynasty, the first fully anthropomorphic representations of Ohrmazd appeared in ancient Iranian art. He was depicted in eight rock reliefs at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab (2 scenes), Naqsh-i Rustam, Tang-i Chugan (2 scenes) and Taq-i Bustan (2 scenes) while investing a beribboned diadem to the Sasanian king. The iconography of Ohrmazd was not a new one and before Sasanian period in Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd had mainly created by imitating Greek-Roman prototypes. But the iconography of Ohrmazd in Sasanian rock reliefs was different. He was completely depicted in Iranian artistic fashion, and in some scenes, he carried bundles of barsam. Barsam is an implement carry by priests in ceremonial rituals. However, Avesta reveals that barsam was not only use by priests, but also hold by some deities including Ohrmazd. In Aban Yasht, Ahura Mazda (Middle Persian Ohrmazd) praises Aredvi Sura Anahita with the barsam. There are still questions about the figure of Ohrmazd and the sources of his iconography in Sasanian rock reliefs. So it is significant to review Zoroastrian texts again and study whether they affect the iconography of Ohrmazd or not. By analyzing and comparing the characteristics and details of iconographical elements of Sasanian rock reliefs and also regarding Zoroastrian written sources, the authors try to find the origin of these artistic models and the reason why Ohrmazd carries a bundle of Barsam at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab, Naqsh-i Rustam and Taq-i Bustan investiture scenes. The results show that the iconography of Ohrmazd was especially modeled after the royal art and the king himself. Furthermore, Some Zoroastrian texts reveal that Ohrmazd incarnate in Gētīg (material world) as an Ahlaw man or a priest and probably Sasanian artists consciously depicting him while carrying barsam in his hand(s).    
Keywords: Ohrmazd, Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Royal Appearance, Zoroastrian Priest, Zoroastrian Texts.

Introduction
By defeating the last Parthian king, Ardavan V, Artaxerxes I (224-240/1 CE) established an empire which was concentrated on centralization of Iranian state and unification of religion. To unify religion (Zoroastrianism), the iconoclastic movement was formed by Artaxerxes I. According to ancient sources, Artaxerxes I ordered to destroy idols, and instead many fires established throughout the empire; even some pre-Sasanian sacred fires were replaced by new ones. However, it seems such strictness does not prevent creating images of divine beings. There are evidences of iconography of Zoroastrian deities in Sasanian art. An important point is that in the Avesta and the Middle Persian texts, some deities were incarnated in human or animal forms and so the religious texts may be good sources for representations of deities. Interestingly archaeological evidence and written sources revealed different version of Zoroastrian in Armenia and Central Asian and idol-worship customs were prevalent there. In Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd was mostly depicted according to Greek-Roman prototypes. On the contrary, the image of Ohrmazd as the superior Zoroastrian deity in Sasanian art was different and imitated from Iranian models. At Naqsh-i Rustam, the definite image of Ohrmazd contribute identification of him in other Sasanian rock reliefs. Due to the inscription, it was the only certain known evidence of Ohrmazd in Iranian art. At the same time, it is regarded as a significant document of the iconography of Zoroastrian divinities from the early Sasanian period. Despite extensive and diverse studies on Sasanian art and representations of Zoroastrian deities, including Ohrmazd, there are still ambiguities about the iconography of Ohrmazd and the sources of his visual images, the contribution of religious texts, and the influence of other iconographies of Ohrmazd on his representations in Sasanian art.

Discussion
Archaeological evidence and written sources shows that Ohrmazd occupied the highest status in ancient Iranian beliefs. The oldest and most definite references to him traced back on Achaemenian inscriptions (Lecoq, 1997: 176-276) and fortress tablets at Persepolis (Henkelman, 2008: 527-529). Furthermore, some scholars regarded the images of the winged disk with or without a bearded bust on Achaemenian monuments as the very ancient image of Ohrmazd (Lecoq, 1984; Skjærvø, 2014: 179-180). Contemporary with Parthian at about 30 BC, the Commagene king, Antiochus I erected statues of gods at Nemrud Daq (Herzfeld, 1941: 275). According to the inscriptions, one of the statues belongs to Oromasdes who was synchronized with Zeus (Widengren, 1986). Although he dressed in Persian fashion (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1978: 189) and holding barsam, but he was depicted like Zeus. On Kushanian coins, Ohrmazd was depicted again more likely after Greek models (Shenkar, 2014: 61-62), but under the name of Ōoromozdo or the abbreviated name Ōrom (Humbach, 1975: 139-140). For the first time during Sasanian period, Ohrmazd was represented in a fully anthropomorphic figure while investing a diadem to the Sasanian kings. At Naqsh-i Rustam, Ohrmazd synchronized with Zeus (Lukonin, 2005: 307), but he was depicted completely different and he appeared resemble to Sasanian kings probably for legitimization goals. Furthermore, Ohrmazd holding barsam in several reliefs. According to Bundahišn, Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd incarnated as an Ahlaw man or a priest (Zot or Atravan) in Gētīg. He also praised Aredvi-sura-Anahita with barsam (Yš. 5. 17). So it seems that Sasanian artists deliberately depicted barsam in the hand of Ohrmazd to show him in the figure of Zoroastrian priest. As the image of Ohrmazd was not remained similar during Sasanian period, barsam appeared on Artaxerxes I’s rock reliefs and reemerge on Khosrow Parviz’s investiture at Taq-i Bustan.

Conclusion
Before Sasanian period, no definite representation of Ohrmazd is detected in Iran. The only images of the winged disk on Achaemenian and post-Achaemenian monuments in Pars attributed to Ohrmazd by some scholars. Contrary to Parthians, the iconography of deities in Sasanian period is much fewer. Although ancient sources attribute iconoclast movement to Artaxerxes I, but archaeological evidence manifest production of divine images. However it is important to distinguish cultic statues and portrayal of deities in the art. During Sasanian period fire-temples were established all over the kingdom and the cult of fire become the state religion. Erecting cultic statues was prohibited, however the images of deities including Ohrmazd produced in Sasanian art. Investiture ceremonies on rock reliefs show Ohrmazd in the shape of a royal figure while in some cases carrying a barsam like Zoroastrian priests. As Sasanian kings emphasize their legitimate claim during their sovereign, Ohrmazd depicted similar to the king. The representation of Ohrmazd in these monuments was completely in Persian mode and was against the image of him in Commagene or Kushan where he was depicted after Zeus. In the Middle Persian texts, Ohrmazd is invisible even amongst the sacred beings, except for the prophet Zardosht. He can be comprehend through wisdom and the power of comparison. However in the Pahlavi Rivāyat and Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd described with a human appearance. In a passage from Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd is an intangible spirits who appears in Gētīg in the body of the Mard-i Ahlaw (Just man). According to Bundahišn, Ohrmazd appears in the form of Zoroastrian priest in Gētīg. Also, he comes to the world as Zot. He is Atravan. So it is not strange that Ohrmazd depicted as a priest in some reliefs, while carrying a barsam. 

Abstract
The expanded territories of the ancient Iranian empires raise a question for the audience, at first glance, despite a display of authority and domination of the kings, that how the central governments extended their domination over these regions and defended it against foreign threats. In the wide Sasanian Empire, one policy of the emperors of the dynasty was to establish new cities and renew old ones to expand their dominance over the country. As a result of these efforts in which required the founding and reconstruction of intercity pathways for moving goods and troops, a vast network of cities and routes were gradually formed. In this network, cities had the role of nodes for controlling and providing the essential resources and supplies for the central government. Thus, it can assume that the network of cities, moreover expanding the dominance of the Sasanian government, also had affected their fall. This study aimed to find appropriate answers for this question, using library resources through a descriptive-analytical methodology that what role the communication network of Sasanian cities has played in the Arabs conquests. The result findings indicate that the vast communication network of the Sasanian cities has not only facilitated the Arabs troops’ movement and campaign, but they were also able to weaken the defensive power of cities through Blocking support routes. Moreover, The Arabs had been able to consolidate their occupancy and dominance by capturing the cities as network’s connection points.
Keywords: Sasanian, Arabs, Sasanian cities, Conquest, Communication network. 

Introduction
The concept of the realm can be defined by some individual domains played a source role for a central government interconnected via some access roads, and being protected from improvised border posts; however, each domain is surrounded by some enclosed areas not being purposed for settlement (Smith,2007:28-29). The ancient governments were modeled as some access networks to resources like cities, trade bases, or natural mines for their developed dominance based on the management of those charged operators in the controlled trades, taxes, infrastructures, law enforcement, and military proceedings (Smith,2005:835-836). In this way, the empire owns actually a communication network for transported goods and cities could be interlinked (Liverani,1988:86-92). Based on this model, the governors initially establish their authority over the most critical chosen resources, and subsequently, control the corridors and essential routes connecting the relevant domain to the imperial network system; so it is possible to construct some links as roads or canals from the new domain into other parts. Therefore, they can manage those realms with a high transformed economic and social data shown with their widespread control over the essential resources (Smith,2007:32-33). Facilitating the communication among various empiric sections, the Sasanian communication network plus their cities were widespread under the imposed state surveillance (Miri,2012:104). In the late period, monitoring the main network routes was assigned into the quadratic generalissimo (Spahbodān) of the Sasanian empire (Howard-Johnston,2012:125). It suggested a political and military significance of the network maintenance for the Sasanians, and according to Smith, after the intercity network of interaction finished, it was possible to collapse the states (Smith, 2005: 838). Given that the role of every Sasanian city was based upon certain matters and essentials, it is necessary to compare and analyze their effects in the fall of the Sasanian empire. The study findings are beneficial for those investigators of the historical urban background and the condition of traditional ancient Iran.
Therefore, this study aimed to evaluate the collapse of the Sasanian state and the Arab conquests based on the perspective of the network interconnection of Sasanian cities. The raised study question is that based on their status and place in the widespread network of Sasanian cities, what roles and effects had every Sasanian city placed along the routes of Arab conquests in this event? Library resources were used for data gathering in this descriptive-analytical study.

Network of Sasanian Cities and Roles in Arab Conquests
The Sasanians established their dominance policy based on the city developments and the necessity of their interconnection. Accordingly, surveillance of urban connection routes became essential for the state because of both military logistics and support and trade and revenue. That was highly important, especially in border regions and even some cities were established to support other cities in the frontlines (Liverani,1988:92). Besides the development of cities and communication routes, the states were considered the source access network with some defined regions and borders to be defended (Smith,2005:835). The potential danger of the Arabs made the Sasanians construct a defensive line of small military forts for surveilling important points in the communication network of the Mesopotamian plain (Howard-Johnston,2012:97-98). The Arabs used to violate the state frontiers. After the succession of Yazdgerd III, their motives increased for capture more areas after their progressive onrush into Iran’s territories (Tabari,2004:1587-1588). Intercity routes with a previous role for widespread Sasanian authority in Iranshahr cities were traversed by the Arabs and their troops to progress into the Persian central plateau (Tabari,2004:1959). Eastern Iran disconnected from the central cities after Rey’s capture (Frye,1977:12) as a critical route from the western cities to Khorasan (Nicolle,1996:12). Also, Zarang’s capture led to the disconnected Sistan-Khorasan due to the defeated highway of Zarang-Kirkuk-Herat (Ibn Huql,1987:158), and subsequently, Yazdgerd III was trapped in Khorasan (Farrokh,2013:92). Yazdgerd went to Marv city with special military strength and position in order to take back the monarchy, but Neishabour capture, the support military base, happened earlier by the Arabs (Bruner,2014:174). After the weakened defenses, the death of Yazdgerd III, and the peace of governor with the Arabs occurred in Marv city, the fall of the Sasanian dynasty was realized there.

Conclusion
The Sasanians expanded their authority through the developed urban centers and roads over their empire and then established strategic base points for land maintenance and protection. Due to the policy, cities like Neishabour in Khorasan or Mesopotamian Anbar were higher political and economic prominence over others being responsible for providing military and economic support to the surrounding cities. However, cities like Isfahan or Qazvin alongside Oboleh functioned as connection points and crossroads in the urban network, and sometimes, their removal meant simultaneous disconnection of several state routes from the control of the central government. Therefore, the Sasanians invested variously in building walls and ditches for cities’ protection, but political turmoil, civil wars in the late Sasanian period, and destructive effects of the long Byzantine wars overall weakened the defensive shield. Apparently, after invading Iran’s cities, the Arabs could use the joined Iranians to their armies, or the Iranian settled Arabs and identified well the routes and connection points of the cities, blocked the supply and support routes, and facilitated Iranshahr capture.

Abstract
Sasanian Silver Bowl at the National Museum of Iran, known as the “dancer-musicians scene”, has been one of the museum’s most archaeological works for the past sixty years. According to Ali Sami, this bowl was purchased in 1334 (1955); it is attributed to the north of Iran (Kelardasht of Mazandaran). The palm-shaped head of this bowl shows four dancer-musician-singers with four different well-known musical instruments as well as a figure of a pheasant in the center. In all previous scholarly works, as well as in the many exhibitions in which this bowl has been displayed, this work has been referred to as the motif of the “female dancers-musicians”. However, doubtful interpretations of musical instruments of the motif can be found in the same scholarly works. Obviously Iranian scholars to the internally held exhibitions have followed previously mentioned works. The author will first challenge the “femininity” of these four dancer-musician-singers and will testify the view that three of them are only masculine. Secondly, I will present a new proposal to the readers with a different interpretation of these Iranian music instruments. Also, the author considers this bowl to probably be a heritage from the Persian Gulf (southern, not northern Iran). Furthermore, I will also focus on the identity of these dancer-musicians in such a musical group scene as “Indian gypsies” or at least inspired by such a musical style. The author will also refer to two other lesser-known similar bowls of the Museum. Meanwhile, the author will present a new perspective on the date of this silver object which is based on its motif details and two more Silver Works at the National Museum of Iran. In this comparative study, I will draw a line between the three motifs (of the bowls, especially two of them) based on the two seasons of “winter and spring (or summer)”!
Keywords: Sasanian Silver Bowl, National Museum of Iran, Musician-dancers Scene, Kelardasht, India Gypsy, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Much has been said and written about the Persian Gulf. Since more than 500 years ago until now, about cultural landscapes, art, music, clothing, food styles to different harbors and etc. through foreign travelogues and Iranian documents can be attributed to colorful valuable data on the Persian Gulf. Archaeology has also testified a large tangible data about Iranian identity over the Persian Gulf. Pre-historic objects to the valuable inscription of Darius the Great obtained from the Suez Canal to other archeological finds from Bushehr, Siraf, Kharg, Qeshm, Hormoz, etc., are proof of this claim. Zoroastrianism legacy in Saudi Arabia and especially Yemen to recent Sasanian coins from the United Arab Emirates, Sasanian fortresses in Oman (cf. Potts, 2012: online)... can be proof of our historical ownership of the Persian Gulf.
Nevertheless, the article stresses on a review of a Sasanian magnificent artistic relic in the National Museum of Iran. This masterpiece frequently has been referred for at least the lasxty years. This significant object has been displayed in most of exhibitions from the inside to the abroad. This Sasanian heritage has been published in most of the catalogs of the National Museum of Iran and international exhibitions. This very beautiful Sasanian work, “silver bowl” known as the “scene of dancer-musicians” with registry number 1332, weight 575.7, diameter 22.55 cm, and height 7 cm, obtained from Kelardasht (?), Mazandaran.

ConclusionUndoubtedly, the Sasanian silver bowl at the National Museum of Iran can be studied from a new perspective. This view can challenge all previous scholarly works from two different aspects.
First, the musical instruments portrayed on this work can testify to its interrelationship with the shores of the Persian Gulf. For example, Castanet or Sinj is a typical instrument. There is a golden shipwreck’s photo (with eight musicians-singers), has some similarities with the silver bowls of the National Museum of Iran, on the website of Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore.6 According to the website, the work has been discovered from a Persian Gulf bound ship drowned near Indonesia. However, the author has doubts about authenticity of this report! 
Although there are few written archaic texts but these instruments have been valid from generation to generation in Iran as endorsed by sources in Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, oral history as well as archeological documents until they have reached our time. 
Most Post-Sasanian sources have preserved valuable information about Arghanun, sorena, lute (barbat) and even chime.7 Although Zoroastrian texts do not help on such a topic but the story of Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak (Oryan, 2004: 58) mentioned some of the best musicians: “harp-players, lute-players, wan players,8 tambour players, and reed players.” 
Chime (cf. Ibn Sina)9 is one of the oldest musical instruments in southern Iran. The Haft-Joush (seven parts) chime was also one of the most common of these musical instruments; the Indian type of which (made of bronze) had a special reputation in Bushehr (Darvishi, 2004: 540,32). Type of the short handled and tied to the fingers have been (and still are) the most common chimes in southern Iran (for the same instrument, see: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 191).
Another important fact is that the production and control of the melody with these four instruments were very difficult for females (women); three of them (bowl) still considered male instruments. In Taq Bostan too, sorena and a kind of arghanun (or bagpipe, maybe nay-e anban) are played by men where females are depicted as tambourine and harp players (farmer, 1964: 96). Both of these latter instruments have always been depicted and described in this way (female).
So, the gender of the musicians will be the second key point of this object. It is as if the previous works did not pay attention to the connection between the “type of instrument and the type of gender” which, according to the tradition, they were at least skilled players. 
The story of “ Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak “ (Oryan, 2004: 96) describes “a sweet-singing-dancer and a beauty with big breasts, wasp waist, black and long hair ...”. Here are two questions:
1. Whether the female musician-dancer figures on the Sasanian silver legacy, with big breasts, slim waist and charming disheveled hair (National Museum of Iran, cf. fig. 6) cannot be a seal of endorsing the above-mentioned Pahlavi text? If that is the case, which I believe it is:
2. Isn’t this (description) contrary to the motif of the musicians of the silver bowl at the National Museum?
This issue of course according to the type of make-up and body shape confirms that three of them are males. Therefore, in the dance-music scene of other objects, the shawl on the breast (or part of it such as Bishapur mosaic), from behind (such as the silver decanter at the National Museum) or above the head like a sunshade (fig. 9) can be seen. Here, the shawl is skillfully placed on privy parts (low body) by the craftsman in order to have observed Iranian ethics (of course with partial rotation of the body). If in other objects, the shawl plays a role in covering the breasts of women, here it covers probably their low bodies.  This is not very compatible with Roman art!
In the Sasanian silver decanter at the National Museum, despite a kind of decorated forehead, the hair of the musician is hung from both sides towards the shoulders but here typical long-braided hair can remind us of Indian style which impacted the Persian Gulf coasts. However, no trace of the hair of the above mentioned musicians can be seen here, and they wear a head-gear (with two different logos on the forehead in pairs) that is fastened with a bandage under the throat (it is unlikely to be a hair strand). On this bowl, the whole body (with details) is portrayed in front and the head is turned to another side (profile), something that does not occur much with other works. The highly balanced and professional limbs of these dancer-musician-singers indicate their affiliation with a professional group. The beautiful and balanced body as well as the “hairless face” of these three male musicians plus one female, is thought to be one of the reasons for calling these four dancers females.
Furthermore, a theme rarely seen in Sasanian art is a “harmonious music group”  (male and female) scene. Even in the royal hunting scene of Taq Bostan, less resemblance (coordinated group) can be found to this bowl.  The musicians of Taq Bostan cannot be called a scene of a group performance.
Another similar silver bowl (fig. 10) with the same motif (four dancer-musicians from Kelardasht) at the National Museum of Iran published by S. Ayazi (2005: 92-93) already. These two bowls differentiate each other by some significant details which have never been studied. In the second bowl, the relatively “thick cover” of the musicians along with the figures of the “birds” is very significant. It seems, to me, that the first one reflects summer or spring season but the second one clearly recalls the winter season. Figures of different birds (which can be discovered in the spring season) is a part of the claim (the second one). There is also a third bowl with the same scene, in the National Museum, which I will write about in more detail in the future.
The author believes that the motifs of these three bowls are merely radiant of a “simple secular feast” (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 55; also: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 200). Obviously, the Sasanian heritages can never have been recorded without religious traces, which subconsciously ruled the artist’s mind. Hence, the meaningful name of the owner of the first bowl  (Farrokh-hormozd not windad-hormozd) to the design of the black “ten” leaves of the palm branch, the pearl ring around the pheasant in the middle of the object, the number of pearls of the pearl ring, two ribbons and also the three branches in the beak (Glory, triple social casts  or the doctrine of the Zoroastrianism) are part of this claim.
 Although the existence of motif of birds and animals in Sasanian art (rock, art, bullae, etc...) is a normal subject, but the figure of a pheasant (center of the bowl) can remind us of the “Khorasan Art School” that goes as far as China (Akbarzadeh, 2020: 267). 
The author believes that there is no connection between this scene and the one from Roman legacy of Dionysian or the goddess Anahita (Catalog of Wien, 2003: 233; Gunter and Jett, 1992: 27), as mentioned in all previous works. The following reasons can support me to challenge the previous works: “the typical oriental type of dance of these dancer-musicians, which is evident from their body shape, the pheasant figure most unrelated to the Zoroastrian goddess, the partial nudity dancers, which is not compatible with the officially known Sasanian art (but they are covered on the second bowl), their instruments, the absence of any bold religious symbols etc... supposedly for their body shape (type of dance), type of head-bands, shawl pattern, typical southern chime (with base, like pliers), dancer-musicians in group scene ...” Also, the author points the finger at India, not the Roman heritage for such a coordinated group performance that Sasanian art lacked (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 60). 
The Indians have always been known as female-males dancer-musicians in group form (unlike individual Sasanian dancer-singers). Also, the figure of the peacock (bowls 2-3) can support this claim. Moreover, the presence of Indian musicians-dancers in the Sasanian period is a well-known issue. It is obvious that Bahram V (Gur), after treating the mental condition of the Iranian society, ordered many musicians from India to come to Iran and play in public. These musicians are known as “gypsies” in the history of Iran.10 In fact, the author evaluates this group of naked (and partly-covered) dancer-musicians (with a completely different body shape) on these Sasanian bowls as Indian gypsies. Their half-nakedness cannot be an Iranian tradition in dance. In a work, about such instruments, attributed to Ibn Khordadbeh (Mallah, 1963: 28; Sami, 1970: 49) narrates that: “Iranians usually played the lute with the flute and the tambourine and the sorna with the dohol (drum) and mastaj (chime) and the senj.” 
The author also believes that due to the to the accuracy in construction and high technic of these valuable bowls and the processing of artistic symbols, especially such a dancer-musicians in group scene, its attribution to the eighth century AD., Post-Sasanian period (given the socio-political situation of Iran), is questionable. If this bowl(s) was made in the geographical boundary of Sasanian Fars province (including parts from Khuzestan to Fars and the whole of present-day Bushehr province) (which is strongly believed to be the case), the eighth century AD. was the most difficult period of this part of the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, the artistic details of these objects are never less, if not more beautiful than the objects of the sixth century AD. (cf. Lawergren, 2009: online). The skill in the inscribed needle-shaped of the owner’s religious name, the exact size of the body of the musicians, the branches of the grape, colored lace and other details indicate that the creation of this work can be even brighter than the eighth century AD. 
Despite this, a fundamental problem will remain and that is the type of cover of the dancers on these three bowls. This coverage can mean a “seasonal difference”, that is likely to be the case. Based on this one, we should focus on the eighth century AD. The author suggests that the second bowl (covered dancers) can be a reminder of Mihragan Festival at the beginning of winter and the first one (naked) can be reminiscent of Nowruz Festival (or a summer fest). This six-month gap (between two seasons) is the least reason why the two group of the two objects can be considered the same. If we cannot opine about the time of Mihragan Festival, but the time of Nowruz Fest was not fixed at the beginning of spring in the Sasanian calendar. This event is related to the early Islamic periods and this one does not contradict the eighth century. In short, that discovery of this bowl (for whatever reason) from northern Iran will never be an excuse to consider its origin as northern, and of course this is not surprising in archeology.

Abstract
Abstract: In the last two decades, as a result of the significant increase in archaeological field activities in Iraqi Kurdistan, some important sites and artifacts from the Sassanid period have been discovered. Even though during the Sassanid period, the northern region of Mesopotamia was considered a part of the Sassanid Empire, many archaeological features of this region in the Sassanid period have remained unknown. In this research, which was carried out using a library method, we have studied 42 ancient sites or monuments in Iraqi Kurdistan belonging to the Sassanid period, which have mainly been identified in recent years. This research aims to find an answer to some questions about the location of the Sassanid settlements in the region and the geographical and environmental factors affecting their formation. The Sassanid remnants of Iraqi Kurdistan include settlements, monuments, government complexes, fortifications, water channels, cemeteries, and the local production centers of textiles and pottery. The results of this research show that Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan have mainly concentrated in three areas: 1. Shahrizur plain and the area around Dukan Lake 2. Erbil plain, 3. Garmian region. These areas, which are in the form of open plains and vast inter-mountain valleys, had importance in the Sassanid period due to having characteristics such as suitable height, abundant water sources, fertile soil, and being located on the important communication routes and therefore they were as a place for the formation of the settlements in the mentioned period.
Keywords: Iraqi Kurdistan, Northern Mesopotamia, Sasanian Period, Archaeological Settlements.

Introduction
The four-hundred-year Sassanid period is considered one of the important periods in the history of Iran and the Middle East. The northern region of Iraq, which is today known as the Kurdistan region, was considered one of the main parts of the Sasanian Empire. On the other hand, it was important politically and geopolitically due to its proximity to the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon and its location between the Sassanid center and the Eastern Roman territory. Although historical sources provide a relatively clearer view of the northern region of Iraq in the Sassanid period, the archaeological evidence of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan has not been significant until recent decades.
In the past two decades, a large number of historical and prehistoric sites in the mentioned region have been surveyed or excavated, among which a number are related to the Sassanid period. Identification of these sites and monuments can lead to better knowledge about the economic, political and social situation of the region during the Sassanid Empire.

Materials and Methods
One of the goals of this research is to investigate the Sassanid settlements of Iraqi Kurdistan based on the results of archaeological surveys and excavations. Some of the questions that this research seeks to answer are: 1. What are the most important settlements of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan and how were they distributed?
2. Which areas in northern Iraq, had the greatest importance in terms of quantity and quality of Sassanid settlements? 3. What are the most important geographical and environmental factors involved in the formation of Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan?

Data
Based on the distribution of Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan, this area has been divided into three parts including eastern, southern, and western parts:
Region 1: including the eastern part of Iraqi Kurdistan, which mainly includes the present-day Sulaymaniyah province, stretches from north to the Lake of Dukan and Darband Ranieh, from east to the border of Iran and Iraq, from west to the east bank of the little Zab river, and from the south to the end of the Shahrizur plain. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Murad Rasu, Qalatga Darband, Usu Aska, Gerd-i Bazar, Merquly, Tell Sitak, Girdi Rostam, and the sites of Shahrizur plain including Gerd-i Kazhaw, Bestansur, SSP 4, Tell Begum, Gird-I Qalrakh, Sutik Tape, Bakr Awa
Region 2: Southern part of Iraqi Kurdistan (Garmian). The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Bazyan Palace, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Sasanid palace of Paikuli, Qalai Gawri, SRP 9, SRP10, Irrigation canal of Kalar, Kani Masi/ Tell Majid, Gawr Tepe, Top Askar cemetery, Hawsh Kori
Region 3: Western part of Iraqi Kurdistan includes Erbil and Dohuk provinces. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Tell Amiyan, Canal A of the village of Kawr Gosk, Erbil city, Qasr Shemamok, Tell Khazana/Khazna, site no. 31, Baqrta, Satu Qala, sites n.3, 8, 4, 22, 24, 25, 27&28 in Erbil plain

Discussion
The geographical and environmental factors affecting the distribution of Sasanian sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are:
1. Topography: The results of this research, which are reflected in Fig. 12, indicate that in total, about 76% of Sasanian sites of Iraqi Kurdistan are mainly located in the mountainous plains, and only a handful of the sites are located in the mountainous and high places outside of the plains.
2. Height above sea level: Most of the Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located at an altitude of less than 600 m, and only a few sites are located at an altitude of more than 1000 m (Fig. 12). The lowest areas are located in the Garmian region, i.e. in the Sirvan river valley and the Kalar plain, which is mostly less than 300 m above sea level.
3. Access to water sources: All the Sasanian sites in the Kurdistan region are located near permanent water sources, the most important of which are Great Zab, Little Zab, and Sirvan. In addition to that, a significant number of sites are located next to permanent springs or smaller rivers, such as Shalar River in Penjwen, Wadi Shatwan and Tanjero in Shahrizur Plain, Tavuq cay in Chamchamal Plain and Shiwazor and Chai Siwasor in Erbil Plain. 

Access to Fertile Soil
The plains of Shahrizur, Erbil, and Garmian, where the largest number of Sasanian settlements are located, also have the most fertile soil in the region for agriculture (Yasin, 2014: 240).

Proximity to Communication Ways
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in the plains that were on the path of important commercial and political roads between southern Mesopotamia and the Sassanid capital on one hand with the land of Azerbaijan and the Iranian plateau in the east on other hand and the land of Eastern Rome, Asia Minor and Syria in the north and northwest on another hand. The existence of the Paikuli tower and some other important sites in the Sirvan river valley indicate the importance of this communication route.

The Extent of Sassanid Settlements
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are less than five hectares in size, which are considered small settlements. Therefore, we can see a significant difference between the extent of the Sasanian sites in the north and south of Mesopotamia. 

Conclusion
In this research, we have studied 42 sites or monuments of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan, which were mainly discovered in the last two decades as a result of archaeological excavations or surveys. Some of the mentioned sites, such as Gerd-i Bazar, Gerd-i Kazhaw, Gird-i Qalrakh, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Top-Askar, and Hawsh Kori, can be considered important sites of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan. These sites contain information about memorial buildings (Paikuli), government complexes (Hawsh Kori), fortifications (Merquly, Gerd-i Kazhaw, SRP 9), water canals (Kawr Gosk, Kalar), Burial methods (Gerd-i Bazar, Top Askar), beliefs, economy and local centers for production textile (Gird-i Qalrakh), pottery and other livelihood aspects in Iraqi Kurdistan during the Sassanid period.
The result of this research shows that most Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in low-altitude and mid-mountain plains such as Shahrizur plain, Sirvan river valley, and Erbil plain. Among the advantages of these plains, we can point out access to permanent water sources, fertile soil, and location on the important communication routes that connect the west of Iran to the south of Turkey and east of Syria. In general, although most of the Sassanid sites discussed in this article lost their importance and were abandoned in the following periods, the plains where these sites were located, due to having ideal conditions and Geographical and environmental factors are still the main centers for urban settlements in the Kurdistan region.

Abstract
Tol-e-Zahak site, as the ancient city of Fasa in the historical and Islamic period, is located about 2 km south of the modern city of Fasa in the eastern center of Fars province and was registered as the 15th national monument in 1310 AD. After conducting a archaeological systematic survey of this site in 1397, in addition to identifying the extent of the site (based on the dispersion of surface data) which reaches more than 500 hectares; Chronology and settlement periods of the site, which indicate its habitation from the late fourth millennium BC to the Islamic Middle Ages; It was found. By studying the data obtained from the survey, especially pottery samples, one of the important settlement periods of Tol-e- Zahak area is the settlement related to the Sassanid period. Scattering of cultural materials related to this period (especially pottery) was observed almost all over the site. In this article, the authors intend to examine the historical sources and previous archaeological research in the region in connection with the Sassanid period in the region, the results with the data related to the Sassanid settlement identified from the methodical study of Tol-e- Zahak site, Intertwined (Historical Approach) and to reconstruct the appearance of Fasa city in the Sassanid period as much as possible. Studies show that the Sassanid settlement of Tol-e- Zahak site is undoubtedly a large urban settlement of the type of cities with an irregular shape of the Sassanid period. Due to its strategic location and suitable environmental conditions for agricultural and livestock activities, this city as one of the important commercial and commercial cities throughout the Sassanid rule and even a few centuries after the advent of Islam in Darabgerd province in the east of Persia Has played a role.
Keywords: Tol-e- Zahak Site, Ancient City of Fasa, Archaeological Survey, Sasanian Period.

Introduction
Fasa is a city in the eastern central of Fars province, despite the environmental conditions suitable especially for agricultural activities and also its special strategy position, which is located between the civilization areas of the east and west of the Iranian plateau on the one hand and the access route to the open waters of the Pars sea, despite the identification of many works and sites from prehistory to late centuries, Islamic archeological knowledge, especially the situation of the region in its historical period is very small Zahak bridge (Tol) is the largest ancient site of the city and one of the most important ancient sites of Fars. Most of the researchers in the area are related to the pre-revolutionary period. Some limited investigations were carried out on each of these sites based on a specific settlement or only included the main mount of the area which gave its name to the entire part. So it’s necessary to carry out a systematic investigation that covers the entire area of the site and all settlement periods. After the systematic investigation of the site that was carried out in 2017C (1397) based on the distribution of cultural materials. 
The surface area of the site was more than 500 hectares it was reached with the chronology of the cultural materials of the period of the residence in the site from the end of the fourth millennium to the middle Islamic century it was estimated continuously without interruption it seems that despite the most Sasanian cities during the Sasani’s period, the city of Fasa has been an important commercial city in the region since and it reached the peak of its expansion and prosperity in the Sasanian and early Islamic period. On the other hand, the historical and geographical sources of the beginning of Islam have a close relationship with Sasanians and called the city a large city with many products and prosperous commerce a city that has all the important structural features like; Kohandej, Baroo, Khandagh Sharrstan, Rabz… .

Data
The largest number of sites identified in the archaeological survey of Fasa which was conducted in 2008 (1388) belongs to the Sasanian period. A total of mounds and artifacts have been identified from this period (image 3). Of these 18 sites, only Sasanian settlements Also 28 sites were identified with the continuity of settlement from the Ashkanian to Sasanian period, 1391(166), the results of archaeological investigation and excavations region in Fasa indicate the importance of the region such a way that all the boundaries of the city witness settlements related to this period include urban and rural settlements, (watch towers), (fire temples), (water structures), (cemeteries), etc.
The main part of this article is derived from the results of the methodical archaeological survey of the site of Tol Zahak, it’s necessary to give a brief explanation of the survey and sampling method chosen for this site. Since the area in question is located between the modern city of Fasa and the two villages of Dastjeh and KheyrAbad, most of its lands has been cultivated and turned into agricultural lands for the villagers on the other hand the urban and rural construction in the northern, southern and eastern parts of the are an don’t allow a more accurate estimate of the area out to the size and extent of the area the selection of small square brought problems. So it was decided the entire area can be gridded into units with dimensions of 100 × 100 meters in the main geographical directions. Sampling to select the sample units in this research is based on one of the pre-defined, scientific methods, which is stratified methodical sampling.

Discussion
General chronology of Tol e Zahak and recognition of the settlement periods as well as identification of each period is based on the pottery chronology obtained from the methodical investigation of this area. According to the existence of prominent Sasanian cities explored near Fasa such as Darabgerd, Ardeshir Khoreh, Fasr AbuNasr, etc. Knowing the Sasanian pottery of this area is not very complicated. They have enough cooking. Pottery with a thick red mud coating and gray pottery with a black coating (image 6) of the common types of Sasanian pottery of the Tol-e-Zahak area which were identified from almost all investigated units. Among the interesting points of Sasania’s pottery of the Tol-e- Zahak is the use of decoration. There is a large undulating log on their outer surface. According to the distribution of Sasanian pottery in the Tol site, the Sasanian settlement covers the entire surface of the site, and it can be called a large urban settlement that is located next to the important cities of Kureh. Darabgerd has been in the eastern center of the Pars state based on the large dispersion of pottery known as Sasanian-Islamic pottery on the entire surface Fasa has passed the transition from the Sasanian period.
In the Islamic period without any change in the urban structure of the area of Tol -e-Zahak, several types of pottery related to this period were found. One of these characteristic types is pottery with an alkaline green glaze with added motifs which was obtained from most of the sampled units of Tol Zahak (image7) other types of Pottery related to this period are pottery with carvings decoration with a wave on the edge and other surface and the pottery is decorated with a grooved log pattern and these samples are almost was found all over the area. Sir Orel Eshtein the first explorer of Tol Zahak describes it as follows: there isn’t a big ancient area in Fasa except Tol Zahak so without doubt this area is the old city of Fasa (eshtein,1936) but this hypothesis was scientifically proven by conducting a systematic investigation. Conditions suitable environment and special strategic location of Fasa due to its location between several royal cities.

Conclusion
Fasa City has different from other important cities of the Fars State in the Sasanian period such as Bishapor, Darabgerd, ArdeshirKhore, and, Estakhr the most important issue is the function of the city and its background and history. The most important cities in Fars in the Sasanian period can be considered royal and religious cities that played a big role as religious centers of the Sasanian period. Without any doubt, the existence of significant governmental and religious structures in cities is undeniable but Fasa can only consider the commercial prosperity of commerce and agriculture as the most important factors of the city’s prosperity in the Sasanian period. It is the commercial center of Fars State and most of the geographers who have visited this city are described in their works. Trade and commerce of Fasa have been praised a lot. Archaeological evidence shows that the Sasanian-Islamic period of Tol Zahak is one of the large and important settlements of the site the Sasanian period and the early Islamic centuries can be concluded this transfer of power from Sasanian to Muslim Arabs which includes the aspect political and religious issues couldn’t have created a disturbance in the prosperity of Fasa.
Their fore description of the large size of the city included commerce and agriculture can imagine the Sasania’s area well. According to the description of the surface, Fasa is estimated to be about 500 hectares and is one of the largest cities. Another issue is related to the historical region in the Sasanian cities. Most of the royal cities in Fars as BiShapor were founded in this period and Darabgerd and Ardeshir Khoreh a little time passed it was used like checkered entities but about the formation of city it is very different issue.

Sasanian Empire was one of the most powerful periods in ancient Iran. Archaeological evidence and traces, and Sasanian and Post-Sasanian texts show cultural and artistic relations of the Sasanian Empire from the East to the West. However, official Sasanian methods of warfare are one of the most important legacies of the period that have been less studied. These offensive and defensive arms and armor can be analyzed by looking at remaining evidence left by kings and officials within the national borders to the lands abroad. Sasanian swords are depicted on rock reliefs, silver dishes, and coins (drachmas and dinars). Although studies have been done on the classification of Sasanian swords shown on rock reliefs, no systematic study on the depiction of Sasanian swords on Sasanian drachms has been done so far. The following paper tries to restudy the subject by comparing the swords depicted on Sasanian coins and compare them to the swords shown on rock reliefs and dishes. Sasanian swords are depicted on different Sasanian royal arts such as Sasanian coins, Sasanian silver dishes, and Sasanian rock reliefs. Different elements will be taken into consideration such as the shape of swords in general and their method of hanging from the belt in particular. A closer look shows that Sasanian drachmas and dinars show two major types of hanging Sasanian swords via a scabbard slide system: A. hanging the sword in front of the body. B. hanging the sword on the left or the right hip. Additionally, the following paper will compare them to some extant examples of Sasanian swords that are kept in museums and private collections. 

This article addresses and re-examines Marc-Anthony Karantabias’ analysis of factors that contributed to the defeat of the Sasanian Spāh by Heraclius by 627-628 CE. Karantabias’ analysis may be categorized into four (military) misconceptions with respect to the Spāh: (1) the notion that the late Sasanian Spāh lacked stirrups for the Savaran cavalry (2) the alleged refusal or lack of knowledge of the Mongolian draw which is proposed to have been of greater efficacy than the Sasanian (3-finger) bowshot (3) the notion of “Persian conservatism” leading to the Spāh’s refusal to adopt new military technologies and (4) the alleged supremacy of Steep/Central Asian and/or Hun-Turkic cavalry warfare over the Sasanians. These four misconceptions fail to be supported by a close examination of archaeological sites (e.g., Taghe Bostan) and artifacts (e.g., Sasanian stirrups, metal works, etc.), primary sources and pertinent research studies. A fifth misconception pertains to the lack of consideration of the shortcomings of the Sasanian four-Spadbed system which Heraclius was able to successfully exploit against the Sasanian empire. In conclusion, Heraclius’ successes are attributed to his exploitation of the weaknesses of the four-Spāhbed system as well as the Byzantine willingness to adopt Steppe/Central Asian technology (e.g., compound bow, iron stirrup).  

Abstract
Agriculture played a significant role in the economic prosperity and development during the Sassanid era. The Sassanid facilitated economic, social, and political growth by constructing water structures tailored to the environmental landscape of the region and establishing laws for water utilization. The presence of perennial rivers like the Dez and Karkheh in Khuzestan created conditions not only to supply the water needs of local settlements but also to address the shortage of drinking, industrial, and agricultural water in other areas distant from rivers that had fertile soil. This was achieved through the construction of structures such as weirs, canals, Qanats, and other water facilities. Specifically, the water supply for the city and agricultural lands of Gondishapur, located 15 kilometers from the Dez River, was accomplished through various water bodies; among these, river Qanats played a fundamental role in transferring reliable water from the Dez River to the city and its farmlands. Archaeological field studies conducted by the authors have led to the identification of new water structures, including weirs, Qanats, and related canals, which had previously been recognized only in part. A considerable portion of these structures is located on the eastern side of the Dez River, and some extend near Gondishapur, suggesting the hypothesis that river Qanats were the main source of water supply for this city-a notion traceable in historical writings. The primary question of this research is how the permanent water required by the city of Gondishapur was supplied, what role the river Qanats played, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Satellite imagery analysis indicates the prominent role of Qanats utilization in transferring water to Gondishapur from the Dez River during the Sassanid period, although some of the Dezful Qanats can be attributed to a later period, even the Safavid era.
Keywords: Aqueduct - Canal, Sater Structure, Dez River, Gondishapur, Dezful, Sasanian.

Introduction
Water, as a vital element, has played a central role in the development of civilizations. In Iran, a country with water limitations, this issue has gained double significance, and water engineering has been recognized as one of the most prominent aspects of Iranian technology and skill from ancient times to the present. The Qanats, one of the most astonishing achievements of water engineering in Iran, is regarded not only as a solution for managing scarce water resources but also as a valuable cultural symbol. These irrigation systems, some of which extend over a hundred kilometers, are renowned not only in Iran but also worldwide.
In this text, the author examines the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and its connection with the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It is emphasized that a more accurate understanding of these systems can contribute to a better comprehension of the subsistence economy and economic development during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. Furthermore, analytical-comparative studies can demonstrate the level of creativity and the impact of these systems on the life of the city of Gondishapur.
The author has used descriptive-analytical methods and tools such as remote sensing, aerial and satellite imagery, maps, and digital elevation models to analyze the data. This research seeks to answer questions about the role of river Qanats in providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur and how the technology and construction methods of these Qanats were.
The research hypotheses state that the water needed for the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River. Tangible evidence such as the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes are presented as examples of this technology.
This research not only assesses the historical and archaeological aspects of these systems but also pays attention to their importance in sustainable development and the preservation of cultural heritage. Ultimately, this study can serve as an important resource for researchers interested in the history and technology of water in Iran.

Discussion
The central question of the current research is how the perennial water supply needed by the city of Gondishapur was secured, what role the River Qanats played in this, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was like. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Therefore, the forthcoming article examines and analyzes the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and how it relates to the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It specifically seeks to answer the following questions: Based on historical and archaeological documents, how are the River Qanats evaluated in terms of providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur? And what was the technology and construction method of the River Qanats of Dezful and their various components? Following these questions, the hypotheses of this research have been organized as follows: The water needed by the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River as a permanent water source. This action has been evidenced by the construction of the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes as tangible proofs of water transfer to the city of Gondishapur.

Conclusion
Field research and analysis of Corona aerial imagery have revealed numerous water structures in the northern, western, eastern, and southern areas surrounding Dezful. Among these, the Qanats located on the eastern bank of the Dez River hold particular significance due to their direct relevance to this study. For instance, no traces of Qanats are identifiable in the Yaqub-e Leyth region in the 1968 Corona images, yet two Qanats shafts were discovered during field investigations. A primary deficiency in the initial plan was the failure to identify the Qanats chains in the Benuarshami area. Following the discovery of ancient Qanats and canals, research began on their history, indicating that some Dezful Qanats, such as Qamish-e Momenun, might date back to the Safavid era. It appears that parts of these Qanats, ancient canals, and water structures supplying the city of Gondishapur were constructed at least in the latter half of the Sassanid period, or it cannot be said that all Dezful Qanats branches belong to a specific era.
It seems that in the first half of the Sassanid period, open earthen canals were responsible for supplying water to Gondishapur, and in the latter half, the introduction of new crops such as rice and sugarcane increased water demand, rendering the canals connected to the Dez River insufficient. This situation partly justifies the creation of Qanats. After the abandonment of the city in the 7th or 8th century AH, it is likely that the water supply structures of Gondishapur became ineffective. Consequently, the Qanats, whose water discharge was recorded until 1966 AD, transferred water to the western lands of Gondishapur or directed it downstream via the Siyah Mansur River.

Abstract
Gorieh site located in Zarneh section of Ivan Gharb city is one of the important Sassanid and early Islamic sites in archeological studies of the west of the country which has been excavated in 2015. During a season of excavation in this ancient site, a variety of cultural artifacts were found, including pottery, and due to the importance of pottery and its role in archaeological studies, this cultural material was studied in this article. Therefore, for this study, 127 pieces of pottery from the Sassanid era, from 1500 pieces of pottery obtained from excavation, were selected for study. Initially, these pottery were classified typologically based on their technical characteristics and shape or form. This research has a fundamental nature with a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of this research has two parts: library and field studies (pottery). The main purpose of this article is to study the quantity and quality of Sassanid pottery in Gorieh area, then their typology, classification and relative chronology. Chronology has been done comparatively and cultural relations with adjacent areas have been explained based on comparative studies of pottery. The results showed that among the identified forms among the pottery of Gorieh area, including Ewer, jug, bowl, cup and plate and the most common decorative patterns of pottery are carved patterns. Pottery is often suitable for baking and a sign of oven temperature control for baking pottery, and the quality of their construction is generally average. Also, a comparative comparison showed that in terms of relative chronology, Sassanid Gorieh pottery is relatively similar to the areas of the late period. Therefore, while having some local characteristics, the pottery of this area with areas such as, Qasr-e-Bonsar, Hajiabad, Sassanian sites identified in the survey of the Mahneshan of Zanjan, North Khuzestan, Mianab Shushtar, Bushehr, Ras al-Khaimah and Tal-e mahuz sites, Abu Sharifa in Iraq They are comparable and in addition to the influences of regional style, it is most similar to the cultural sphere of southwestern Iran.
Keywords: Typology, Classification, Sasanian Potteries, Gorieh Site, Ilam.

Introduction
Gorieh area is located in geographical coordinates of 38s x: 605380 and Y: 37522210. This site is located 50 km northwest of Ilam, Zarneh district in Ivan city, about 800 meters south and southwest of lower Sartang village. (Khosravi, 1395: 32) Gorieh region drowned in water after impounding of Kangir dam in year of 1394 AH. (Fig. 2) Part of the Zagros Mountains, which overlooks to Mesopotamia and the plains of Khuzestan, is now called Ilam Province. Pottery is the most abundant cultural material in archaeological excavations and studies. Pottery is mostly used for relative dating and to know the cultural and trade relations of the ancient sites. (Khosrozadeh et al., 1399: 119) Therefore, in the present study, the Authors try to introduce and study the pottery findings as one of the cultural materials discovered from the excavation of Gorieh site, which was excavated by one of the Authors of the article, with other sites at the same contemporary.

Discussion 
Masbezan was one of the Sassanian provinces during the rule of Ardeshir Babakan (ruled 244-241 AD) (Rawlinson, 1362: 44); in historical books, this province has been recorded in two forms: ((Masbezan)) and ((Mah, sebzan)). The word Mah or May in the word ((sabzan)) is the changed form of the word ((Mad)) which means city (Qara Chanlu, 1360: 31-32) and the change of the word Mad to Mah and May, which was done during the Parthian and Sassanian eras, was also a common word in the Islamic period for refer to Iraq and non-Arabic places. (Ibid: 32) During the early centuries of Islam, western Iran in the terms of geographical divisions was considered as Jabal province (mountain) in. (Fig. 1) among the cultural findings of the excavation in the Gorieh site, a number of pottery obtained from different spaces. In the present study, from hundreds of Sassanian pottery pieces obtained by screening method, Index pottery was selected from 127 pieces and then categorization, typology and chronology were proposed. Most pottery was made using the wheel-making technique and most of them are sufficiently baked; the pottery s are made entirely of mineral chamotte (sand). In terms of the quality of the pottery s, the earthenware of Gorieh area can be divided into three groups: 1. medium 2. Average 3. Rough. In the present study, the studied samples are pottery s from ancient textures and spaces which cognitively obtained and representative of all classes and species, these potteries were selected accordingly and then discussed and analyzed. Therefore, from a comparative study conducted in a chapter of archeological excavations in Gorieh area, the number of pieces was selected separately: 96 rim, 1 pipe, 4 handles, 18 body and 8 pottery bottom Sassanian unglazed pottery s in terms of color of the dough are divided in three main groups: pea near to green (79 of 127 pieces), pea (20 of 127 pieces), red (19 of 127 pieces), brown (7 from 127 pieces) and gray (3 out of 127 pieces). In addition to the above, for the classification of pottery s which studied in Gorieh, the shape of their rims has also been considered. Accordingly, the rim founded pieces are classified into separate groups: gutters shape, triple, compact, standing and round, round inward or outward, quadruple, and flat .The highest rim diameter among Ceramics is 400 mm and the lowest is 40 mm, in terms of rim type’s number, the highest type of rim is the rounded rim. The pottery bottoms are divided into three groups: flat (Table6, numbers 1 and 3), legged bottom (Table6, number 4 to 7) and upright bottom (Table6, number 2), and handles are in two circular shapes (Table6, number 9 to 11) button shapes, (Table6 number 8) and a container tube (Table6 number 12) are separable Motifs and decorative elements of Gorieh pottery’s can be divided into four categories: 1. Simple patterns (stump) 2. Composite patterns 3. Added patterns and 4. Compression patterns.
The studied potteries, as mentioned before, is placed in common (simple) type in terms of construction and technical characteristics. In the present study dishes, based on the general shape of the earthenware and the type of edge are divided into different shapes of jug, crock, bowls, plates and cups.

Conclusion 
In each cultural region, the quality and quantity of archaeological data provide the basis for archaeological evaluations. The exploration, typology, and chronology of the potteries of a Guriyeh region were carried out to answer the research questions. The technical characteristics of the pottery show that sand is used in its composition. What is clear is that most of the potteries were fired sufficiently, and some of them were fired insufficiently, which indicates the lack of heat control in the pottery kilns. Most of the potteries studied in the present study were in the medium group, showing the tendency of the residents of Guriyeh to use vessels with medium elegance. The majority of the pottery has been made through wheel throwing, demonstrating the use of the potter’s wheel in making pottery; only a few of them are handmade. Wet hand polishing is also observed on the inner and outer walls of most of the pottery. In addition to the polishing of some earthenware, a thin or thick mud layer was also applied on the inner or outer wall and even both walls. In total, several types of pottery, including jugs, crocks, bowls, cups, and plates, were obtained from the Guriyeh area. The comparison of the kinds of pottery with those of other regions showed that pottery with general use, such as jugs (48.96%), is the primary type used by people living in this region. In terms of decorative diversity, Guriyeh’s pottery includes engraved, embossed, and combined motifs. Among them, the use of fingernail pressure to design the pottery seems to be indigenous to the Western region of Iran, and it has not been observed in other areas. Since there is very little archaeological information about Sassanid pottery in the Western region of Iran, the pottery of the Guriyeh area was compared with other regions. Based on comparisons, it was found that the potteries of the Guriyeh area have relative similarity with those of regions at the end of this period, such as (Abu Nasr Palace in Fars, Abu Sharifah Hill in Iraq, and Bushehr surveys). In general, the Guriyeh area was located on two ancient communication routes from Iran to Mesopotamia, as well as a route to the West and Southwest of Iran. Accordingly, Guriyeh’s pottery is comparable to that of other cultural regions of Iran. It can be concluded that based on the available documents, the area of Guriyeh seems to be culturally influenced by the cultural region of Southwest and South Iran, which can be attributed to its specific regional style.

Abstract
The pearl motif stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used decorative elements in Sasanian art, with its diverse reflections evident in the cultural and artistic works of the era. This study aims to explore the significance and position of this motif in Sasanian decorative arts, analyzing it as one of the most notable designs employed in royal ornaments and as a sacred or meaningful symbol. The research adopts a fundamental approach, utilizing descriptive and comparative-analytical methods, with data collected through library-based studies. Findings reveal that the use of the pearl motif in Sasanian art extended beyond mere decoration, serving as a symbolic, spiritual, and royal element. The analysis indicates that the motif was deeply connected with Zoroastrian beliefs, representing farr-e izadi (divine glory). This symbolic motif was extensively featured in various decorative arts, including silk textiles, gold and silver vessels, coins, and architectural adornments such as stucco and wall paintings. The use of the pearl motif emphasized themes such as royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the aspiration for increased divine favor, ultimately leading to greater prosperity and success. The results highlight that the pearl motif, by bridging religious and social values, became a cornerstone of Sasanian decorative arts and a powerful symbol of the interconnectedness between humanity, the divine, and the royal order during this period.
Keywords: Pearl, Symbol, Decorative Art, Sasanian, Farreh Izadi.

Introduction
The motif of the pearl in Sasanian art stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used elements in the artistic decorations of this period. Beyond its decorative aspects, it served as a symbol of spirituality and royalty. Despite its significance, existing studies have not comprehensively analyzed its meanings and applications. The symbolic use of pearls in art emphasized royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the attainment of khvarenah (divine glory) and greater prosperity. This paper demonstrates how pearls, as a significant symbol, established a profound connection between humans, deities, and the royal system. 
Despite the importance of pearls in the Sasanian era, current research lacks a thorough analysis of their meanings and functions in Sasanian art. This study explores the roles of pearls in Sasanian art, examining their association with the spiritual and social values of the time. It also highlights how this symbolic element reflected the relationship between humans, divine beings, and the royal order. The primary goal of this research is to analyze the significance and role of the pearl motif in Sasanian art. It aims to show how this motif, beyond its decorative purposes, embodied spiritual and social meanings and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic works.
This study also investigates the various applications of the pearl motif in Sasanian decorative arts, including textiles, vessels, coins, and architectural ornamentation. It examines its connections to Zoroastrian beliefs and its impact on the social and religious values of Sasanian society. Moreover, it analyzes how the pearl motif was used to emphasize royal legitimacy and to secure prosperity and well-being, while also exploring the bond between humans, divine entities, and the royal system as reflected in artistic works.
The key research questions are: What symbols and functions does the pearl represent in Sasanian art? How are the most significant visual manifestations of the pearl motif related to the spiritual values of the Sasanian era?
In response to the first question, the hypothesis suggests that the pearl motif in Sasanian art transcended its decorative nature, symbolizing spiritual and royal values that reflected the religious and social beliefs of Sasanian society. For the second question, it is hypothesized that the visual expressions of the pearl motif, through specific designs and compositions, were closely tied to spiritual and ideological values and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic creations.

Identified Traces 
Since Sasanian art was primarily intended for the court and was entirely official, its artistic elements were naturally aligned with royal objectives. Pearls, intrinsically associated with farrah (divine glory) in both tangible and abstract forms, were used extensively in Sasanian art for decorative and symbolic purposes.
One of the primary uses of pearls was as royal adornment. They were frequently seen in various types of jewelry, royal garments, crowns, and in the decorations of royal rings. A notable decorative element was the design of one or two strands of pearls, often interspersed with square jewel-encrusted pieces. This motif seems to have been one of the standard designs used in various decorations.
Among royal jewelry, there was a necklace that appeared to hold a distinctive value compared to other jewels. It consisted of a single strand of gems or pearls ending in a flowing ribbon, with three large gemstones or three royal pearls in the center. This necklace seems to have held a status akin to that of the royal ring. In Sasanian art, such necklaces were either worn by kings and deities or by specific animals on their necks or beaks.
Pearls were also used as symbolic elements in architectural decorations. Pearl-encrusted medallions and circular frames were among the most common features in Sasanian decorative and symbolic art. Beyond their aesthetic function, these pearl frames had two meaningful aspects: first, they surrounded sacred and pre-defined symbolic elements in Sasanian religious and philosophical thought, emphasizing their significance and sanctity; second, elements that were not inherently sacred gained new meaning when placed within these frames, sometimes carrying a message from the king and ultimately attaining a spiritual and transcendent quality. The concept of a sacred halo, like the pearl motifs, was also related to the notion of farrah (Sodavar, 2017: 19).

Conclusion 
The motif of pearls in the Sasanian period can be explored from both an artistic and decorative viewpoint, as well as from a mythological and religious perspective. Since Sasanian decorative art was dedicated to celebrating the finest creations of the divine, pearls, with their sacred status as symbols of Mithra, Anahita, and other deities associated with water, became one of the most prominent decorative elements. In Sasanian art, pearls were never used purely for ornamental purposes; rather, they were imbued with deep religious meanings, transforming them into a widely used and sacred motif.
Pearls were among the most common embellishments in Sasanian handicrafts and architectural decorations, serving as a visual representation of farrah. The various forms in which pearls manifested farrah included not only the usual jewelry worn by priests, courtiers, nobles, and aristocrats but also a specific type of necklace comprising a strand of jewel-encrusted pearls, with three large gemstones or royal pearls in the center. This special necklace, in addition to symbolizing power, was presented by sacred animals such as the peacock, duck, ram, and winged horse as a sign of the king’s legitimacy and divine selection as ruler.
Finally, pearl-encrusted solar rings were transformed into a sacred halo around the heads of kings and deities, symbolizing divine presence and spiritual power.

Relations between Iran and the East Asia date back to ancient times. These interactions ranged in function and scale from the initial development of overland trade routes by hopeful merchants, all the way to the political entanglements of ruling dynasties. These relations can be traced through material culture but also through their incorporation into written texts. Although, China (Čīn) and Korea (Silla) had been referenced in relation to the Zoroastrian heroes of the resurrection, Japan did not have any position in this regard according to Persian texts. Additionally, the name China was known for the Middle Persian languages such as Sogdian, Manichean and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts, those texts have never mentioned the name of Japan. Although, many scholarly works have been published on Iran-Japan historical relations, the author believes that some aspects of these relations need to be reviewed. Zoroastrian late texts describe Čīnestān while it is hard to explain the term included Japan and Silla, but this information can be seen frequently in the Early Islamic Periods widely about Silla. According to the Persian texts, Čīn and Silla were two “holy toponyms” where the final (Zoroastrian) savior would come to rescue Iran from the Arabs. Surprisingly heroes-kings like Jamshid, Faridun, Faranak, Zahhak, Garshasb, Sām were entangled with these two toponyms according to Persian texts. Clearly Japan appeared less frequently as a toponym in Persian classic texts. The author believes that believe “refraining to give support to Sasanian princes” should serve as a significant factor in dropping Japan’s name by Persian texts. In this article I will try to answer “why references to Japan are lacking in Persian classic texts?”

This article delves into the intricate evolution of swords and sabers in China and Iran, shedding light on the craftsmanship that shaped these formidable weapons. The article begins by exploring the genesis and progression of sword shapes in China, focusing on the distinct forms that emerged over time. It particularly highlights the stark differences between the straight-edged jian and the various types of dao, which are characterized by their single-edged design. The discourse then shifts to the Persian context, unraveling the true essence of the term ‘shamshir’. Contrary to the common misconception held by numerous scholars and collectors in the West, ‘shamshir’ is not confined to highly curved sabers. Instead, it is a broad term used in Persian to denote any kind of sword, irrespective of its shape. The article further delves into the historical period when curved swords began to gain prominence in both China and Iran. This exploration not only provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of these weapons but also offers insights into the cultural and historical contexts that influenced their development. 

Manifestations of the Sasanian period’s artistic influence are abundantly evident in the eastern territories of this empire through archaeological discoveries and surviving artifacts. Among these, the designs on a box known as a śarīra reliquary, discovered in a Buddhist temple within the Subashi site in Kucha city, Xinjiang Province, western China, illustrate a fusion of Sasanian, Buddhist, and local artistic styles. 1 Accordingly, the present study aims to introduce and analyze the motifs of the aforementioned box, thereby addressing the following questions: 1. Which Iranian-Sasanian religious beliefs are reflected in the motifs used on the box known as the śarīra reliquary? 2. Based on the motifs of the śarīra box, what are the primary designs and themes that constitute the artistic influence of Sasanian-era Iran on the regions east of the Iranian plateau? Based on the proposed hypotheses, the motifs employed in the śarīra box reflect the most prominent religious and symbolic elements of the Sasanian period; elements whose examples can be observed throughout the Sasanian realm, Central Asia, and China, particularly along the Silk Road trade route. Sasanian art and religious beliefs found their way into China through trade exchanges, the gifting of royal presents, and the migration of Sogdians and other Iranian-speaking peoples, influencing the artistic works of those regions. The Kucha region, due to its specific geographical location in the Tarim Basin along the Silk Road in western China, was considered one of the most frequented and caravan-laden cities. Consequently, this region witnessed the formation of Buddhist temples and grottoes, an increase in the arrival of caravans and travelers, and, subsequently, the presence of artists, musicians, and other social strata of that era. Kucha gradually transformed into a city where music held a high status, and various Iranian musical instruments, such as the vertical harp and the barbat (lute), were widely played. As a result, Kucha can be considered one of the best places to study the influence of Sasanian art on Chinese art. Despite the significance of the topic, no independent research has yet been conducted on the Sasanian-Iranian elements present in the motifs of this box. The present research is theoretical in nature, conducted with an analytical-comparative approach, and its data collection was carried out through library research and the utilization of available resources.

The Sasanian Empire (second Persian Empire) established strong communication with China during the Tang Dynasty, reaching its peak. Following the Arab conquest, the cultural integration between the Tang Dynasty and the Persian aristocracy continued to flourish. Tang emperors, Li Zhi and Wu Zetian, provided assistances to Persian king Peroz and his son Narsi, with Peroz eventually choosing to settle in Chang’an in his later years. According to the records of Chang’an Zhi Tu by (Li Haowen, 2013: 49) the stone statue of Persian king Peroz is among the sixty-one statues at Qianling Mausoleum which is the Emperor Gaozong Li Zhi, and Empress Wu Zetian’s resting place; It means that the Qianling Mausoleum holds a significant connection to the Sasanian prince, Peroz; Furthermore, the cultural materials obtained from three subsidiary tombs (the tombs of Li Zhi and Wu Zetian’s sons, grandsons, granddaughters, as well as those of the officials buried around them) at Qianling can be closely interpreted as being related to Persian culture. This article explores the influence of Sasanian Persian culture on the aristocratic culture of the Tang Dynasty as well as the adaptation of Persian customs by the officials of the Tang Dynasty. This influence is evidenced by the cultural materials unearthed from the Qianling subsidiary tombs.