logo

Search published articles


Showing 12 results for Ray

Morteza Hessari, Hassan Akbari, Alireza Sardari-E Zarchi,
year 1, Issue 1 (12-2017)
Abstract

Abstract
In this paper, research was performed on cultural materials from Bard Panir, which morphologically is located on southern Central Zagros at mountainsides of Lorestan, close to the Khuzestan Plain and is geopolitically a part of Khuzestan Province. However, this region is similar to Lorestan Province with regard to its average rainfall, its mild temperature is neither similar to freezing winters of Lorestan, nor like torrid summers of Khuzestan. In addition, this region had traditionally been fertile because of being near Bala Roud, Dez and Karkhe (Hole, 1994). Regarding Cultural-Historical parameters, this region seems to be at least contemptuous with cultural materials from cultural periods such as Shoush II or Uruk in Mesopotamia. Shoush II Period in Khuzestan is known based on what is found in Acropolis I, especially layers 17-22. Moreover, materials from Apadana are analogous to those from Acropolis1, layers 19-22 (Dittmann, 1986: 76). Therefore, this time horizon seems to be related to a network of societies that connect Central Zagros to Khuzestan, and from there to Mesopotamia, within which is especially located the key deployment called Uruk, which is divided into three periods: Early Uruk, Mid Uruk, and Late Uruk. Hence, based on cultural materials excavated by authors and some samples from this site which were kept in Andimeshk Cultural Heritage, the morphology and location of this Tappeh, as a special physiographical region, were determined.
Keywords: Bard Panir, Shoush II, Uruk, Beveled Rim Bowl, Baneshi Tray.

Location and Description of Bard Panir
This site is located near the banks of Bala Roud Dam, Bala Roud, close to Hosseinieh
Town, northern Andimeshk City, Khuzestan Province. It is at 32 40 13.4 northern latitude; at 048 15 49.4 eastern longitude; and at a height of 343 m Altitude the sea level. Although, Bard Panir is geopolitically mapped within Khuzestan Province, it must geographically be located at southern Central Zagros. Bard Panir is about 10 m high; its area is 3.5 Ha; and distribution of pottery in it extends to around 30 Ha. This site is within a plain, at 100 meters from the banks of Bala Roud. Moreover, the site is about 40 m above the level of this river, and all surrounding area can be observed. It is circular. Within it, there are observed pieces of architectural evidence such as steeples and walls. Fortunately, because of being surrounded by the dam, it is not damaged by illegal excavations, buildings, farming, and traffickings by domestic and humans; so that it is easy to find large pieces of pottery and other data on the surface of this site.

Surface Data
Different cultural materials were collected from Bard Panir such as:

Pottery, Coarse Ware
1. Beveled Rim Bowl (Tab 1, Fig 3): This type of bowl is buff or cream-pink in colour. It is categorized among simply designed potteries. It is made of Chaff. There is observed some impurities because of using sands. Its surface is coarse because of the methods of they are produced. On the interior side of this kind of pottery is observed the deep trails of potter’s fingers. The rim of the container had been bevelled by a thing such as a piece of pottery or bone or fingers. Temper such as large (about 1.5 cm) chaff had been used. Moreover, average and tiny (0.5mm-5mm) sands had intentionally been added to the pottery material, so that the surface of the pottery is coarse. The mouth of all excavated pieces were approximately identical, ranging from 15 cm to 16.7 cm. All potteries are firmly made and almost all samples are baked completely. Data with regard to four of these containers are as follows: Container no. 1: 980ML; Container no.2: 965ML; Container no.3: 940ML; Container no. 4: 928ML
2. Baneshi Tray: Baneshi tray, which is known by its Uruki name, is a simple and shallow container. This had been made in circular and oval shapes in pinkish or buff colour. These potteries are hand-made and are made without any kinds of decorations or motifs. The temper used is of herbal kind which includes large (1.5 cm long) chaffs; however, some tiny (rarely larger than 2 mm) soft sands had intentionally added to the soil. It seems that they had been haggled; then they had been sprayed like a bread; and lastly the rims of the container had been leaned inwards; while, the surface of the container is levelled by hands and fingertips. The coarse exterior surface is the outcome the method of manufacturing them.
Fine Buff Ware Plain and painted (Tab 2, Fig 4): This type of Buff pottery includes often simple and rarely painted Motives. They had been designed mostly in brown and red colours. Their body is relatively thin.The Temper which are used mostly belong to the category of minerals. In the body of these pieces are observed coarse and homogeneous sands (0.20-2mm), being graded with a quality ranging from good to very good. According to the temper used in these types of potteries, the soil used by the potters had been relatively clean. There were not observed any impurities except for rare cases. The mould used by potters had acceptably been knead; however, the large amount of temper had resulted in its firm structure.
Fine Red Ware (Tab 3): This kind of pottery with orangey-red mould, includes often plain and rarely painted potteries. The Temper that had been used in these kinds of potteries are tiny minerals and are similar to small knobs on the interior and exterior surfaces of all pieces. Furthermore, in some cases the additive Chaff is observed, and this is one of the most important characteristics. In all these types of potteries except for one, the interior surface of the open-mouth pottery which is covered similar to the exterior surface is simple and untouched; so that the trails of parallel lines made by pot-wheel are observed clearly on the interior surface of the pottery. The soil used in manufacturing these potteries are observable with naked eye, although the herbal additives are chipped very small in size, and lots of heterogeneous and numerous sands in all sizes. The mould had acceptably been knead and potteries are made of a constant and firm structure.

Masoumeh Barsam, Yosof Faryabi,
year 3, Issue 7 (5-2019)
Abstract

Abstract
Rayen and Bam citadels, dating back to ancient civilization from the Sassanid period, has a favorable commercial position due to its location at the intersection of the North to the South of Khorasan and Govashir of Kerman to Bandar Abbas and the west to east of Fars to Baluchistan. Its geography and position on the route of the above-mentioned communication way has always been threatened and invaded by various ethnic groups and governments; the Kerman province during the Islamic period has been the base of riot clashes with the government forces, and construction of many of the Kermans’ citadels and castles had a security and defense function. Two citadels of the Rayen and Bam, from the Sassanid to Qajar era, have played an important role in the life of the communities and the preservation of security in the Kerman area. The main question is, what are the similarities and differences of the defense structures of these citadels from a security perspective? The present study want to identify the security defenses of the two Rayen and Bam citadel in Kerman province and achieve structural defensive patterns and ways to connect, share and differentiate them. The information of this paper was collected through library (documentary) methods, visual observation and comparison of the findings and the research was conducted using an adaptive-analytical method. The presence of a fence, ruler, watchdog, as well as crossed stands and machicolation indicate the military and security function of the two citadels. One can hypothesize that structure of the Rayen defense fortifications is influenced by the Bam Citadel. The results of this study indicate that due to the location of these citadels in the communication paths of Khorasan, Sistan, the center of Iran, these citadels and defense fortifications have been formed in these two regions.
Keywords: Comparative Study, Security Fortification, Bam Citadel, Rayen Citadel.

Introduction
There are numerous citadels in Kerman province. The importance of Kerman’s citadels is their value to Kerman local rulers and Rayen and Bam citadels are the most well-known castles. These citadels, dating back to civilization of Sasanian times, have a good commercial position due to their location at the intersection of the north-south of Khorasan and Gavashir of Kerman to Bandar Abbas and the west highway to east of Fars-Baluchistan. Their geographical position and route of the highway has always been threatened and invaded by different ethnic groups and governments; therefore, the main question is, how were the ways of sharing and differentiating the defense structures of these citadels from the point of view of defense and security? The present study sought to identify the security defenses of the two Rayen and Bam citadel in Kerman province and achieve structural defensive patterns and their connection, similarities and differentiations.

Research Methodology
The research data were collected using documentary methods, field observations, visual observation and comparison of the obtained results. Then, by comparative studies, considering the similarities and differences between the defenses used in these two categories is adapted with each other.

Background Research
The most comprehensive research on the defense fortifications of Rayen citadel is an article entitled security factors affecting the architecture of the Rayen-Kerman Citadel in 1394, carried out by the writer and Amir Hajlo at the second Birjand Archeology Conference, which dedicated solely to the fortifications of the Rayen Citadel. (Barsam, Amir Hajlo: 1394). Article titled Recognition of the Defense Forces of Bam citadel by Farah Bakhsh and Safa Mansouri (1394) carried out to recognize and introduce the southern fence of the Bam Citadel and has not referred to other defensive elements (Farah Bakhsh; Safa Mansouri: 1394) . Asadpoor Behzadi, in the book “Pearl of the Ancient Sea”, expressed the similarity review of the tower of the citadel to the Bam citadel (Asadpoor Behzadi, 1381). But emphasis is on Bam’s citadel historical perspective. Therefore, this paper conduct comparative study on the defensive fortifications of Bam citadel and Rayen citadel.

Text
Rayen is part of Kerman city with an area of 2596 square kilometers (Khayam and Rajab Ghaneh, 1393: 58), located in 110 kilometers south of Kerman and 28 kilometers southwest of Kerman to Bam road. Bam city, in north of Kerman, from east to Zahedan and Iranshahr, from south to Jiroft and from west to Bardsir city.
Factors affecting the development of defensive and security structures of Bam and Rayen Citadels
1. Military-defense factors
2. Positioning in the communication-commercial direction
3. Climatic features

A Comparative Study of Defense and Security Structures of Rayen and Bam citadels
The defense and security structures of citadels can be examined from enemies attack point of view from the exterior and the interior.
- External defense structures of the citadel
- being on the high
- Fence
- Tower
- Bowstring or outlets
- Ditch
-  Internal Defense Structures
- Entrance to the citadel
- Narrow alleys
- Ruling citadel
- way to escape
- Comparative analysis of defense and military fortifications of two citadel (similarity and differentiation aspects)
- Exterior structure analysis
- one of the first security and defense measures in the location of the citadel is their placement on a relatively high hill.
- the two citadel has a high and solid fence made of mud and brick
- the towers are built in sensitive areas that are located around the aristocracy or overlooking the entrances of the citadel to control the flow and departure of the people.
- other security measures in the construction of citadels were the presence of openings on the entrance that control the movements of people, the shooting or pouring boiling water or molten materials on the attackers.
- Ditch construction
- internal structures:
- Main entrance:
- Narrow alleys
- Ruler position
- the escape way of the ruler house and the ruler place in the citadel is another strategy in security and defense system.

Conclusion
Field studies and documentation show that the architectural structure of the Rayen and Bam citadel can be compared from three perspectives.
A): Security and Defense: The reason for the existence of these citadels for housing is due to the lack of security in the region, wars and bloodshed occurred in the area, these citadels built to protect the ruler family and his courtroom against local opposition. In fact, it can be said that the maintenance of sovereignty of government under any circumstances was a key point in the political structure of the past societies, since the fall of the ruler was the fall of a city. In designing a ruler house in these citadel, security issues strictly observed so that under siege conditions, escape routes prepared secretly for the ruler. More security provided by the passages of these citadels with a low and twisted screw width.
B): Climatic and communication conditions: citadels located in two completely different regions: the Rayen is in a cold and mountainous region in the foothills of the high mountains of Lalezar, Ramshak, Sarabnah, which is a natural barrier. Bam with tropical rainforest in a vast plain has no natural barrier but high and strong towers.
C) Plan and Materials: The principles of Iran traditional architecture are observed in the design and structure of these citadels. In terms of plan, both designed in rectangular form, but in terms of the dimensions, Bam citadel is larger.

Mehdi Karimi Mansoob, Yaghub Mohammadifar,
year 3, Issue 9 (12-2019)
Abstract

Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion 
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion 
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

Yaser Hamzavi, Alireza Koochakzaei, Aliasghar Negarestani,
year 5, Issue 17 (12-2021)
Abstract

Abstract
Ganjali Khan School (Caravanserai) in Kerman is one of the prominent buildings in Kerman from the Safavid period. Valuable gypsum arrays with different techniques have been implemented in this building. Among these arrays there are the Boumsab gypsum arrays that are executed in the royal room on all sides as well as the roof of the building. One of the special features of these arrays is the color of the mortar in the layers of the lower fine coat and the upper fine coat, which can be seen in three colors: red, yellow and gray. It should be noted that in the past, a layer of gypsum plaster has been applied on the surface of gypsum arrays in this building, but fortunately, in recent years, a large part of the additional layer has been peeled off the surface of gypsum arrays. Due to being special of this architectural arrangement and have not been done any detailed scientific study on these works so far, in this article, the structure of the colored mortars of this building has been investigated. Some of the questions of this research are: What is the structure of the colored mortars of Boumsab gypsum arrays in this building? What are the Major and Minor phases of mortar composition? What was the pigment in colored mortars? In this regard, sampling was done and FTIR, EDS, XRD analyzes were performed, which along with field studies, the research questions are answered. The results of the research show that gypsum mortar with the Major phases of gypsum and anhydrite has been used in different layers. Iron oxide (goethite) was also used to color the red and yellow mortars, and ash and lime were used for the gray mortar. Also, organic materials that used to change the quality of mortar were not identified in the structure of the samples.
Keywords: Gypsum Arrays, Colored Mortar, FTIR, EDS, XRD.

Introduction
Boumsab gypsum array is one of the types of low-rise architectural arrays. In this method, abrasion of areas from the fine coat (Intonaco) surface is done in order to create a different texture between the patterns and the background, the abrasion action covers only a part of the thickness of the fine coat layer and does not reach the layers under the fine coat. This method of stucco has been common in Isfahan since the time of Shah Abbas I (Aslani, 1391: 136). Ganjali Khan School (Caravanserai) in Kerman is one of the Monument in which the high quality Boumsab gypsum array has been executed. This Monument was built at the same time as the Ganjali Khan complex in the Safavid period, and one of the most beautiful architectural spaces in terms of architectural layout is the royal room, which is decorated with a gypsum arrangement of Boumsab. One of the features of the Boumsab gypsum array in this building that makes this array one of the other Boumsab gypsum arrays that have been identified as a result of the authors’ field studies (Aliqapoo in Isfahan, Pirnia House in Nain, Aliqapoo in Qazvin, and Kalkhoran Tomb in Ardabil), is the use of colored mortar in the fine coat layers performed in the royal school of Ganjali Khan School in Kerman. In this Monument, three colors of mortar are gray, red and yellow. Due to the fact that two layers of colored substrate are used on all sides as well as the ceiling of the room, at first it seems that gypsum mosaic is of Tokhmedaravari type, but by studying it closely, it can be concluded that Bumsab gypsum array. Another point is that the Boumsab gypsum array with these properties and with three colored mortars in one space, has been studied for the first time in Iran. 

Result and Discussion
FT-IR:
In the spectrum of sample R-1 (Figure 5), the index vibrations of the gypsum can be seen in 3543, 1621, 1114, 670 and 600 cm-1 (Knittle et al., 2001: 635). However, there is a noticeable structural difference in this sample compared to the western side samples. In the spectrum of this sample, absorption bands of about 713, 874, 1430, 1800 and 2516 cm-1 are observed, which are related to carbonate vibrations in the calcite structure (Ylmen & Jaglid, 2013: 121). However, in addition to the absorption bands mentioned, bands of about 469, 521 (Fe-O), 795, and about 3650 cm-1 can be seen next to the 3543 cm-1 gypsum band. These absorption bands are generally visible in the red color spectrum of iron oxides. According to the researchers, these absorption bands and their position increase the possibility of using Hormoz bole or Armenian bole in this sample (ulaiuladienė et al., 2018: 249). 
EDS: The results of EDS analysis of the samples are presented in Table 1. For the amount of sulfur obtained from the S-2 sample in this study 13.02, the amount of 16.27% calcium is required for the gypsum composition. As can be seen in Table 2, the amount of calcium is greater than the amount required for the gypsum composition. 1.7% of the excess calcium can be related to the impurity of lime in the sample, which is normal in historical monuments. Examination of samples R-1, R-2 and R-3 show a significant amount of iron. Therefore, the results indicate the possibility of using iron compounds (ochre) as a red pigment in these samples.
XRD: Two samples R-1 and R-2 were examined using XRD, the results of which are presented in Table 3 and Figure 6. The main phases of R-1 are gypsum and anhydrite, and the sub-phases are quartz, kaolinite and goethite. The R-2 sample is similar to the R-1 sample in terms of the obtained phases, except that kaolinite is one of the main phases. Usually the scratch coat (Arriccio) has added soil and sometimes ash. A small amount of goethite seems to be sufficient to create a red color in the gypsum mortar. The study of the constituent phases of the G-1 sample structure was also performed using XRD, of which gypsum and anhydrite are the main phases and quartz and kaolinite are its sub-phases.

Conclusion
In this study, sampling was performed from different layers of colored mortar and specialized studies were performed. As a result of FT-IR, it can be said that the mortar of fine coat layers are made of gypsum with low lime impurity to which some red pigment has been added at the time of curing to make the mortar red. Also, no evidence of organic matter as additives to gypsum mortar was identified. The results of EDS analysis on gypsum mortar showed the presence of a small amount of excess calcium. Also, in the red mortars of the Bottom and top fine coat layers, iron was identified as the coloring agent and the presence of red was recently confirmed. In gray mortar, the presence of ash mixed with lime is a strong possibility. XRD analysis of four selected samples showed that the predominant phase in all four cases was gypsum and anhydrite, and only in one of the samples, kaolinite was identified as the main phase. The identified sub-phases are quartz, kaolinite and goethite. So far, no research has been published on the composition of Boumsab gypsum plaster with colored mortar. It can be imagined that at first, in order to implement the gypsum array for Tokhmehdaravari, Bottom and top fine coat layers were both applied with colored mortar, and for some reason (for which we don’t know) the decision was changed. Finally, the designs are executed only on the surface layer and And has been executed in a Boumsab manner. It is noteworthy that in the same complex (in the royal porch), a Tokhmehdaravari has been executed and can be seen at present.

Mojtaba Safari, Rahmat Abbasnejad, Haasan Fazli Nesheli, Christopher Thornton, Judith Thomalsky,
year 5, Issue 17 (12-2021)
Abstract

Abstract
Heretofore, no comprehensive chronological study has been conducted on the northern side of the Central Alborz mountains, including the modern provinces of Mazandaran and Gorgan, based on technological and typological study of pre-historic pottery. This is especially true of the Bronze Age (ca. 3000-1500 BCE), for which we have no sites with an unbroken stratigraph-ic sequence that have been excavated and fully published. The majority of pottery, especially the gray wares, in this region have been discovered in the course of illicit investigations and their description, classification, and chronological analyses have been influenced by cultural history approaches. As a result, some Bronze Age pottery has been attributed to the Iron Age, or assigned to the wrong stage of the Bronze Age (i.e., early, middle, and late). The lack of scien-tifically-based ceramic classification and typology is an important archaeological issue in our understanding of the Bronze Age in this region. The authors of the present article here attempt a comparative chronology for this area based on typological studies and classification of ce-ramics discovered in explorations of the site of Ghal e-Ben of in Babol, Mazandaran. Bronze Age pottery discovered in this area can be compared to those discovered in Gohar Tepe, Tepe Ghale Kosh, Tepe Ghale Pey, Tepe Tarkam, and Tepe Abbasi in eastern Mazandaran, and those discovered in Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Narges Tepe in Gorgan as well as Tepe Hissar in Damghan. In spite of the fact that the results of comparative studies on Ghal e -Ben ceramics are indicative of cultural ties between central and eastern regions of Mazandaran, Gorgan Plain, and Damghan during the Bronze Age, discovery of few Yanik (Kura-Araxes) ceramics in this site leads to a new investigation on the possible relationship between this region and the origin of these ceramics (possibly in northwest of Iran) in the Third Millennium B.C. 
Keywords: Mazandaran, Bronze Age, Gray Pottery, Relative Chronology, Typology.

Introduction
In spite of the fact that the classification and typology of pre-historic ceramics of northeastern Iran began in the 1930s (e.g., Wulsin 1932; Schmidt 1937), some remarkable articles have been published in the recent years that contribute significantly to understanding chronology of the said areas (Olson 2020; Olson & Thornton 2019). Indeed, these studies have been particularly useful for understanding the relative chronology of Mazandaran Province. More recently, stratigraphic studies at Ghal e-Ben site have given us a more realistic understanding of cultural changes in this region during the Bronze Age. Ghal e-Ben site is located in the central part of Mazandaran Province, in Khoshrudpey southwest of Babol city in West Bandpey County. The altitude of the region is 66 meters above the seas level, and geographical coordinates are N: 36 23. 17/84 E: 52 34.12/55. The site is recorded under registration number 31367 in the list of National Historical Monuments. A stratigraphic sounding was done in 2018 to learn more about the chronological status of the site (Fazeli, 2018). Results of this stratigraphic sounding showed that the upper layers (upper two meters), consisting of artifacts from Islamic and historic eras, are unfortunately disturbed due to agricultural activities as well as unauthorized excavations is some parts of the hill. Below the depth of two meters there is a layer with a thickness of one meter containing fine silt natural-sediment deposit and abundant remains of small freshwater snails. No cultural materials were found in this layer. This layer possibly suggests the remains of the old meander river flow channel, which eventually turned into an oxbow lake marsh or pond, resulting in a cultural gap at the site. The gap could be the period between end of the Bronze Age or beginning of the Iron Age and re-establishment of the site during the Historic Era. At a depth of 3 to 10 meters from surface, the archaeological site of Ghal e-Ben contains undisturbed Bronze Age deposits. The Carbon-14 test results on 36 samples discovered from these layers show that Ghal e-Ben was inhabited from 3300 to 1500 BCE.
Typological and Chronological Investigations Based on the Ceramics of Ghal e-Ben Site in spite of the fact that typological and chronological investigations based on pottery data are quite common in most archaeological studies across Iran, the prehistoric era of Mazandaran province has a very small share of such studies. Indeed, no established typology has been proposed for ceramics of this region. On the other hand, although the archaeological excavations in Mazandaran Province contain more comprehensive information about the Bronze Age, compared to the other historic eras, no accurate chronology had been presented for the excavated sites of this era before excavations at Ghal e-Ben. However, excavation of Ghal e-Ben provided the authors of this article with the chance to investigate and prepare a preliminary typology of Bronze Age ceramics in Mazandaran region using the absolute chronological sequence of this site. 
The typology of Ghal e-Ben ceramics was based on four main indicators including: production technique, ornamentation, form of the rim, and form of the body. This study led to reproduction of ceramics and comparing them to those discovered in other sites across Mazandaran Province and the Gorgan Plain. 

Conclusion 
The present article is the first comparative study of the Bronze Age in Mazandaran Province based on the information acquired from stratigraphic excavation of Ghal e-Ben archaeological site. It presents a relative chronology of the Bronze Age in Mazandaran Province based on the ceramics from excavated, C14-dated contexts. The results show that gray ware ceramics were decorated with diverse ornamentation, from polished and burnished patterns to carved patterns, which can be compared in terms of form and pattern to the ceramics found in the type-sites of northeastern Iran including Hissar IIB-IIIC, Shah Tepe IIA-B, Tureng Tepe IIA- IIIC, and Narges Tepe III as well as at major Bronze Age sites of Mazandaran including Gohar Tepe, Taghut Tepe in Behshahr, Tepe Kelar in Kelardasht, Tepe Ghale Kosh in Amol, Ghale Pey and Tepe Turkam in Sari, Gomishan Cave, and Tepe Abbasi in Neka. It is also interesting to note that material remains of Transcaucasian culture (Kura-Araxes) from the third millennium BCE (ca. 2500-2400 BCE) are observed in Mazandaran and the Gorgan Plain, which indicates cultural ties between these regions and the northwest of Iran during the Bronze Age. A number of ceramics were found in the Early Bronze Age layers at Ghal e-Ben archaeological site that compare to Kura-Araxes ceramics discovered at Tepe Kelar in terms of production technique, color, fineness, and patterns. To what extent these foreign ceramics found together with local types can be indicative of the influence of Transcaucasian cultures must be the subject of further studies, and horizontal explorations can help in this regard. However, it is clear that the comparative study of ceramics discovered in Ghal e-Ben and other Bronze Age sites of Mazandaran suggests cultural ties between this region and both the northwest and northeast of Iran. 
Ghal e-Ben archaeological site in Babol was inhabited during the late fourth millennium BCE and was abandoned gradually around 1500-1400 BCE. Such abandonment events have been observed in most other archaeological sites in the north and northeast of Iran, and we do not know exactly how to connect the Iron Age in Mazandaran to the Bronze Age, as the Iron Age emerged in northern Iran around 1100 BCE. These are the questions that will be hopefully answered by future studies on cultural sequence of Mazandaran during the second and first millennia.
 
Mohamad Farjami, Babak Aminpour, Dr Hossein Sedighian, Aliasghar Mahmodinasab,
year 6, Issue 21 (12-2022)
Abstract

Abstract
According to historical and archaeological sources, the ancient city of Esfarayen was one of the important settlement centers of the Islamic era. During its existence and prosperity, this city was a link between the two famous and big cities of Nishapur and Jurjan, but from the end of the Safavid period onwards, due to various reasons, it declined and its inhabitants gradually moved to the new city. So far, parts of the ancient city of Esfarayen have been excavated by archaeologists during several different seasons. In the meantime, choosing a suitable place for archaeological excavations in this area has always been one of the most important issues for its explorers, because due to the limitation of financial resources and the large area of the area, it was necessary to determine suitable places for excavation in advance. so that its archaeological exploration can be done with more certainty. For this purpose, at the beginning of the third season of excavations, six hectares of the city were investigated with the help of magnetometric method. Then, based on the results of magnetometry, the excavations of this season were carried out. According to these explanations, the main goal of the current research is to present the results of magnetometry and compare it with the findings of the archaeological exploration of the ancient city of Esfarayen. In the current research, the descriptive-analytical method has been used using the results of field and library studies. As a result of these studies, many evidences of industrial activities were identified in the site, including architectural remains of a pottery kiln and many evidences of pottery production, which are important in the archaeological studies of the Islamic era.
Keywords: Magnetometry, The Ancient city of Esfarayen (Balqis), Esfarayen.

Introduction
The ancient city of Esfarayen, which today is known as the city of Belqis, is located in a vast plain, three kilometers southwest of Esfarayen, with an area of nearly 200 hectares. Currently, this city consists of different parts such as Arg, Sharistan, Rabz, Hesar and Khandaq. According to the documents obtained in the archaeological excavations, the city of Balqis had a settlement from the first centuries of the Islamic era to the beginning of the Qajar period (Vahdati and Nik-Govtar, 2016: 98). Due to the importance of this city in the past, several seasons of archaeological excavations have been carried out in it (Vahdati, 2016, Vahdati and Nik-Govtar, 2018 A and B, Farjami and Sotoudeh, 2019). But Balqis has a large area and the excavations that have been carried out so far do not even cover a small part of the city. For this reason, it was necessary to use remote sensing methods to identify at least a significant part of the city’s landscape and buried bodies. One of these methods, which is considered one of the branches of geophysics, is magnetometry. According to these cases, in 2009, and with the aim of identifying part of the layers buried under the soil and choosing better places for exploration, first a part of the area was surveyed for magnetometry (Aminpour, 2010). In this investigation, about six hectares of the area in a place called Tepe-Minar and also the northern part around the citadel in the southwest side of the city were surveyed by geomagnetism. By carrying out this investigation, results were obtained, based on which the third season of archaeological excavations of the site was carried out. According to the aforementioned, the main purpose of the current research is to investigate and analyze the results of the magnetometric survey of the area and the exploration that was carried out based on it. The most important question that we are trying to answer in this research is to determine the effect of the magnetometric method on choosing a better place for the purposeful exploration of the Balqis area. The method and approach of the current research is descriptive-analytical, and the method of gathering information is based on field studies from magnetometry and archeological excavations of the site, as well as library studies.

Discussion
A- The area known as Tepe Manar The results of magnetometry survey: This section included 36 grids of 10 x 10 meters. In some parts of this section, confused and jumbled magnetic anomalies were recorded, which probably indicate the transformation and destruction of its subsurface artifacts. But in other parts, the magnetic gradient anomaly map showed evidence of architectural structures and other buried ancient phenomena. Accordingly, in the part marked with the letter F, anomalies were revealed that could be related to heated masses such as brick structures or terracotta masses. The results of archaeological excavations: In order to measure the investigated parts of Tepe Manar with magnetometric method, three test boreholes were dug in the discussed area. In the first borehole, all the piles of clay and ash were encountered. In the second borehole, layers were identified, the surface and subsurface layers are sand, sand and soil, respectively, and there is a mixture of ash and soil in the lower layers. Inside the texture of soil and ash, a large amount of welding furnace and pottery was obtained. Borehole No. 3 also did not find any architectural works and only a pile of clay and ash was identified in a hole. B- The north-eastern area of the citadel the results of the magnetometric survey: In the magnetometric survey of this part of the city, several anomalies were identified. In this range, anomalies have been revealed in the form of light-colored extensions and in some cases perpendicular to each other, which can be related to the buried clay architectural structure. The results of archaeological excavations: In the scope of the second part of the geophysical survey, three boreholes and trenches were opened and explored. Borehole number one hit a pile of glazed pottery from the 6th century AH. It seemed that there was a pottery workshop around this place, because most of these pots were covered by the wastes from the pottery activity. For this purpose, a trench was excavated near borehole 1, measuring 6 x 6 meters. After removing the surface layer, a pile of pottery shards and pottery kiln debris was encountered, which were scattered on the surface of the trench at different depths. For this purpose, another borehole with dimensions of 2 x 2 meters was created at a distance in the southern part of trench 2, and after removing the surface layers at a depth of 30 cm, the remains of a pottery kiln were identified. The reason for the large amount of strong magnetic anomalies in this area is the presence of many pottery pits in this area, in addition to the pottery kiln. The date that can be determined based on the pottery obtained from this kiln is the second half of the 12th century A.D.

Conclusion
Today, in the world, magnetometry is widely used by archaeologists to identify architectural structures and buried structures. By using these methods, it is possible to examine and study many parts of an ancient site without destruction in a limited time. For this reason, in the archeology project of the old city of Esfarayen, the magnetometric method was also used during a period. Because not only the area was large, but also the limitation of resources prevented it from being able to explore a large part of it. About six hectares of the area were studied in the magnetometric survey of the area, which was carried out with the Fluxgate device. After investigating and preparing the related map, anomalies were observed in some parts of the map, which were probably related to industrial activities. Based on these anomalies, six boreholes and trenches were dug in two parts of the area to measure the results of the magnetometric survey. In almost all boreholes and trenches obtained from the excavation, evidences of industrial activities such as pottery production or pits of potter’s pits were identified. The existence of these convincing evidences is a clear proof of the magnetometric anomalies of the area. In a trench, very clear evidence of an Islamic era pottery kiln was found, around which there were several waste places. Considering these cases, it can be said that the results of the archaeological excavations of this site are a confirmation of its magnetometry project. If these studies continue and boreholes or trenches are created in other parts, we can gain more knowledge about the different spaces of the ancient city of Esfarayen.

David Nicolle,
year 7, Issue 24 (8-2023)
Abstract

Fakhr al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Manṣūr Mubarākshāh al-Qurashī was born around 1150 CE, probably in Ghazna, and eventually joined the court of Quṭb al-Dīn Aybak, the first Turkish Mamlūk or “Slave King” of northern India. He died around 1224 CE. His Ādāb al Ḥarb wa’l Shujācah (“Rules of War and Bravery”) was a treatise on statecraft in the Persian tradition of “Mirrors for Princes”. A substantial, if idealised discussion of warfare, it includes sections on tactics, troop organisation, various weapons, sieges and many military-historical anecdotes. Nevertheless, these chapters also include more recent, more localised Indian and Turkish elements, plus otherwise lost aspects of military practice or theory. For example, the essentially traditional Islamic or ʿAbbāsid sections include Chapter 12 which describes “How to arrange an army firmly and to maintain that (arrangement)”. The first part of Chapter 13 describes “How to bring the army to a halt and the (best) place to do this”. Some specifically military chapters of theĀdāb al Ḥarb wa’l Shujācah are clearly based upon ʿAbbāsid military theory as developed during the 8th to 10th centuries CE; notably sections such as “How to arrange an army firmly and to maintain that (arrangement)”, and “How to bring the army to a halt and the place to do this”. Other sections reflect more recent Indo-Islamic, Indian and Turkish military ideas, as well as otherwise lost aspects of earlier military practice, plus plans of military arrays, idealised encampments and exercises in the tradition of Islamic furusīyah military training manuals. Chapter 11, which is interpreted here, concerned the characteristic features, advantage and usage of a wide array of weapons. Chapter 19, which is also interpreted here, focussed on various aspects and variations in the array and deployment of an army for battle.

Seyad Mehdi Mousavinia, Mohammadreza Nemati,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract

Abstract
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.

Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.

Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).

Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.

Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.

Hossein Sedighian, Mohammad Farjami,
year 8, Issue 28 (8-2024)
Abstract

Abstract
Belqeis site or Old Esfarayen is considered one of the important urban centers in the Islamic era and in the North Khorasan province. Based on historical sources and archaeological excavations, this city has been inhabited since the early Islamic centuries until the Safavid period. So far, many books and articles have been published about this city and some of its archaeological evidence; But parts of its findings have not been published yet. Pottery from the 11th to the 14th century is among the archeological findings of this site, which have not been introduced and investigated in any independent research. These works include various decorative groups, some of which are less known. These factors show the necessity of conducting independent research in this field. The current research was based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have, and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries in the vicinity of the Belqeis site and to identify their possible production center or centers. The descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed and glazed pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries of the area were investigated, described, and compared. In the meantime, some decorative techniques such as drop-drop glazing were also presented in the research for the first time. Much of the studied pottery was probably produced on the site itself, whose production evidence was also shown in the article. Still, some pottery, such as lusterware and celadon, was probably exported to this city from other centers such as Jurjan, Jiroft, Kashan and China.
Keywords: Pottery, Esfarayen, Belqeis Site, 11th to 14th Century, Islamic Era.

Introduction
Esfarayen is one of the ancient cities of North Khorasan province, which has been subject to calamities, looting, and attacks many times throughout history. Historians have called Esfarayen the border of Nishapur or Jurjan. Most of the transformations of this city are related to the 9 to 11 centuries; However, in the period of 12th and 13th centuries, it faced decline and was attacked twice by the Ghoz and then by the Mongols. In the 14 century and with the establishment of Sarbedars rule in the region, the city became relatively prosperous for a while, and this process continued until the Safavid period. According to these cases, it is clear that the life of the ancient city of Esfarayen continued continuously from the beginning of Islam to the Safavid period; This is despite the fact that our awareness regarding the archaeological findings of this city, especially its pottery, includes most of the early Islamic centuries. On the other hand, our knowledge about the pottery of the Islamic era of Greater Khorasan also includes the periods before the Mongol attack and after the Timurids came to power; While our knowledge about the pottery of the 13-14 centuries in the region is relatively small. Considering that the social life of the city of Esfarayen spanned the entire 11th to 14th centuries, it was necessary to investigate the pottery of this period in independent research. A subject that has not been independently addressed in any research so far. According to these cases, the current research is based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries at the Belqeis site and identify their possible production center or centers.
Descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. Based on this, the pottery studied in this article is related to the archaeological excavations of the third and fourth seasons of the Belqeis site. After the initial documentation and description of these pottery, they have been classified and their comparative study with other sites has been done.

Discussion
In the present study, only the pottery was examined and studied, which included the 11th to 14th centuries according to the comparative dates. These potteries were divided into two groups, unglazed and glazed, and each group was examined separately. The unglazed pottery of the area has a clay paste in the color range of pea, red, green, and black, and various motifs are used on some pieces. Some unglazed pottery from the area, such as red paste samples, probably from Jurjan or Jiroft, were exported to this area. But other decorative pottery, such as molded and stamped samples, were produced in the area itself.
The glazed pottery of the area also has various clay pastes, frit-ware, and porcelain. The single-colored glazed examples of the area generally have a frit paste, and most of them are turquoise-green in color. Most of these production pieces were probably from the Belqis site. Among the single-colored glazed pottery of the area, scattered pieces of Celadon pottery were also identified, which imported from China in the 14th century. Pottery with the underglaze painting technique has a lot of variety and is generally frit-ware. Some of this pottery, such as the blue and white samples, was probably the production of the area itself, but the pottery, such as the Silhouette and Sultanabad samples, was exported to this area from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, and Kashan. have been Lusterware pottery, which all belong to the 13th century, are exported from other regions such as Jurjan or Kashan.
It should be noted that in the excavations of the site, in addition to the pottery kiln, many slags were also found inside the kiln and its surrounding areas. Among the evidence of pottery production in the area, we can mention the following: scattered pieces of clay molds, three, four, or multi-faceted clay stamps, and many pieces of clay balls that sometimes have glazes on them. It can be seen, many pieces of pottery tripods, clay chines, unglazed or glazed pottery, deformed or stuck together, crudely carved pottery, and objects Cone-shaped pottery that was obtained along with other findings related to pottery production.
According to the existence of this solid evidence as well as petrographic studies conducted on some terracotta pieces, it can be assumed that many of the studied terracotta pieces were produced in the area itself; But some pieces, such as examples of lusterware, Celadon, Sultanabad, and some painted red paste pottery, were imported from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, Jiroft, Kashan, and China.

Conclusion
The present research was carried out with the aim of examining, comparing, and dating the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries of the Belqeis site and also identifying the possible centers or centers of their production. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed pottery of this period were investigated, analyzed, and compared. As an example, pottery with drop glaze decoration was introduced and it was checked that this decorative method was used in combination with other motifs on the unglazed pottery of the area. Due to the fact that in addition to unglazed pottery, evidence of pottery production was also obtained in the excavations of the area, it can be said that most of the unglazed samples were probably produced in the area itself; But pottery such as unglazed embossed red paste with stumpy decoration and sphero-conical vessel pieces were probably exported to this area from the two centers of Jurjan and Jiroft. Because the production evidence of this pottery was obtained in these two centers and the form and patterns of the pottery in the area are somewhat similar to the production samples of these two centers.
Many of the glazed pottery of the middle Islamic ages of the area, despite the great variety, were probably produced in the area itself; As an example, we can refer to the single-color turquoise glazed pottery of ferritic paste, the examples of single-color oil-lamps of frit-ware, and the blue and white pottery with a striped pattern. Apart from these cases, in the excavations of the area, scattered fragments of other pottery groups of this time period were found, which were probably imported from other centers due to less dispersion and lack of identification of proof of their production in the area. are as an example, we can mention the obtained luster-ware, Sultan-Abad, Celadon, and Silhouette pottery, which may have been imported from centers such as Kashan, Jurjan, and Nishapur.

Farideh Kalhor,
year 8, Issue 29 (12-2024)
Abstract

Abstract
In the past, there existed a relief known as Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting in Shahr-e Ray. Regrettably, this precious piece of history has undergone significant damage due to the mining activities of Ray Cement Factory. Presently, only a fragment of this relief is preserved. Since most of this relief is lost, there are many uncertainties about it; For example, the exact location of the relief in Shahr-e Ray remains unknown. Various studies attribute the construction year of this relief to 1246 AH, but its accuracy is still subject to debate. Additionally, there was an inscription surrounding the relief containing poetic verses in Nastaliq script, which have not been deciphered yet. On the other hand, due to the proximity of this relief to Cheshme-Ali’s relief, the information related to these two is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the other, causing researchers to make mistakes. This research aims to give a clear picture of this relief and to remove the gaps surrounding it. This research intends to answer the following questions: What was the original location of the relief on Sorsore Mountain and when was it built? What precisely is the content of the poetic inscriptions surrounding it? What alterations has this relief undergone over time, and what has ultimately become of it? This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on historical texts and images as primary sources to guide the investigations. Finally, by the primary sources, the location of this relief on Sorsore Mountain is determined. The results show that the poems of the inscription are in praise of Fath-Ali Shah, and the chronogram indicates the year of its construction in 1246 AH. eventually, sometime between 1340 and 1345 SH, due to the explosions of the Ray Cement Factory, this relief was destroyed, and only a fragment of it including the lion’s tail and the inscriptions around it remained, which is kept in the museum of the Ray Cement Factory.
Keywords: Rock Relief, Fath-Ali Shah, Shahr-e Ray, Inscription.

Introduction
In the past, there existed two rock reliefs of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar in Shahr-e Ray, one of which has been disappeared. This relief, which is located on the southern part of Sorsore Mountain, is known as “Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting”. An older, probably Sassanid relief had been erased and replaced by the Qajar one. There are many uncertainties about Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting; For example, the exact location of the relief in Shahr-e Ray remains unknown. Various studies attribute the construction year of this relief to 1246 AH, but its accuracy is still subject to debate. Additionally, there was an inscription surrounding the relief containing poetic verses in Nastaliq script, which have not been deciphered yet. On the other hand, due to the proximity of this relief to Cheshme-Ali’s relief, the information related to these two is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the other. It is necessary to do detailed research on this relief to solve these mistakes and answer the ambiguities raised. This research intends to answer the following questions: What was the original location of the relief on Sorsore Mountain and when was it built? What precisely is the content of the poetic inscriptions surrounding it? What alterations has this relief undergone over time, and what has ultimately become of it? This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on historical texts and images as primary sources to guide the investigations.

Literature
For the first time, Mustafavi wrote a note in the monthly information magazine, in which he stated the location and address of access to the lion hunting relief, the year it was made, and introduced the artists involved in making it (Mustafavi, 1953: 10). Luft, in an article entitled “The Qajar rock reliefs”, in a short mention to the Lion Hunting relief, tries to estimate the year of its construction (Luft, 2001: 32). Mirzaei-Mehr also describes the artistic aspects of the relief in Abdullah Khan’s book (Mirzaei-Mehr, 2014: 43-45). Doroodian has done a detailed research on the incomplete relief that Fath-Ali Shah erased in “A study about the Sasanian rock relief of Ray”. Doroodian introduces this role in his article and tries to identify its character. (Doroodian, 2016: 63&64). Safinejad has given an estimate of the size of the relief and the inscription around it in the book of Ray’s Historical Places and has described the details of the figure of Fath-Ali Shah and lion. He also deciphered the poems around the inscription, but his reading has many mistakes. (Safinejad, 2015: 344&345). Movathagh has given some information about Sassanid relief, which he has referred to the book of Kariman (movathagh, 2017: 110).

Discussion
First of all, the exact position of the relief is examined with the help of the remaining drawings and maps. According to Mustafavi’s descriptions of Ray cement factory near the relief in the 1960s, Jules Laurence’s painting in 1848, William Ouseley’s painting of the location of the Sassanid relief that existed former the lion hunting and his explanation of the access route to relief, its position can be determined on Schmidt’s aerial photo of the Sorsore Mountain. Before Fath-Ali Shah’s figure was engraved on the body of the Sorsore Mountain, there was an old relief. That relief was first found by Robert Gordon and James Morier in 1812. (Morier, 2007, Vol. 2: 229). Morier drew a sketch of this relief (image 7). William Price, William Ouseley, and Ker Porter also visited the relief, and described it in their travelogues. It can be concluded from their texts and images, that there were two flat tablets in the mountain at the rock site, one on top of the other. The lower plate was a half-finished sketch of a horseman with two orbs on his shoulder and one on his head, attacking an opponent whose horse’s head is depicted only. The upper slab was without a design. Fath-Ali Shah ordered to erase the mentioned ancient relief and replaced it with his own figure. Both Fraser in 1834 (Fraser, 1985: 150) and Korf in 1834 pointed out its disappearance. (Korf, 1993: 215).
There are many pictures of Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting relief in the archives of Iranians and foreigners who came to Iran. These images have been presented in order of creation date. (Images 11 to 21) In Roger Viollet’s 1958 photo collection, the inscriptions around the image, the king’s beard and crown, his horse’s boots and saddle, as well as the inscription under the horse, are all painted over. Another change is the frame above the relief, which is not present in the older images. These changes were apparently made by Ray cement factory in 1949 (Mustafavi, 1953: 10).
The inscription around the relief contains 11 verses and its poet is Mirza Taghi Aliabadi. In order to read and accurately record what was executed, several photos were used in each part of the inscription. (Images 23, 24, 25 and 26) Examining the remaining images and reading the inscription shows that some words of the poet’s original poem have been changed in some verses. Also, some verses have been removed and replaced by others in the execution of the inscription. The chronogram in the last verse includes the words after “ke”: “shod inak musiye emran ayan be sineye sina” gives the year 1246 AH. The last historical photo of lion hunting relief was taken by Hossein Malek-Iraqi in 1961. Kariman states in his book, which was published in March 1966, that the lion hunting relief was destroyed by an explosion. (Kariman, 1966, Vol. 1: 302)

Conclusion
in this article, the location of Fath-Ali Shah’s relief on the southern body of Sorsore Mountain was identified by the help of historical texts and images. Also, re-reading of the inscription’s poems was done, which showed that the content of the inscription’s poem is in praise of the statue of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar. According to the last verse and the chronogram of the inscription poem, this relief was made in 1246 AH. Rereading the poems made it clear that there were changes in the poem during its performance and the original poem of the poet was not performed. It was also identified that the designer of this relief is Abdullah Khan-e- Memar and its sculptor is Mohammad Qasem Khan-e- Hajjarbashi. On the other hand, numerous pictures revealed that this relief was painted during the repair by the Ray Cement Factory in 1949. The relief of Fath-Ali Shah, which was made by erasing the previous ancient relief, was finally destroyed sometime between 1961 and 1966 due to the explosions of the Ray Cement Factory, and its pieces fell to the foot of the mountain. The big piece of the relief was at the foot of the mountain for years, but there is no information about its fate. The smaller piece, which includes the lion’s tail and the inscriptions around it, was later moved to Ray Cement Factory by one of the technicians. It is kept in the museum of Ray Cement Factory now in 2023.

Ahmad Nikgoftar, Abed Taghavi, Hasan Hashemi Zarj Abad, Amin Moradi,
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
Abstract

Abstract
The historical city of Esfarayen is one of the most important and glorious cities of the Islamic period, which was one of the important provinces of Neishapur until the Mongol invasion, and shortly after the Mongol invasion and the destruction of Neishapur, it was revived and flourished more than before when the Ilkhanids came to power. At the beginning of Timur’s rule, this city was severely destroyed, and from the end of Timur’s period to the end of Shah Abbas Safaviy’s rule, it grew relatively slowly with political ups and downs, and it was abandoned due to the attack of Afghans and population changes. One of the most important valuable goods that was exported from China to other regions from the third to the twelfth century A.H. is Celadon pottery and the other is blue-white pottery. According to the 9 seasons of archaeological exploration in Shahr-e Belqays, 5 pieces of celadon and 2 pieces of blue-white pottery have been found, which have not been studied so far, and for this reason, research was necessary. The main questions of this research are, first of all, what period do these celadons and blue-and-white porcelain belong to? Secondly, according to the technical structure and typological comparison, are the pottery produced locally or extra-regionally, and how did it enter the city of Esfarayen? The third question is the reason for the presence of this type of pottery in the historical city of Esfarayen based on the archaeological context and historical documents. The descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is based on field and library studies. The results showed that the celadons belong to the 2nd to the 8th century A.H. and the blue-and-white pottery are dated to the beginning of the 8th to the 11th century. The celadons and blue-whites studied are completely non-native and entered the city of Esfarayen by sea and land. Due to the quality and rarity, the type of motifs and the type of lines and writing themes are related to the noble and wealthy classes of the city.
Keywords: Shahr-e Belqays, Esfarayen, Islamic Period, Chinese Pottery, Ming Dynasty.

Introduction
Due to the strategic position of the land of Iran, which has always been on the path of important East-West communication routes from the past to the present, with a branch of the Silk Road passing through its soil as an intermediary between the civilizations of the Far East, especially China and Its western neighbors were like Iraq and Syria. Among the goods exported from China are the famous Celadon pottery and blue-and-white pottery. Due to the importance of Celadon and blue-and-white pottery, many countries were competing with each other based on their geographical region at that time to take over the market for the products of this art and industry. China was the main manufacturer of this product and Iran was the main highway for the commercial connection of this product to Europe and Africa. The city of Esfarayen is one of the important cities of the Islamic period, which was located on the commercial route of the Silk Road (Moghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222). Due to the presence of powerful rulers and politicians such as Abu al-Abbas Esfarayeni in the Samanid and Ghaznavid periods, in the Seljuq and Ilkhanid periods such as Saeed Malik Bahauddin Juvini and in the Safavid period, Abu Muslim Khan enjoyed special growth and development and is one of the most prosperous and prosperous cities. Khorasan was considered that the commercial highways passed through this city (Aubin, 1971:121). In addition to crossing the trade route, the existence of thriving markets (Idrisi, 1409 AH, Vol. 2: 690-693)، (Hamiri, 1984: 56), and the production of important goods such as: cloth, metal containers, pottery, makes merchants and In addition to supplying goods imported from far away to this city, merchants should distribute the goods produced in this city to nearby cities and distant places, especially the Iranian plateau, Shamat, Anatolian Peninsula, North Africa, etc. One of the most important imported goods and popular among the governors and residents of this city is the dishes known as Celadon and Blue White, of which 5 pieces of such dishes have been discovered in archaeological excavations (Nikgoftar, 2014). Considering the discovery of this pottery from the archaeological context and the lack of introduction and study of it, and from the mention of writing marks on their surface, the upcoming article tries to analyze them in the context of history and archeology in addition to introducing and reading the lines.

Discussion and reasoning
 In the archaeological excavations of the city of Esfarayen, a total of 4 pieces of celadon pottery were found, one of which is of the Yue type (3rd-4th century) and the rest is of the Lank Chuan type (6th and 7th century). By examining and comparing these types of pottery, it can be said that in addition to neighboring areas and extra-regional areas, there has been direct or indirect trade with China since the 3rd century, considering the increase in the number of Lankchuan pottery related to the 6th century. And seventhly, from the reference of historical documents about the rule of the Jovini family over this city, their good relations with the Genghis family and the handing over of the government of the western part of Khorasan to this family (Jovini, 2012, vol.2, 222) and the political-economic journey of this family to Mongolia (ibid.: 222) and from the discovery of coins from this period in neighboring regions (Nikgoftar & Behnamfar, 2008) and extra-regional (ТЮНИБЕКЯАН, 2003) it can be said that in this period, Lank Chuan pottery came through the trade route of the Silk Road. That Esfarayen was located in one of these important commercial branches (Maghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222) entered this city. Among other pottery that can be seen in China and Islamic lands in a significant way after Celadon is blue-and-white pottery, the production of these vessels became common in the states of Jijiang, Jianshui, Yusi and Jiangshan from the Yuan Dynasty, but the best type In the Jindjin states in the city of Chin Khwa (Chin-Hwa), which was related to the imperial furnaces (Bahranipour, 2022: 8). In the archaeological excavations in Shahr-e Belqays, 2 pieces of blue-and-white  pottery were identified, which according to the decorations and technical structure belong to the late Timurid and Safavid periods and the Ming period in China. It has been stated that according to the reference of historical documents and archaeological data mentioned above about the importance, value and use of these vessels and from the motifs and lines used and the examination of the technical structure of the vessels which proves that they are non-native, in general, it can be He said that these dishes were made for the order or use of the rich class and nobles in this city.

Conclusion 
By studying the piece of Chinese pottery in the city of Esfarayen, so far, two prominent pottery types of Celadan and blue-and-white  have been obtained, the first group of Celadan; that by comparative comparison of this species in terms of technical structure such as; The type of paste, glaze and construction form with examples of ceramics obtained from the sites of the Islamic period such as; Siraf, Mehruban, Kish, Neishapur, and Bandar Najiram, it can be said that this type of celadan is imported and non-native, and in terms of chronology, it is similar to the Yue and Lank Chuan types at the same time as the Samanian period until the end of the Ilkhanate period. The increase in the number of Lankchuan type of celadan along with other archaeological evidence and historical documents prove the prosperity and prosperity of this city in the Ilkhanid period and a transregional and global trade connection. Among the other types of pottery that were mentioned are blue-and-white  pottery, according to the comparative studies and examination of their technical structure, this type is also imported, according to the references in the historical documents about the destruction of this city in the attack of Timur and its lack of prosperity. It can be said that the presence of this type of pottery in this city dates back to the late Timurid period and the early Safavid period, during which time this city prospered again. According to the taxonomic examination and comparison of the pottery, which is completely similar to the pottery discovered in Hormuz, Taiwan, and the samples obtained from North Africa, it can be said that probably these pottery were indirectly and transregionally and globally from China to the port of Hormuz. And through the south-north highway and through the Jerjan-Tos commercial road, which was restored and reconstructed by Amir Ali Shir Navai in this period, he entered the city of Safrayan. Due to the rarity, quality of construction, themes and motifs, and on the one hand, historical documents indicate that these dishes were used in royal banquets or royal tombs, and from the discovery of these pieces from the citadel and noble houses, it can be said that these dishes are unique to The privileged and prosperous classes belonged to the historical city of Esfarayen. In general, the Chinese writings in the blue-and-white earthenware of Esfarayen city are as follows: the text of container number 9, the writing on the bottom of the container is incomplete and illegible, and the text on the bottom of the container contains the Chinese word called (peace, comfort), (longevity), (happiness) and (health). The text of container number 13 is written with the comparison and typology of the Chinese word du-ming-nlen-zuo, meaning the construction of the Ming period.

Mahdi Hajivaliei,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract

Timurid coinage functions as a material repository, mirroring the significant economic and political shifts characterizing the era, thereby offering crucial insights into the socio-economic structure of the Timurid Empire. This investigation critically examines a collection of Timurid numismatic artifacts housed in the Avicenna tomb Museum utilizing X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy. The meticulous re-evaluation of preliminary XRF spectroscopic data is paramount, particularly within the discipline of numismatics, as it constitutes a foundational requisite for mitigating analytical errors and augmenting the precision of interdisciplinary assessments. While XRF technology provides a non-destructive means for the precise determination of elemental composition within the coinage, a failure to implement rigorous monitoring and comprehensive data scrutiny risks introducing substantial historical misinterpretation and analytical uncertainty. This study addresses core research questions concerning the substantive value of re-analyzing and interpreting XRF spectral outputs, specifically concerning their utility in authenticity verification (counterfeit identification) and the delineation of underlying economic and cultural characteristics. The central hypothesis asserts that unprocessed XRF spectral data lacks inherent accuracy and necessitates expert-driven, in-depth analysis for conclusive artifact examination. Furthermore, the research underscores the necessity of detailed spectral profiling, acknowledges inherent technical complexities in data interpretation, and advocates for interdisciplinary methodologies to substantially enhance result validity. The findings conclusively demonstrate that a profound reinterpretation of XRF analytical data significantly advances the comprehension of material provenance, safeguards cultural heritage assets, and yields more nuanced understandings of Timurid economic governance.


Page 1 from 1