Abstract
Despite of studies about acceramic Neolithic period in west of Asia (especially Levant area), little has been done archaeological activities related to this period in Central Zagros. The Central Zagros is one of the important areas of west Asia that in this area has been done sedentary, domestication animals, and cultivation for first time. In Central Zagros, Seimare River is the largest river. The Seimare archeology project was done based on surveys and excavations archaeology in dam basin of Seimare. The Dangjoun from sites was excavated in related to Seimare archeology project in year of 2010. In total, 70 square meters was excavated from this site that led to discovery three phase of settlement. In Dangjoun wasn’t achieved of terra cotta ware, but architectural remains were achieved from all trenches with different quality. The architecture this site has been affected from Central Zagros environment. The materials used in this site are taken from the surrounding environment. This study was done with a fundamental purpose, and method of data amassment in this research is library – field method. In this research, in addition to the introduction and description architecture of Dangjoun, the complete descriptive has been done about architecture of A and B periods of acceramic Neolithic. In this regard have been explained specific architectural features of each period in Anatolia, Syria and Northern Zagros (in Iraq). Main questions of research: Due to the architectural condition of this site as right corner architecture, and …, this site belongs to, which period of acceramic Neolithic period? Due to the permanent architecture in Kapargah (that including of homes four corners, and built of homes on the ground), it seems, this site is belong to period B of acceramic Neolithic period and can’t be attributed it to earlier periods.
Keywords: Acceramic Neolithic Period, Seimare, Central Zagros, Architecture.

Introduction
In the history of human culture, the Neolithic period is of particular importance. The Neolithic period is including from 11000 to 7000 BC. The human societies has been experienced many changes in this period. Some of the most important changes in this period as: Starting and developing agriculture and animal husbandry, permanent establishment, population increase, long distance commerce as obsidian, skill in the production of stone tools, beginning of metallurgy, production of pottery, use of fire in the industry, indication of personal ownership of objects, accumulation of wealth and beginning of social inequalities, construction of public and religious buildings (Hole, 2000: 192; Byrd, 1994). However, the most significant consequence of Neolithic revolution was emergence of a compound economy with emphasis on domestic plants and animals (Hole, 1984). On the other hand, production of pottery in this period is led to cleave Neolithic period into two periods: Acceramic and ceramic Neolithic. According to the hints top, the main concept of Neolithic period is with food production, appearance of village, and architecture. The Central Zagros is one of the important areas of west Asia that in this area has been done sedentary, domestication animals, and cultivation for first time (Zeder, 1999). The Central Zagros because of the strategic position and placing in between areas like Mesopotamia, Khuzestan, Azerbaijan and central parts of Iran, and also Due to the appropriate environmental facilities in this area as: fertile fields, good agricultural lands, abundance of water resources, … has always been a concern for human societies for a long time. Main questions of research: Due to the architectural condition of this site as right corner architecture, and…, this site belongs to, which period of acceramic Neolithic period?

Research findings
The Kapargah is located in Lorestan and part of Kuhdasht County and Konani region. The nearest city to this site is Badreh city in Ilam Province. The Kapargah is located in Cham Ghoileh valley and for difficult transit this valley, in this area is living of wild animals. In terms of size, the Kapargah is small size and about 2000 square meters. Around this site rarely is obtained stone tools. This site is to form of rectangle and has 70 meters long and 30 meters wide. The Kapargah isn’t located on the floor of the plain, and with the passage of time have been created sediments about 6 meters on the site. The distance of this site to the river is about 50 meters, and surrounding lands are very prone to farming and animal husbandry. It seems, primary village because of located in between mountainous plains has been built on a gentle slope. The architecture this site has been affected from Central Zagros environment. The materials used in this site are taken from the surrounding environment. Workshop 1 was created with 5 m long and wide, and relative to workshop 2 had less architecture. All the walls have been made with rubble from mountain and river and sticking together with mortar. In this site was discovered three phases of architecture that hasn’t been seen structural difference between phases. Workshop 2 first was created with 3 m long and wide and then developed, and extent it was reached to 54 square meters. In this workshop too, discovered three phases of architecture that all the walls have been made with rubble from mountain and river and sticking together with mortar.

Conclusion
Due to the permanent architecture in Kapargah (that including of homes four corners, and built of homes on the ground), it seems, this site is belong to period B of acceramic Neolithic period and can’t be attributed it to earlier periods. The difference in architecture in two trenches this site probably because it is workshop 1 has been created in around of the village and this area has been temporary residential homes. Two warehouses in this workshop show each home has its own warehouse. The climate situation of this area has been influenced the construction of houses. Because of the air temperature above zero in this area, the walls aren’t thickened.

Abstract
The first season of archaeological survey in Marivan by a team from University of Bu-Ali sina Hamedan was lead to identify some prehistoric sites from Middle Paleolithic to Chalcolithic period. As a result of in mentioned investigation prehistoric cultural sequence of the area from Middle Paleolithic to Middle Chalcolithic period (except Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic) have been identified. So, there was a main question about the absence of Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic period sites of Marivan area. Fortunately, during our recent archaeological survey in Marivan, we succeeded in discovering an interesting site (Qala Ziwa) which has traces Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic (J ware). In addition to Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic (J ware), some typical Dalma related pottery was also sampled from the site. Among mentioned potteries, we believe that most important period can be considered as Early Chalcolithic period. Against other regions of Western Iran particularly Central Zagros that many Early Chalcolithic period sites were identified, this area is really less known and obviously Qala Ziwa is one of the first Early Chalcolithic period site ever reported from Marivan area. This site has typical J ware and compared with similar Early Chalcolithic period sites in Central Zagros. This pottery has been related to the Western parts of Central Zagros like Mahidasht zone and discovering J ware in Marivan can added this area to the distribution zone of this culture also. As mentioned, surface survey of the site showing that Qala Ziwa has a complete sequence from Late Neolithic to Middle Chalcolithic period. So, excavation of the site in order to clarifying stratigraphy of the site would yield valuable information regarding too late six millennium B.C archaeological studies of Western Iran.
Keywords: Qala Ziwa, Late Neolithic, Early Chalcolithic, J Ware, Marivan.

Introduction
Looking to the geographical position of Marivan area, it became clear that this region is placed between 2 of the main archaeological zone of entire Western Iran (Central Zagros in South and Urmia lake basin in North). Prehistoric Archaeologist studies concentrated at those 2 mentioned zone and did not pay attention to the prehistoric sites (particularly Neolithic period) of studied (Marivan and adjacent areas). Fortunately, the situation has changed recently and a few Neolithic period sites have been reported not only in Marivan but at the areas like Bijar region (Motarjem & Sharifi, 2018). For the first time was identified 2 Neolithic sites in 2002 (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003, 2015). Two Marivan Neolithic period sites (Tepe Hamaomin and Hamamorad) dating to early period of Neolithic (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003, 2015) and as mentioned, there was not any information about Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic period sites of the area. Noted that as result of first archaeology survey of Marivan by Bu – Ali sina university expedition some sites from Middle Paleolithic to Middle Chalcolithic period (except Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic sites) reported. So, there was this important question that what happened after Early Neolithic period in Marivan region and why no Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic site was reported? Why there is such long gap time (more than 3 millinume) in this area? Discovering Qala Ziwa which contain cultural deposits from Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic is may fill this cultural gap obviously.

Methodology
The research methodology uses in this study is based on primary surface survey. Regarding to the importance of the site for late 6 millennium B.C archaeological studies, the site was surveyed carefully and from each periods typical pottery was sampled. As common in archaeological studies the sampled potteries have been sorted, photographed and analyzed. Our preliminary analyzes showing that this site has 3 different archaeological deposits: Late Neolithic (?), Early Chalcolithic, and early phase of Middle Chalcolithic period (Dalma phase). Any way future studies and even excavation would tell us more about this interesting site. 

Conclusion
Even as result human interference like agricultural activity the surface of the site was damaged, and it is not possible to sample data systematically, but distribution pattern of surface pottery was really interesting. As mentioned, surface pottery showing that the site would contain the deposits of 3 different archaeological periods:  Late Neolithic (?), Early Chalcolithic, and early phase of Middle Chalcolithic period (Dalma phase). The pottery of last period (Dalma phase) scattered at the highest level of Tepe, J ware was sampled in Middle part and   Late Neolithic shreds distributed at the lowest level of the site. Even such surface observation is not so trusted and archaeological excavation may show something different, but this pattern is really similar the stratigraphy of some Central Zagros sites like Seabed and Chogha Maran. In Chogha Maran the Early Chalcolithic deposits characterized by J ware lay on the virgin soil and Middle Chalcolithic is the upper one. In Siabid the most ancient cultural deposits belonging to Late Neolithic period which Early Chalcolithic (J ware) and Middle Chalcolithic are upper layers. But in some other site like recent excavated site like Tepe Qeshlagh in Bijar the situation is completely different. In Tepe Qeshlagh the most ancient layer is Late Neolithic deposit which upper layer is Dalma phase. But as mentioned in Tepe Qala Ziwa and some other Central Zagros sites, J ware would place between Late Neolithic layer and early phase of Middle Chalcolithic period (Dalma period). All mentioned document demonstrated that this new discovered site can be compare with Central Zagros region and particularly Western part like Mahidasht zone. As mentioned there was not any information about Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic period of this area of Western Iran and Qala Ziwa is one of the first discovered site of this period. Obviously, future archaeological survey and excavation would yield remarkable information about archaeology of late six millennium B.C of Western Iran. 

Abstract
The Neolithic process and the extension of the Neolithic lifestyle have been one of the issues raised in recent decades in archeology, and archaeologists have come up with a variety of approaches to explain why and how this event occurred in human life. The Neolithic period can be considered an important milestone in the history and life of mankind. Archaeological studies show that several regions in the Near East experienced Neolithization, and Azerbaijan was a regional marginal area that expanded and reflected the Neolithic centers. In the late Neolithic stage, for the first, non-indigenous groups settled in the plains around Lake Urmia as the center of the area and then this center became the center spread to the outskirts in over time. Despite extensive research carried out in various parts of northwestern Iran, there is little and disproportionate evidence of the Neolithic period in the eastern part of Azerbaijan, and the settlements of the late Neolithic period in the eastern part of Azerbaijan are far less well known and there is a fundamental questions relation with the archaeological situation, chronology, the nature of culture and regional and trans-regional interactions in the eastern parts of Lake Urmia during this period. Since this area is considered to be the bridge between East and West in the northwest of Iran, it can play an important role in defining the sixth millennium BC. Today, there are new archaeological evidence of the existence of the late Neolithic settlements in the area, which is also in the horizon with Haji-Firuz. In the present article, it is attempted to present a new interpretation of the late Neolithic period in the region based on descriptive-analytical methods based on the archaeological findings obtained from Horand region in comparison with the traces of Haji-Firuz and also by reviewing previous studies.
Keywords: East Azarbaijan, Horand Region, Urmia Lake Area, Neolithic Period.

Introduction
The clarification of the archaeological situation and the sequence of the settlements of different cultural-geographical regions and its introduction into the archaeological community is indispensable. Northwest of Iran has a sequence of prehistoric to Islamic periods due to its proper situation and its specific situation. This area of the Paleolithic period later, even in historical and Islamic periods, has been the only short-lived interruptions in the area. The study of the cultural courses of the region and its comparison with its archaeological area with the neighboring regions with the aim of examining the settlements patterns and examination of bilateral and multilateral regional and trans-regional relations in each period, include the most basic stages of explaining the evolution of past societies in the ancient Prehistoric history. Investigating the role and position of Northwest of Iran during the Neolithic period and its causes, comparing the cultural values of northwest of Iran with adjacent cultural areas and examining regional and trans-regional obstacles and the role of these interactions in shaping the settlement of each period and presenting of the general framework of regional are the goals and necessities of this research which the present research questions have been presented in these frameworks. It seems that Northwest of Iran during this period has been able to establish its strong ties with geographical and natural status. The most important questions and hypotheses related to the Neolithic sites of Horand region include:
1. Is the material culture of this area in the Neolithic period, especially with the emphasis on the pottery has local characteristics? It seems that the tradition of pottery in this area has been affected by the lake Urmia.
2. What are the characteristic of sites of the Neolithic period?  these sites are usually located near or in the same place as the nomads.

Results and Discussion 
Horand region consists of three districts of Chahardangeh, Dodangeh and Dikleh that are located in the east of northwest of Iran and due to geographical conditions and suitable environmental capacities, it has been the basis for creating human settlements in different periods. During the survey of Horand, a large number of prehistory sites were identified, including three sites in the Dikleh that relate to the Neolithic period. The reasons for this - the shortage of settlements in the Neolithic period and before that – whatever, the geographical and environmental conditions of these high valleys, played a fundamental role in this situation. Some people say that the main reason for this is the extreme cold weather and believed that elevations above 1500 meters above sea level have been effective in this process and others have referred to the poor conditions of fertile soil for agriculture. Along with such factors, it should be noted that the eastern part of the Urmia Lake has a wealth of pasture resources that has continued the form of livestock-based livelihood until now. Horand region is one of the most eastern parts of Azerbaijan, which can be considered as one of the intersectional centers in the cultural interactions with the Urmia Lake in the west, the Ardebil plain in the east and the Abharrood region in the south, from the same period of the late Neolithic, it has provided a framework for the formation of its native cultures. Based on the types of pottery of Neolithic period that collected from this region, and the association of these types of pottery with the periphery, we found that the Neolithic pottery of this area is influenced by the culture of Haji Firuz. In fact, residents of the Neolithic period in Horand were people familiar with the cultures around Urmia Lake.

Conclusion
Horand region is one of the most eastern parts of Azerbaijan, which has grown from various periods in the Neolithic period and has formed the basis of the early Iranian villages with a mountainous character. The villages that remain intact and unchanged in terms of land use, housing, tools and agricultural equipment over time. The Neolithic sites in Horand region are located in the valleys and highlands, and have all the morphological features of modern settlement nomads. Although the cultural material studied in this paper is derived from archaeological studies, it can be partly used to clarify the various dimensions of the archaeological of the Neolithic period in Hornad region, although the results are relative. Understanding the pattern of settlement and the impact of environmental and biological factors on the formation of sites have a fundamental role. Horand region due to a combination of economy based on agriculture and animal husbandry and the lifestyle continuum from pre-history to the present is very important. Based on the Neolithic pottery collected from the sites of Horand and the association of these pottery with the periphery, we found that the Neolithic pottery of this area is influenced by the culture of Haji Firuz. Archaeological evidence from the northwest of Iran shows that the Urmia lake is the source of the expansion of the Neolithic to other parts of Azerbaijan. Based on archaeological evidence, the hypothesis of demographic pressure (due to the increasing number of settlements in the Urmia lake) and the cultural spread around Urmia Lake, it is concluded that groups of seasonal nomads in the Urmia lake region are searching for areas susceptible, enter to Horand during the late Neolithic period. the culture of Neolithic in Horand in the east of Azerbaijan is the continuation of the late Neolithic of Urmia lake.

Abstract
Spindle Whorls are among the main cultural materials and needs of animal husbandry and semi-”frozen” societies and are among the works that are directly related to the pattern of livelihood and production in the clothing family and fibers of early societies. to be. Which are interpreted in the analysis of the findings of ancient sites. The area behind Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe is no exception to this feature, and the number of 123 Spindle Whorls found among its archaeological excavation findings has a significant presence in terms of type and f. The main stones of this area can be divided into two groups: convex and conical, each of which is divided into two sub-branches: painted and simple, and in terms of quality of construction, they can be divided into two groups: medium and Roughly divided. All Spindle Whorls are made of baked clay with a mixture of herbs and in different sizes. The purpose of this research is in the first stage, typology and study of saddles and in the second stage, analysis of livelihood model related to the production of textiles in the hills posht forodgah. A significant number of Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and its application in the production of yarn by analyzing it on the produced fibers and how to organize this production can help a lot. The method of the present research, based on comparative studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer these questions: What kind and forms of hymns discovered Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and what threads are used in its production? Given the Semi-Unilateral of the Tepe communities Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and the abundance of Sardok, the production of textiles in this area has been for local and domestic use and trans-regional trade? Considering the Semi-Unilateral and nomadic settlement and the method of economic production based on animal husbandry in the early communities of the Central Zagros and the hills Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, it seems that based on the variety of mounds in type of material, quality of species, shape and size, these wool fibers They are mainly used for local use and trade outside the region to meet basic needs.
Keywords: Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, Typology, Spindle Whorl.

Introduction
Spindle Whorl is a cultural object and cultural material that is mainly made of stone, bone, wood, etc., which provides the first manifestations and old evidence from different stages of fabric production.
Analysis and typology of Spindle Whorls provide good information on how ancient tissues rotate, but it is necessary to establish a methodological typology of this type of ancient cultural finds. Type and packaging in type, shape and size provide an effective way to determine how yarns work. The shape, type and appearance of each yarn is directly related to the type of production, spinning. Therefore, the appearance and functional typologies of saddles are other ways of knowing the type of spinning and other stages of textile production. For example, the typology, shape and function of a highly effective method of the characteristics of the fibers produced and used and the final product produced from yarn or fibers (such as: wool, silk, fabric, etc.) are presented through rotation in the production of clothing. Gives. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Finally, sawdust should be placed in significant categories that determine spinning and textile production, and these categories are based on the characteristics that determine the use of sawdust. Spindle Whorls discovered from the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe The most abundant cultural finds in the hills behind the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe after pottery are all kinds of Spindle Whorls. These chestnuts come in a variety of shapes and sizes, from circular and semi-circular to conical, all made of fine-grained clay and then heated. The Spindle Whorls of the hills behind the polished Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, in terms of simple appearance, is less decorated and less decorated. Alone and on some of them, a linear and crescent-shaped dimple (or a kind of sign and symbol) can be seen, which is apparently created with nails. The Spindle Whorl have a hole in the middle for the passage and the wooden handle to rotate. The central hole of the Spindle Whorl is usually made in such a way that it is narrower at one end to prevent the movement of the wooden rod that was placed in this hole. And the thread was twisted around it; However, some cases of Spindle Whorls have been obtained from this area that did not have holes. It seems that the process of making these Spindle Whorls is incomplete and due to the similarity of Spindle Whorls, they can not be classified as Token or counting objects. It should be noted that no stones were found on the slopes of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe From all the new Neolithic stages to the Old Copper Age and the Stone Age of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, three main types of oval, pyramidal and conical shapes have been obtained. These Spindle Whorls do not have the desired construction quality in the lower layers (new Neolithic of phase c). Because it is deformed and rough in appearance, and in terms of cooking, it gets a little hot and a kind of raw hand can be seen in making them. With the development of higher stages and the age of copper and old stone, Spindle Whorls have advanced in terms of variety and quality in terms of construction and have gained high resistance.
These heads vary in weight. The lightest Spindle Whorls weigh about 5 grams and the heaviest Spindle Whorls discovered from this hill weigh about 160 grams. From this point of view, it can be said that the production of yarn and the use of fibers in this region also have a diameter. Produced from the thinnest yarn to the thickest. As mentioned, the weight and diameter of the saddle circle is the most important determining factor in the process of spinning and yarn production, which is one of the important features among Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe saddles. What can be said about the diameter and size of Spindle Whorls in this area? In order to increase the diameter of the rotating shaft with the light weight of the saddle, the hollow feature of the saddle has been used so that the weight of the saddle does not increase. This feature (in the emptiness of the saddles) is one of the examples of the ridges of Qalangap hill (Abdollahi and Sardari Zarchi Figure 14, 130: 1392) and Chaghamish... and Tal Bakun (Alizadeh 1382: 349, (Figure 9) is also considered and large and hollow Spindle Whorls are produced to produce the weight of thin fibers with high flexibility and elasticity.
Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe headboards are made in the simplest possible way in terms of decoration, and the least amount of decoration is seen in terms of design compared to other areas, and only a few examples of designs are created compactly (Figure 7). The simple-edged conical saddle, which is also one of the most common types of saddles, is similar to the conical specimens of the Tel Bakun, which in some cases have compact linear or circular shapes (Alizadeh 2004: 146 and 349)

Conclusion
Using a comprehensive comparative method, 123 Spindle Whorls obtained from a season of excavation at the Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe were discussed in response to questions:
In response to the first question, in addition to a coherent typology, this type of cultural findings (based on compatibility with Spindle Whorl of Charo, Chaghamish, Tal Bakun and Qalagap regions) were identified in 6 species.
The heads of this region are divided into two main groups: convex (oval and two-sided pyramid) and conical (one-sided and cylindrical pyramid).
Each group is divided into two subgroups, carved and simple, and in terms of construction quality, they are in two groups, medium and rough.
All chests are made of clay with vegetable chamotte and in different sizes (2 to 5 cm and weighing 5 to 160 grams). Some heads have pressure patterns created by a sharp tool. Depending on the type of semi-resident settlement and the method of economic production based on herding (sheep and goats) in the early communities of Central Zagros and also the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe area due to the high volume of goat bones (due to jaws and horns) based on the variety of Spindle Whorls in this area In terms of shape, size and weight of the species, these Spindle Whorls are mostly used in fleece fibers.
Accordingly, heavy and long Spindle Whorls with high rotation axis are used to twist thick and long fibers (goat hair) and small short Spindle Whorls with low rotation axis are used to twist thin and short fibers (fleece) with different thicknesses. In this study, Spindle Whorls weight was considered as test variables on yarn diameter, yarn rupture and elasticity and yarn warp.
In response to the second question, considering the semi-monolithic location of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe based on various ash deposits to a depth of about 160 cm and the vertical migration approach of the communities present in it, it seems that most textile products are for endogenous use and sometimes for trade. It has been trans-regional in meeting basic needs.

Abstract
This study aims to recognize and characterize pottery production at the Hormangan site, a Neolithic settlement in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. An examination and analytical study of the potteries on this site was conducted to determine the manufacturing techniques of the Neolithic potteries, understand the raw materials and inclusions, the level of progress and knowledge of the potters from the final products, and the location of the production site. Excavating this site, ceramics and a heated structure, probably an open kiln, were found, belonging to the Mushki phase (6400-6000 BC). Thirty-six ceramic shreds were selected for thin-section petrography analysis according to their macroscopic features. After that, 18 of them were analysed using X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and X-Ray Diffraction methods. According to the mineralogical studies and the XRD and XRF analyses, while three different clay types were used to produce these Neolithic ceramics, they were all local productions. These vessels were fired in an open and unsophisticated kiln at an uncontrolled temperature, probably not over 800 degrees. Although the combination of these archaeometrical techniques indicates that there are various sub-angular inclusions in each type of clay, most of the pots are vegetally tempered (chaff-tempered). The existence of the heated structure separately from residential construction, a variety of designs and decorations on the ceramics, and various clay sources all determine that the Neolithic community of the Hormangan site has gone beyond a primitive rural society and as semiprofessional individuals had a surplus of more than their demands.
Keywords: Neolithic Period, Hormangan Site, Ceramic Production, Petrography, XRD, XRF.

Introduction
Hormangan site is a Neolithic site located on the border of the Bavanat River basin, in Jeshnian village, in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. This site was excavated in 2016, revealing two phases dated back to 6373 to 6000 BCE. The earlier phase indicates no traces of architectural structures, and the later phase contributed to the settlements. Moreover, a heated structure was discovered simultaneously with the later phase, surrounded by potteries and divided spaces. Pottery vessels which were discovered from these two phases are similar to the ceramics of Tall-e Mushki, Tall-e Jari B, Kushk-e-Hazar, Tall-e Bashi, and Rahmat Abad. As these types of potteries were first discovered from the Tall-e Mushki, they are known as Mushki phase potteries. The heated structure discovered in the Hormangan site is a unique structure related to producing pottery during the Mushki phase, which was probably an open fire kiln. Since there are no similar structures have been found in the Neolithic sites in the Fars region, this study aims to understand pottery manufacturing technology with multi-analytical approaches. Moreover, considering the two phases of the Hormangan site occupied by different settlers for almost 300 years, it is attempted to differentiate potteries of these two phases from a technological point of view.

Geological Setting
A portion of the Bavanat plain lies in the Sanandaj-Sirejan zone, as well as the Shahreza-Abade- Hambast orogenic belt, characterised by high-quality clay deposits and Devonian sandstones (Houshmandzadeh and Soheili, 1990). Several types of rocks can be found in the Bavanat region (Emami and Yaghmai, 2008), spanning three tectonic-stratigraphic units: Late Permian and Middle Triassic rocks, Late Triassic and Cretaceous rocks, and Tertiary rocks (Ghazi and Moazzen, 2015; Ghorbani, 2011). From the mineralogical point of view, this area includes kaolinite, illite, quartz, and chlorite, and secondary minerals are goethite, paragonite, and gypsum. Also, sandstones and shales have been eroded in most cases, creating debris slides. There is a large hydrographic network density in Tutat Mountain (formed by internal and metamorphic formation). However, there is a lower density of hydrographic network in the Kitaban, Khaleisht, and Khatban Mountains. The clays in this region are therefore expected to contain high levels of lime and quartz minerals, but it is also likely to contain metamorphic minerals (Khademi and Hashemi Nasab, 2011).

Materials and Methods
Hormangan ceramics were primarily divided into six groups based on surface treatment, colour, and decoration style. In further classification, the Hormangan potteries were categorised based on their form, size, place of motifs and ceramic fashioning techniques. After initial macroscopic studies of these ceramic vessels, 36 pottery sherds were selected for thin-section petrographic analysis. For choosing these samples, not only the former classifications were considered, but also it was attempted to select potteries from different phases and various contexts and trenches. The earlier phase includes 14 samples, the later phase 12 samples, and the heated structure 10 samples were selected for this analysis. 
For getting inside into the primary and secondary mineralisation phases, determining firing conditions and maximum temperature, and environmental burial conditions, 18 samples (from those 36 samples) have been selected for the X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD) in order to determine the crystalline phase constituents. This methods is necessary as a complementary method to petrography. Moreover, X-Ray Fluorescence analysis as a semi-quantitative analysis has been applied to these 18 samples to detect the chemical characterisation of their main and trace elements and to identify whether the earlier and later phases’ samples become clustered into two different groups or not. 

Discussion
The thin-section microscopic analysis indicated a very porous matrix with angular and semi-angular inclusions, which are mainly quartz, and with traces of vegetal tempers. Moreover, the vessels were fired under the oxidation condition. The inclusions were distributed randomly in the matrix, which suggested that they were not homogeneous and consisted of quartz, limestone, calcite, plagioclase (albite and sanidine), and igneous rock fragments, including muscovite, iron oxide, granite, magnetite, hematite, apatite, and feldspars. In most sherds, secondary calcite was formed, resulting in burial in a humid condition. The XRD analysis enabled us to observe some high-temperature minerals, such as gehlenite and diopside, in some samples. These minerals are usually presented in ceramics when fired at more than 800 degrees. On the other hand, the presence of the main elements MgO+CaO, Al2O3, and SiO2, detected by the XRF analysis and diagramed by the Noll system, indicated a very similar final product in terms of raw materials and inclusions. In addition, Cl, MnO, and SrO have been identified in these samples as trace elements, indicating the environmental conditions of the vessels after abandonment. 

Conclusion
In light of the microscopical observations and the phase and chemical analyses, it was determined that the Hormangan potteries could be divided into three main groups. The potteries of the earlier and later phases could not be distinguished from one another. These three groups are comparable to the region’s geological map, meaning all potteries are locally made. Except for four samples that were fired above 800 degrees, the others were fired at temperatures around 750 degrees. Samples from the earlier and later phases were distributed randomly among these clusters, comprising the Calcareous, Iron-rich, and Calcium-rich matrixes. The clay minerals were all extracted in the vicinity of the site, despite the fact that there were three different types of clay materials. Therefore, the potter(s) at the Hormangan site have chosen diverse clay sources but employed different techniques each time to produce similar results. It has also been noted that samples obtained from the heated structure have very similar characteristics to the ceramics produced in the later phase. According to the absolute dating results, the heated structure and the later phase are contemporaneous. However, in terms of potters’ technological behaviours, this could point to some standardization of ceramic production during this time.
Another question we have attempted to answer is whether the potter(s) added any aplastic materials, such as quartz, to their clay in order to increase its workability. Based upon an ethnoarchaeological study of the current pottery production in ShahReza (Pincé et al., 2019), approximately 230 kilometers away from the Hormangan site, it has been found that additional tempering does not need to be applied to the clay for the production of ceramics, owing to the rich clay sources in the ShahReza-Abade-Hambast orogenic belt (located in the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone). There is a possibility that the richness of clay sources in this region allowed potters to avoid tempering their raw materials during different periods, which will be investigated in more detail in future studies.   

Acknowledgements
Dr Morteza Khanipour has generously allowed access to the Hormangan site’s ceramics for this study, and the authors are very grateful for his generosity.

Abstract
In this article, the production systems of lithic artifacts during the Neolithic period of eastern Mazandaran has been studied based on the 2020 excavation of Touq Tepe using a descriptive-analytical approach. Examining the technology, typology, and the effect of subsistence on applying methods of technologies and studying the production methods of various artifacts were among this research project’s most important questions and aims. Touq Tepe is located in the central district of Neka, near Hotukosh mountains, one of Iran’s most important Chert sources. These artifacts were not locally made at the site and part of the production sequence took place elsewhere. Since there was no blade core in the assemblage, it seems that the blades came to the site in already-prepared form and mostly retouching and finalizing processes of the debitages were done at the site. Evidence such as a large striking platform, dual striking bulb, and dented striking bulb indicates that the technology used in the Touq Tepe lithic artifact was either direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. Some of the most important characteristics of the assemblage are the abundance of over-flake and notched-denticulated tools and the shortage of scrapers (thumbnail and geometric) and tools with sickle gloss. The lithic industry of Touq Tepe resembles the Mesolithic stone industry of Komishan Cave regarding its technological composition. The production method of the stone artifacts in the Neolithic was likely a continuum of the Caspian Mesolithic period. The subsistence economy has a direct effect on the production method of artifacts. Our study showed that due to the high environmental capacity of the studied area in providing prehistoric societies with food, there was no dramatic change in the typology and technology of lithic tools on the site despite the change of the subsistence towards food production. 
Keywords: Eastern Plains of Mazandaran, Touq Tepe, Neolithic, Developments in Technology and Subsistence, Lithic Artifacts.

Introduction
In the process of Neolithization, and then during the Neolithic period, the hunter-gatherer subsistence transformed into domesticate-farming (Bar-Yosef & Meadow, 1995; Barker, 2006; Hole, 1984; Bar-Yosef & Belfer-Cohen, 1992). With those mentioned transformations came a metamorphosis in lithic tools technology. Thus, technological and subsistence developments are two fundamental issues in Neolithic research.  
Proper archaeological research has shown western and southwestern parts of the Iranian plateau as one of the major zones of Neolithization. Thus, these regions have absorbed most of the research interests regarding the Neolithic period (Roustaei, 2014). Meanwhile, most of the reports on eastern Mazandaran are about Mesolithic sites as far as there is little known about this period even in sites with in situ Neolithic layers like Kamarband (Belt) Cave (Jayez, 2012: 284). Therefore, one of the important aims of this article is to deal with this period through new archaeological findings in Touq Tepe, a site located in Neka Plain, and study the technology and typology of its lithic artifacts.
The current research has studied the technology and typology of stone artifacts from the Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe and the subsistence of its inhabitants, which is useful to clarify the processes of change in the technology and typology of artifacts from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period and open the way for future studies. Given the proximity of the site to one of the largest and finest Chert sources in Iran, the artifacts were studied for their raw material so a logical relationship between raw material abundance and the diversity of lithic artifacts could be established. Naturally, larger and thicker tools were used for rougher tasks. The production methods of these artifacts were mostly direct and indirect percussion. 
In this study, newly-found lithic artifacts from Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe were first studied separately for classification, typology, sourcing, and investigation of the Neolithic subsistence economy. The findings were classified into four types: tools, debitages, cores, and natural stones. Eventually, the results were compared to published data of the nearby sites from quantity and diversity points of view to establish a foundation for general knowledge about subsistence in the Neolithic period. 

Disccussion
Totally, 348 stone artifacts were recovered from Neolithic layers of Toq Tepe. This assemblage has 6 cores (1.72%) including 3 flake cores, 2 microblade single-side cores, and 1 irregular mixed core. A total of 259 (74.43%) artifacts are simple debitages including 135 flakes, 43 blades, 15 microblades, 2 burin spalls, 35 chips, and 27 debris. 81 (23.28%) tools consist of retouched (31 retouched flakes, 24 retouched blades, and 10 retouched microblades), notched tools, notched-denticulate tools, backed microblades and multi-functional tools and 2 (0.57%) naturally occurred stones. 
The places of flake and microblade on cores are highly irregular and their exterior angles are less than 90 degrees. The blades and microblades have mostly irregular ridges and a profile with low curvature. The ventral surfaces are not completely flat and have waves on them. The thickness of the striking platform in blades and microblades is quite low and flakes with a thick striking platform and prominent striking bulb with dents over the bulb are also rare. In this assemblage, dented striking bulbs are more common in flakes, blades, and finally microblades, but completely absent in burins. 
The flakes were rarely made using direct percussion and in the majority of cases they were produced using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. All the blades were made using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. In microblades, considering the faded striking bulb and their paralleled edges, it is probable that the pressure technique was used Although no pressure microblade core was found. All the lithic artifacts of Touq Tepe were made out of Chert with various color spectrums but mostly from light to dark brown. 

Conclusion
The number of simple debitages is far more than debitages turned into tools and those that turned into tools have larger dimensions and irregular retouches. Based on the comparison of the average sizes of the tools made over the flake blank and the simple debitages on the flake blank and the high ratio of chips to the tools, it can be concluded that the process of making and converting simple debitages to tools was taken place in the site and according to the immediate needs thus most of the retouches are irregular. Scrapers were mostly made over flake blanks and have denticulate or notched-denticulate retouches that do not need any special pre-design. 
The lack of blade cores and the low percentage of blade’s simple debitages support this hypothesis that the blades were imported into the site in already-prepared form and then retouched at the site. In the Touq Tepe lithic industry, there was an emphasis on flake production due to the availability of raw materials. The technical evidence over the debitages of stone artifacts of Touq Tepe confirms that debitages were detached from cores using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion.

Acknowledgments
The financial supports for carrying out the excavation program of Touq Tepe Neka have been provided by the General Department of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts of Mazandaran Province. We are also grateful to the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism and the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research for issuing the excavation permit. The members of the excavation team, who were students of University of Mazandaran and experts of the mentioned General Department, cooperated and worked hard in the terrible conditions of the corona virus; these loved ones are also sincerely appreciated.

Abstract
Terminology is a group of specialized words and respective implications in a specific field, additionally, the consideration of such terms and their utilization. Terminology is one of the most essential aspects of any field of study. This gives an understanding of the concepts and contextual information to how you will be using those concepts. In archaeology, like all other sciences, we need to create and revise some concepts. This article proposes to establish a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication. Domestication is the adaptation of a plant or animal from a wild or natural state to life in close association with humans. In this research, the etymology and definitions of the phenomenon of Domestication are considered, followed by its evolution across the literature. This article defines some specialized terms of the Neolithic process in domestication, which is the driving force behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the transition from historical-cultural archeology to processual archaeology following the change from threshold to process and long-term formations. However, Iranian archeology has not yet kept pace with this dynamic. The picture provided for the users of archeology is a static image of science, and it is implied that science is a fixed and unchanging reality. This essay aims to demonstrate the difficulties and flaws in archaeological information transmission when scientific language is not prepared. The need to disseminate new knowledge and technology is one motivation for solving this problem. Archaeological research in Iran is now undergoing a crucial shift from traditional to processual methods. Studies of the Neolithic process are only starting in many locations, and terminology-related issues must be addressed. The result of this research is the ascertainment that adopting a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication is absolutely paramount in order to progress on all animal and plant-related matters.
Keywords: Terminology, Neolithic, Domestication, Evolutionary, Process.

Introduction
Terminology is the foundation of science; the words we use to describe the world around us substantially impact how we conceptualize study issues.
Neolithic and, subsequently, domestication is one of the most contentious among prehistorians. The term Neolithic, according to researchers, is insufficient. They now attempt to argue that Neolithic technology and economic growth are social constructs and that what matters more than what was created during the Neolithic era is how and in what method it was produced (Çilingiroğlu, 2005: 1). Terms like the Neolithic Package and Neolithization were created to comprehend the challenges during the Neolithic era. Neolithization refers to the process rather than the cultural phenomenon’s cross-sectional character. 
The Neolithic was a process of transition from a nomadic lifestyle of hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication.
This process takes place between the two poles designated by ‘wild’ and ‘domestic’. Consequently, one can talk about various stages or levels of domestication. These factors can have either a rapid or a gradual impact on living organisms. Domestication consists of a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
 As a result, we now know that terminology like agriculture, farming, and cultivation originated behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the shift from historical-cultural archeology with a threshold perspective to process archeology with a processual perspective. In other words, the agricultural event has assumed numerous forms throughout several thousand years, for which we have a name, or in the domestication of animals, we have the terms Husbandry, Pastoralism, Taming, and Herding Domestic, signifying changes in time and development in a phenomenon. This is a long-lasting trend.
The historical-cultural threshold approach is still present in Iranian archeology, and we continue to refer to all kinds of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns as agricultural or animal husbandry for thousands of years.
The article aims to define the language of many forms of agriculture and animal husbandry that have particular identities and have evolved into full-fledged agriculture and animal husbandry via an evolutionary process.
In the published literature on early agriculture, there is a tendency for the word agriculture and many of its subsidiary terms to be used vaguely without precise definitions, and sometimes their connotations overlap, for example, proto/incipient and shifting/extensive. There is a need to clarify much agricultural terminology to avoid confusion.

Discussion
As a result of various ponders, researchers have displayed a number of terms with the see of clarifying the root of agriculture. At the initial, ‘wild’ stage of domestication, a given population of organisms generally has no experience of any direct or indirect impact on the part of man. Domestication ends at the ‘domestic’ arrangement when a given populace is completely subordinate to people with respect to such issues as survival, reproduction, and nutrition. The most famous terms among those include the following: 

Domestication of Plant
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of plant domestication.
Management: Management is the control of wild species (plants or animals) without cultivation or morphological alterations (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Cultivation: Cultivation is the deliberate preparation of the land, planting, reaping, and storing seeds or other plant components.
Farming: Farming is the practice of using plants and domestic animals as food or other resources (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Agriculture: The phrase is occasionally confined to crop cultıvation and excludes livestock farming; however, it is often used to refer to both (Harris, 2007: 22).

Domestication of Animals
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of animal domestication. It provides a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
Domestic: The animal maintained in the home is referred to as domestic. Domesticated animals may be wild, tamed, or feral (Décory, 2019: 47). A domestic animal is kept in captivity by humans, regardless if it is a wild, tame, domesticated, or feral animal.
Taming: The domesticated animal might be a wild animal acquired from the wild, i.e., the first or second generation of wild animals maintained in captivity (Décory, 2019: 47).
Herding: This term should be evaluated from a biological standpoint. The herd/pasture interaction is connected to herding. Herding entails controlling and caring for the animals on the ground. (Paine, 1972: 78).
Breeding: This phrase refers to a technical notion. Animals with predefined traits may be altered through selective breeding (Ingold, 1980: 82).
Husbandry: Owners’ attempts to capitalize and make profits are referred to as husbandry (Paine, 1972: 79). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, husbandry is the “business or occupation “of a husbandman or farmer, tillage or cultivation of the soil (including also the rearing of livestock)’ 
Pastoralism: Pastoralists rely on their livestock herds for most of their income (Ingold, 1980: 82).

Conclusion
The Neolithic was a process of transition from hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication. The domestication of plants and animals marks a major evolutionary transition in human history. The pathways that humans and target species follow from initial management into domestication are shaped by a number of contingencies affecting both partners and can be broadly classified into several types. There is a continuum between these types, although these terms have overlapping elements, they are nonetheless distinct phenomena. Agriculture is used to define many forms of subsistence in this process but they have their own descriptive terms, such as cultivation, domestication, as well as forms of livestock. 
In this article an evolutionary model from foraging to agriculture, in which the transitions to cultivation, domestication, and agriculture are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. And from Taming to husbandry, in which the transitions to, domestication, and husbandry are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. 
The historical-cultural threshold perspective is still present in Iranian archeology, and we still refer to all types of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns that occurred throughout thousands of years as agriculture or animal husbandry. To define the distance between pre-domestic, and agriculture, detailed scientific research, including time-consuming and costly experiments, is required by precise chronologies. A practice that is still uncommon in Iranian archeology. In Iranian archeology, only sites containing the latter stage of the Neolithic are excavated, and other kinds of agriculture (e.g., gathering wild plants) or animal husbandry (e.g., taming) are not recognized, or researchers are still looking for spectacular Neolithic evidence from the period’s end. They are now investigating what is being created, not its significance and no label can be developed to describe them. Alternatively, if they are studying the Neolithic transition and, in fact, the Neolithic process, they approach the data using threshold and cultural-historical thinking. At the outset of Neolithic studies, it is necessary to provide the theoretical and terminological groundwork because they are process-oriented and long-term. If this does not occur, the picture formed for the users of archeology is a static image of science, leading to the belief that science is a phenomenon that does not change. As a result, efforts should be undertaken to investigate and clarify words connected to domestication research in an evolutionary framework.

Acknowledgments
I thank Dr. Mozhgan Jayez and Dr. Hojjat Darabi for their helpful comments on this paper.

Conflict of Interest
The Author, while observing the publishing ethics, declares that there is no conflict of interest and no financial support from any government center.

Abstract
Architectural remains are as the “foundation” of archaeological research, these evidence can be described with words, numbers and precise and clear drawings. But the interpretation of architectural remains and worldview contexts related to human social behavior are still problematic. Architecture is related to material remains, but we must remember that ultimately these remains reflect the customs and worldview of the respective societies. There is no doubt that the individual household unit changes successively over time to accommodate nuclear and extended families, groups, tribe, etc. Cheshme Rajab site is located in Lorestan province, Kohdasht County - Konani district, 500 meters north of the Symareh River, 6.5 km from the top of the Symareh dam, and in the cultural domain of central Zagros. It is considered one of the key sites for the study and cultural developments of the rural settlement period of the region and Zagros.  In April 2019, the second season of extensive (vertical-horizontal) archaeological excavations was carried out by creating three trench in the center, west and south of the site in order to know and be aware of the cultural developments in the region in the said Tepe. The current research is based on the presentation of the exploration results, the discussion of its architectural data analysis. This research  is done with a fundamental purpose and its data collection method is based on the field and library method, and in it, while introducing and describing the architecture of this site, we seek to answer the questions regarding the architectural condition of this site, such as whether it is right-angled and... Which period does the site belong to? Also, based on the results of the archaeological excavation, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.
Keywords: Symareh, Cheshme Rajab, architecture, Neolithic Period, Chalcolithic Period.

Introduction
The water catchment basin of the Symareh dam is located at the intersection of the common border of Lorestan and Ilam provinces. Symareh, having a different environment (mountainous, plain and hilly), located in the central Zagros basin and adjacent to the lowlands of Khuzestan and Mesopotamia, has always been the focus of different cultures. In general, due to the special biome and diverse geographical texture of central Zagros, this site has long played a key role between Mesopotamia and Khuzestan and the highlands of central Zagros. The changes of intra-regional (environmental) factors cause the abandonment or burial of villages and hamlets that were formed on the side terraces of the Symareh River, and these developments are important for archaeological research. The presence of small and large terraces of sedimentary deposits, fresh water springs, the use of pasture land, rock shelters, etc., are important factors for the emergence of settlements in this region in the prehistoric period (Introduction). et al., 2017: 3). In the meantime, the excavations of the Symareh dam basin have provided valuable information about Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period cultures. In the investigation and identification of the cultures of the Symareh dam basin, Cheshme Rajab site in 2007, by Abbas Moghadam and colleagues; the first season was explored by stratification but did not reach the virgin soil, the second season of archaeological exploration was carried out in 2010 by Abdul Reza Mohajeri Nezhad. According to archaeological research and excavations, most of the settlements during human settlements since prehistoric times have been located in line with water resources that have suitable environmental conditions. Therefore, the catchment site of  Symareh River is not exempt from this case. In 2007, the investigation and rescue excavations of the Symareh dam were able to investigate many ancient sites and clarify the time period of ancient times. Also, the Cheshme Rajab site is one of the important and key sites of the Symareh basin for investigating the process of cultural developments during the realization period of the Zagros region. One of the goals and necessity of the research in the Cheshme Rajab site is to investigate and analyze the architectural findings obtained from the Chalcolithic Period of this site. The main question of this research is trying to determine which cultural period the architecture obtained from Cheshme Rajab’s surroundings by examining the settlement style belongs to. Based on the results of archaeological excavations, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.

Research method
The current research has a qualitative and strategic system and is based on fundamental goals and is historical in terms of method. The method of data collection has been carried out in two ways: field and library. In the field method, the desired samples have been examined and studied. The basis of analysis relies more on internal information and findings, and the second method is a library that draws conclusions by matching and comparing data at the same time and by matching and analyzing them.

Discussion
The people living in Cheshme Rajab lived in rectangular houses. The main materials used in the construction of houses are materials such as crushed stone (river), mud mortar and plaster, which are taken from the natural bed of the region and due to the easy access and experience of the residents of the region, in angular and almost rectangular spaces, as a unit. They have used a building in rammed floor or rubble and almost regular clays and a mold that was a combination of straw, sand and river mud. According to the time frame of Cheshme Rajab, from the beginning of the Neolithic period, it seems that since this time, due to the easy access to stone, they have started to build buildings with stone carcasses, which have taken a step towards monotony (old village settlement). The obtained architectural remains indicate the construction of angular chambers made of crushed stone with a floor of rammed earth and sometimes cobblestones were used. The coherent architecture that was obtained from Pit 1 has not been observed in any of the contemporaneous sites in central Zagros, also in Pit 2, evidence of an industrial trench was found, which is unique in its time period and can be a sign of a specialized society. In this trench, several clay sherds were found, which were probably a sign of a spinning trench. Such Spindle Whorl in the Symareh basin were previously also reported from Chararo, but there was no discussion about the existence and acquisition of the trench (Hessari et al., 2012: 94), the emergence of these evidences either from the Rajab Spring or from Chararo itself. It shows the emergence of an advanced society that they created a spinning trench, although Henrikson, by studying the architectural structure of Tepe Segabi A in the Godin VII period, believes that this structure was a mass production trench and a skilled and expert group was engaged in it (Henrickson, 1988: 10) And later Badler and Rothman were also of the opinion that at the end of the Middle Chalcolithic Period and the beginning of the late Chalcolithic Period in the Godin VII period, Zagros-centric societies are passing from simple and equal societies to rank societies (Rothman & Badler, 2011: 80).Despite the fact that in the west of Iran, simple village-dwelling and herding communities live and we do not see evidence of social complexity and inequality in them (Mohammadi-Qasarian, 2021: 19), at the same time, in the northern and southern Mesopotamia, we see large site that reach up to 15 hectares in size. (Trentin, 2010). The round temples in Erpachie and the big temples in Eridu indicate the formation of societies with social complexity (Stein, 2012: 130). This issue is also true in the southwest of Iran (Holl, 2002: 178), while no signs of social complexity and progress can be observed in central Zagros (except Cheshme Rajab & appeh Chār Ārou) at this time, even the spread of Dalma pottery and the similarity Together, they raise the hypothesis for some researchers that maybe this pottery was produced in a certain center and was distributed throughout Zagros (Henrickson & Vitali, 1987: 40), but so far there is no work that confirms this hypothesis. Among the materials found in Cheshme Rajab, it can be a proof of an advanced society.

Conclusion
The Symareh River is a river that drains the entire region and the change in its behavior has had a tremendous impact on the geology of the region and the way humans have settled. Due to the strategic location of the Symareh Valley in the west and southwest of the Iranian plateau, it has been considered as an intercultural communication route since ancient times. The location and geographical conditions (Symareh alluvial valley, great heights of Kabirkoh and its pastures, Symareh river, alluvial and rich lands of the region) have provided ideal conditions for agricultural life and animal husbandry in the region. According to the obtained architecture, the residents of Cheshme Rajab have settled in right-angled houses with a rectangular layout and the use of natural materials of the site. The main materials used in the construction of houses are irregular rubble and molded clay with mud mortar. Inside the architectural spaces, there are traces of ovens, food storage pots, the existence of their large objects and counting objects, which are direct evidences regarding the storage system of the residents of the site during the Chalcolithic Period.An architectural space for industrial activities with clay flooring, clay Spindle whorl, works of pottery kilns, welding kilns and pottery that fell due to high heat, which shows that architectural spaces were used for industrial activities in addition to residence. During the Chalcolithic Period, like in other sites, especially central Zagros, the inhabitants of the site gathered bodies under the floor of residential spaces and buried small decorative objects and children inside burial vats. Other findings obtained in the site, such as obsidian blades, show the connection of the residents of this site with other places (Northwest and Anatolia) and the presence of clay Spindle whorl are direct evidence of the advanced spinning activities among the residents. Also, according to geographical conditions and environmental factors, the existence of extensive pastures in the site and spinning spindles are indirect evidences related to animal husbandry activities among the residents of the site.

Abstract
The Zagros region and its hilly flanks, particularly its central parts in the provinces such as Kermanshah, Lorestan and Ilam have provided most evidences related to the Neolithic period and the transition from hunting and gathering to farming and herding. However, our understanding of the Neolithization process in the southern part of the Zagros mountains remains limited and poorly understood to this day. The excavation of Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei is the first Neolithic excavated site in the Kohgilouyeh region, providing new archaeological data. The primary objective of our research was to explore various aspects of the Neolithic way of life at the site, including recovering animal and plant remains to reconstruct economic practices and ancient ecology in the early Holocene period. Another important aim was to obtain samples for C14 dating to establish a reliable chronology for the site. To address these goals, we sought answers to significant research questions include: is the settlement of Bibizolikhaei exclusively a pre-pottery Neolithic settlement? What is the type of the settlement and how long did it last?? To what extent was the economic practices of Bibizolaikhaei people based on hunting and gathering and how much was it based on farming and herding? Based on the stone tools assemblage and the absence of contemporaneous pottery, we infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. Regarding the ecological features of the site, we documented that the subsistence practices of its settlers involved a combination of gathering plant seeds and wild grains, as well as hunting small mammals and engaging in small-scale fishing. This article employs a descriptive-analytical research method wherein we describe and analyze the excavated findings within their context. Additionally, the C14 results confirm that the site was occupied during the first half of 8th millennium BC.  
Keywords: Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei, Pre-Pottery Neolithic, Neolithization, Kohgilouyeh.

Introduction
In the Iranian plateau, the most important evidence regarding transition from hunting and gathering to farming and herding comes from the Central Zagros and its hilly flanks, i.e.in the regions such as Kermanshah, Lorestan and Ilam provinces (e.g. Braidwood et al., 1961; Smith 1976; 1990; Mortensen, 1972; Meldegaard et al., 1963; Matthews et al., 2013; Riehl et al., 2015; Darabi et al., 2011). Our understanding of the Neolithic period in the southwestern parts of the Zagros region has been significantly enhanced through excavations at various sites, including of Ali Kosh (Hole et al., 1969), Choghsefied (Hole, 1977) and Chogha Bonout (Alizadeh, 2003). Except for few sites with possible finding from this period, excavations at Seyedeh Khtoun Cave in Arsanjan (Tsuneki and Mirzaye, 2012) and joint Iranian/Japanese project in framework of Tang-e Bolaghi recue excavations, have reveled evidence of this period in the southern Zagros. Moreover, excavations at Tap-e Rahmatabad (Azizi et al., 2014), Ghasre Ahmad (Kamjan et al., 2018) and Tol-e Sangi (Alizadeh, 2021: 4) are recent research in the region. Several reported sites from Chehar Mohal and Bakhtyari (Zagarell, 1982; Daujat et al., 2016) including Ghale Rostam provide information about this period. In addition to sites of other periods, archaeological survey of the Kohgilouyeh region led to identification of a number of Neolithic period sites that shows the importance of the region for the studies on the Neolithic. The primary objective of our research was to explore various aspects of the Neolithic way of life at the site, including recovering animal and plant remains to reconstruct economic practices and ancient ecology in the early Holocene period. Another important aim was to obtain samples for C14 dating to establish a reliable chronology for the site. To address these goals, we sought answers to significant research questions include: is the settlement of Bibizolikhaei exclusively a pre-pottery Neolithic settlement? What is the type of the settlement and how long did it last? To what extent was the economic practices of Bibizolaikhaei people based on hunting and gathering and how much was it based on farming and herding? Based on the stone tools assemblage and the absence of contemporaneous pottery, we infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. Regarding the ecological features of the site, we documented that the subsistence practices of its settlers involved a combination of gathering plant seeds and wild grains, as well as hunting small mammals and engaging in small-scale fishing. This article employs a descriptive-analytical research method wherein we describe and analyze the excavated findings within their context. Additionally, the C14 results confirm that the site was occupied during the first half of 8th millennium BC. Considering the geological landscape features of the region and its ecological potentials, it is plausible to hypothesize that the occupation of the site at Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei may have been seasonal in nature. 

Discussion
The excavation of Bibizolaikhaei revealed three layers and a number of features. Although we could not reach to the virgin soil, remains of pebble floor, stone oven, a possible wall, animal and botanical remains and lithics were the important finds of our excavation. Among them, remains of a pebble floor is the most significant. Apparently, the use of pebble floors was common in the mountainous landscape of Zagros during the Neolithic period (e.g., Darabi et al., 2011: 256; Braidwood et al., 1983: fig 66). Lithics recovered from the excavation are based on production of bladelets which are the same Zagros Mlefatian tradition. All deposits were floated, however, there is no clear evidence of domesticated plants; this might be due to the revealed space and small scale of the excavation. However, the presence of stone mortars, pestles, grinding slabs and pounders that were recovered during the excavation and on the surface of the site shows that processing of plant seeds had an important role for the subsistence of the settlers of the site. Remains of animal bones such as domesticated goats and wild sheep indicates the presence of these animals in the diet of the settlers of the site. Due to the absence of Neolithic pottery in the excavation and on surface of the site, it is possible to infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. According to the results of C14 samples, it is certain that the site has been inhabited during the first half of the 8th millennium BC. For environmental reasons, Kohgilouyeh was the region where, until two decades ago, a significant portion of its residents relied on a semi-sedentary lifestyle. Therefore, until further studies are conducted, we can presume that this subsistence strategy has a longstanding history and should be taken into account when considering the Neolithic settlers of Bibizolaikhaei.

Conclusion 
Bibizolaikhaei is a pre-pottery Neolithic site and representative of the Neolithic sites of the Kohgilouyeh region. The C14 results indicate that the site was inhabited at least since the first half of 8th millennium BC. Considering the importance of the Neolithic period in the evolution process of the human societies, the need of continuing research at Bibizolaikhaei to find out various aspects of probably the oldest settlement of this part of Zagros appear obvious. By continuing investigations at this site, we expect to be able to understand the evolutionary trajectories of this part of Zagros is relation to the other parts of this mountainous range. 
Now with increased awareness from central Zagros (i.e. the site of Shaikhiabad), southern Zagros (including the sites of Tange Bolaghi and Rahmatabad) and western borders of the Zagros (i.e. the site of Choghagolan), it is necessary to explore and understand the Neolithic societies and human adaptations that existed in the regions such as Kohgilouyeh with its diverse landscape during the Holocene period. Bibizolaikhaei provides relevant information regarding this less understood region.  

In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.

Abstract
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.

Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969). 
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.


Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars. 
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.

Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.