Abstract
The northern plains of the Alvand mountain range in Hamedan are known as part of the Median land and the capital of this period. Research and study on Iron Age III settlements with the aim of identifying and drawing an accurate pattern of the sites of this period was one of the goals of the writers in this region, which was carried out in recent years. Qale-dagh Tepe is one of the areas that have been reviewed and studied in this research. Qale-dagh or Aghdash area is located at an altitude of 2009 meters above sea level in the foothills of Arjanī mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain. The height of the area is 41 meters above the level of surrounding rangelands. The site was first identified and registered in 1381 AH and in 1385 AH in the comprehensive plan of archaeological survey of Hamedan city was reviewed. Despite much destruction, the site has not yet been studied and archaeologically excavated. Qale-dagh is a single period from the Iron Age III. It consists of single and dense brick building that can be seen in parts of the main walls and its gates. There is evidence of filling in the gaps between the back and the outside of the walls at an unspecified time. The pottery obtained from the study is small and contains non-significant samples of this period. There are questions about the condition of the area and its function in the heights of the Hamedan plain that this study has addressed. The research method in this paper is based on archaeological studies and comparative studies. Preliminary results show that Qale-dagh area is located in specific geographical location, architectural style, pottery data and compared with other sites of Median period such as Nush-I-Jan Tepe, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan is a religious place overlooking the capital of Med (Hegmataneh).
Keywords: Hamedan, Qale-dagh Tepe, Iron Age III, Median Period.

Introduction
In a series of surveys conducted from 2017 to 2018 regarding the spatial association of Iron Age III settlements in the Hamedan plain (Almasi, 2020), which is mentioned in historical sources as the first seat and political and governing center of the Median period, the known relics from the past years to the present, particularly the new relics in the last decade, were studied, and a question was raised. The question was “What were the function and nature of a group of monuments with characteristics such as individuality, being located outside the scope of settlement, similar style and method in architecture, especially in components such as the type of bricks, and finally their intentional filling at some points in time?”
One of these newly discovered monuments is a brick fortress named Qale-dagh Tepe located in the northern highlands of the Hamedan plain. The site is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain with a height of 2130 meters above sea level. Aghdash Village is the closest modern village to it, which is located at a distance of 3.5 kilometers from it. The site does not have an access road from the village, so that one can only reach the site on foot by crossing some agricultural fields and barren lands.
The Qale-dagh site with coordinates Y:3869857.31-X:290962.58 is the only brick structure that is located on a natural bed among the hills of the Arjanī Mountain. The current size of the site is 1 hectare. However, the Qale-dagh site has suffered massive destruction over time, much of which is related to human destruction. The site was discovered in 2002 (Pazuki & Shadmhr, 2005) and surveyed in 2006 (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2006), and then the authors resurveyed it in 2017.

Data
The Qale-dagh site in appearance is divided into two sections: the northern section, which is a brick structure and remains up to a height of 3 meters, and the southern section, which is large and has a lower height (Map 3). The architecture of the northern section includes a thick wall with an approximate height of 3 meters and a diameter of 1.5 meters in the east-west direction. It appears that the wall has a buttress, since in the two sections of the wall, the remains of a brick pier with 1 meter in width and 2.5meter distance from each other can be observed. The distance between the two brick piers is filled with layers of pebbles and mud mortar (Image 2), Causing the wall to remain intact up to a height of 3 meters. On the northeastern side, several holes have been dug by unauthorized excavators, in one of which, the remains of more than 2 gates covered with a lancet arch can be observed from the outside (Image 4). From the inside of the gates, a corridor-like space with another lancet arch can be observed (Image 5). The width of the two gates is approximately 70 cm and lower than the height of 3 meters of the wall. The lancet covering of the arches is formed by laying bricks diagonally to each other. The materials used in the monument are bricks with dimensions of 42×23×11 cm and mud mortar with a thickness of 10 to 12 cm.
The pieces of pottery obtained from the surface survey include a bowl with an inverted rim, a simple bowl, a bowl handle, a base of a dish, and two pieces of a dish body (Image 7).

Analysis of Finding
In the survey of the architectural features and pottery pieces collected from the site, the history of settlement in the site appears to be related only to the Iron III period, as it was built on virgin soil. Such a procedure was used in some significant Median sites such as Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 236), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), Yalfan (Almasi et al., 2017: 70), Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 35) and Pishee (Almasi, 2020: 115).
In the northern wall, the remains of two brick piers are visible (Image 2), revealing the use of buttress in the construction of the main wall of the monument. The use of buttress, which is generally used on the outer front of the main walls of the monument, can also be observed in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011: 16), Godin (Young & Levine, 1974: 116-pl.37), Baba Jan (Goff, 1977: 104-Fig.1) and Ozbeki (Majidzadeh, 2009: 343).
The gate with a lancet arch created in the Qale-dagh site is also similar to the ones in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronakh & Ruf, 2011: 81), Godin (Gopnik, 2016: 293), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235) and Gunespan (Naseri et al., 2016: 131) (Table 1). The dimensions and sizes of the bricks used in the monument of the Qale-dagh site are similar to the dimensions of the bricks used in the monuments of sites of the same period (Table 2). Another characteristic of the site is the intentional filling of the monument (Images 2 and 3), so that this method of abandonment has been reported in the excavations of the sites of Nush-I-Jan (ibid: 163), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), and Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 106). 

Conclusion
Owing to the geographical feature of the site, which is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain and the connecting route of the Hamedan plain, it is possible to imagine a military use similar to the inter-road military forts. However, in the survey and comparison of the Urartian castles of the first millennium BC in the northwest, we observe considerable cultural data indicating long-term settlement in these places (Kleiss, 1980, Burney, 1966). On the contrary, such conditions are not observed in Qale-dagh. Hence, we can place emphasis on only the apparent characteristics of the site, such as the information obtained from the architecture and the results of comparing and matching it with the Median sites, particularly Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. From the excavations conducted in the three Median sites of Nush-I-Jan -Main Period, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan (Map 4), few findings of human activity (garbage production) were obtained, demonstrating a non-residential use in such places and their special use for the people. All the three sites were created on virgin soil, had intentionally filling, and were cleared before filling.
As no contemporary settlement was found near the site, a non-residential use can be considered for it. Furthermore, the height of the site above sea level and the steep slope of the site in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain indicate that it is not easily accessible.
The intentional filling of monuments, which is carried out with special care in layers, can also be used to protect the monuments. Ghirshman associates the fillings with the change of religious attitude in the later period (Ghirshman, 1976: 10-11).
As supported by extensive evidence, the Qale-dagh site is extremely similar to the sites of Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. 

Acknowledgments
The authors appreciate and thank the Hamedan Province Cultural Heritage Organization and Mr. Mohammad Shabani for making it possible to visit the site.

Abstract
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.

Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.

Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.

Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.