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Showing 8 results for Mazandaran
Mahdi Khalili, Iraj Rezaei,
year 3, Issue 10 (2-2020)
year 3, Issue 10 (2-2020)
Abstract
Abstract
Having a favorable environment, the southern coasts of the Caspian Sea have hosted human settlements for millennia. So far, as a result of archaeological excavations as well as illegal diggings, a considerable number of ancient artifacts have been unearthed from archaeological sites in this region. The nature of many finds from unauthorized excavations and accidental discoveries are still unclear. These objects, generally found as hoards, often have unknown provenance and unknown fate. However, some of the objects, which are discovered from the Mazandaran region during the last centuries, are unique and their analogous have never been found from elsewhere. These are the main questions this research tries to answer: 1. given quantitative aspects of the accidental or unauthorized finds from Mazandaran, what sorts of information can be achieved by the study of these objects? 2.Which groups of sources can be helpful for the study of historical objects found by accident in the territory of the Mazandaran province? In this research, we will focus on certain historical objects from Mazandaran, which have been discovered either accidentally or by unauthorized diggings during the last two centuries. A number of these objects are currently kept in museums not only in Iran, but also in some western countries. Their provenance and fate can sometimes be traced in historical books, newspapers, travelogues and oral narratives. This study attempts to show the necessity of reconsideration of the provenance of certain objects as well as their historical and artistic significance.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Ancient Objects, Qajar and Pahlavi Periods, Unauthorized Excavations, Accidental Discoveries.
Introduction
The name of the treasure and desire to achieve it, has always been tempting for some people, even kings and princes. Treasure finding, antiques, buying antiques and collecting of antiques have been prevalent among the Iranians, at least since the Qajar era. At the time of Naser al-Din Shah (1264-1313 AH), some scattered concessions have been granted to the various western governments for excavation in some historical sites of Iran. In the historical books of Mazandaran, during the Islamic Middle Ages and even in the works of ancient poets such as Omar Khayyam Neyshabouri (440-536 AH), have been mentioned to the treasury and the legend of its discovery, which some of them are fictional. For example, in the book of Tabaristan history, have been mentioned to the digging of Hissam al-Dawlah Ardeshir (636-647 AH) in the city of Amol and discovering of a woman’s skeleton. As well as it is said about the Marashians that they seized the property of the defeated clans and people’s and buried part of it underground and hiding another in the fort of Mahaneh-sar. This treasury was so important that Taimur Gurkan (771-807 AH) always said that the Marashian Treasury was more than the property of several monarchs which he had dominated over them. In common belief, historical objects have often of a commercial and profit-making nature, and of course many exaggerated stories and narratives have been made and discussed about it. In the past few centuries, some of the folk tales about the monuments of Mazandaran have been mentioned by Orientalists and Western travelers. Similar to such stories that derives from the folk notions about the historical treasuries, is heard from the whole of Iran. In general, the narratives related to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran are scattered, but significant. This article points to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran that are more relevant to the contemporary period (before the Islamic Revolution of 1979).
Discussion
In the contemporary era, many unique historical objects have been obtained in Mazandaran while digging in agricultural lands, road construction, landslides, floods and so on. According to Ezatollah Negahban, before the excavations of Marlik and Pileh-Qaleh, most of the ancient artifacts in the Mazandaran and Gilan areas were obtained as a result of unauthorized and commercial diggings. many of these discoveries are including of silver objects, especially silver coins. In generally regarding to the accidental way in which such objects were discovered, the available sources do not give much detail about them and the available references are usually transient and sometimes ambiguous. Some of the most important artifacts or collections found in the Mazandaran accidental discoveries that have been specifically studied in this article include: Historical objects obtained from the cemeteries of Voraw, Ozirak and DerooshKor all located in the vicinity of Kandlus village in Kojur section of Nowshahr city at the time of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, which included pottery wares, earrings, necklaces, beads and so on. The accidental discoveries of Konim village and Hezar-jerib of Mazandaran which discovered by a shepherd in time of ruling of Nasser al-Din Shah including three inscribed vessels belonged to the Islamic period, the Sassanid silver mirror frame discovered from Chalus with a Pahlavi inscription, three Sassanid silver vessels discovered from Sari in 1333, three other Sassanian vessels from Mazandaran purchased for the National Museum of Iran in 1334; the Kelardasht treasury discovered in 1318 in Reza Shah palace including exquisite objects such as a famous gold cup and some Sasanian silverwares, the treasury of Adineh mosque of Jawaherdeh acquired in 1330, the Sawadkuh Shirgah treasury discovered in 1334, 129 silver coins belonging to the Sassanid and Islamic periods from the village of Islamabad and Zaid and some other scattered objects which discovered from accidental discoveries of Mazandaran.
Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the Mazandaran region is one of the most prominent historical and cultural regions of Iran. A look at the position of this region in the Iranian history and mythology as well as the quality of its historical monuments and artifacts remain from different periods attests the historical importance of Mazandaran. In the folk narratives about Mazandaran have repeatedly referred to the discovery of historical artifacts by various rulers which indicating their attention to such objects and artifacts. However, many of the existing narratives are exaggerated and some time the validity of some of them is questionable. The treasure and trove searching has historically been popular among the people in this area, which some of them has been mentioned in this study.
In this article, we only study some historical objects discovered from unauthorized excavations or accidental discoveries during the last two centuries until the Second Pahlavi Period. The mean of accidental discoveries is the artifacts which discovery in result of actions such as plowing, various constructions, floods, unintentional destruction, and so on and constraint by related offices. The sources cited in this article are mainly are historical texts and documents, travelogues, and press of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. The fate of many historical objects discovered from unauthorized diggings or accidental discoveries is unknown. Some of these objects are scattered in internal museums or in the foreign museums and private collections. These objects are often unorganized and have not an obvious condition. However, some of the artifacts found in Mazandaran, including the Gold Cup of Kelardasht and the Sasanian silverwares, are unique in terms of artistic and historical value. In this article, we tried to explore some of the hidden and explicit angles related to these objects. Achieving better results depends on the efforts of other researchers.
Having a favorable environment, the southern coasts of the Caspian Sea have hosted human settlements for millennia. So far, as a result of archaeological excavations as well as illegal diggings, a considerable number of ancient artifacts have been unearthed from archaeological sites in this region. The nature of many finds from unauthorized excavations and accidental discoveries are still unclear. These objects, generally found as hoards, often have unknown provenance and unknown fate. However, some of the objects, which are discovered from the Mazandaran region during the last centuries, are unique and their analogous have never been found from elsewhere. These are the main questions this research tries to answer: 1. given quantitative aspects of the accidental or unauthorized finds from Mazandaran, what sorts of information can be achieved by the study of these objects? 2.Which groups of sources can be helpful for the study of historical objects found by accident in the territory of the Mazandaran province? In this research, we will focus on certain historical objects from Mazandaran, which have been discovered either accidentally or by unauthorized diggings during the last two centuries. A number of these objects are currently kept in museums not only in Iran, but also in some western countries. Their provenance and fate can sometimes be traced in historical books, newspapers, travelogues and oral narratives. This study attempts to show the necessity of reconsideration of the provenance of certain objects as well as their historical and artistic significance.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Ancient Objects, Qajar and Pahlavi Periods, Unauthorized Excavations, Accidental Discoveries.
Introduction
The name of the treasure and desire to achieve it, has always been tempting for some people, even kings and princes. Treasure finding, antiques, buying antiques and collecting of antiques have been prevalent among the Iranians, at least since the Qajar era. At the time of Naser al-Din Shah (1264-1313 AH), some scattered concessions have been granted to the various western governments for excavation in some historical sites of Iran. In the historical books of Mazandaran, during the Islamic Middle Ages and even in the works of ancient poets such as Omar Khayyam Neyshabouri (440-536 AH), have been mentioned to the treasury and the legend of its discovery, which some of them are fictional. For example, in the book of Tabaristan history, have been mentioned to the digging of Hissam al-Dawlah Ardeshir (636-647 AH) in the city of Amol and discovering of a woman’s skeleton. As well as it is said about the Marashians that they seized the property of the defeated clans and people’s and buried part of it underground and hiding another in the fort of Mahaneh-sar. This treasury was so important that Taimur Gurkan (771-807 AH) always said that the Marashian Treasury was more than the property of several monarchs which he had dominated over them. In common belief, historical objects have often of a commercial and profit-making nature, and of course many exaggerated stories and narratives have been made and discussed about it. In the past few centuries, some of the folk tales about the monuments of Mazandaran have been mentioned by Orientalists and Western travelers. Similar to such stories that derives from the folk notions about the historical treasuries, is heard from the whole of Iran. In general, the narratives related to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran are scattered, but significant. This article points to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran that are more relevant to the contemporary period (before the Islamic Revolution of 1979).
Discussion
In the contemporary era, many unique historical objects have been obtained in Mazandaran while digging in agricultural lands, road construction, landslides, floods and so on. According to Ezatollah Negahban, before the excavations of Marlik and Pileh-Qaleh, most of the ancient artifacts in the Mazandaran and Gilan areas were obtained as a result of unauthorized and commercial diggings. many of these discoveries are including of silver objects, especially silver coins. In generally regarding to the accidental way in which such objects were discovered, the available sources do not give much detail about them and the available references are usually transient and sometimes ambiguous. Some of the most important artifacts or collections found in the Mazandaran accidental discoveries that have been specifically studied in this article include: Historical objects obtained from the cemeteries of Voraw, Ozirak and DerooshKor all located in the vicinity of Kandlus village in Kojur section of Nowshahr city at the time of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, which included pottery wares, earrings, necklaces, beads and so on. The accidental discoveries of Konim village and Hezar-jerib of Mazandaran which discovered by a shepherd in time of ruling of Nasser al-Din Shah including three inscribed vessels belonged to the Islamic period, the Sassanid silver mirror frame discovered from Chalus with a Pahlavi inscription, three Sassanid silver vessels discovered from Sari in 1333, three other Sassanian vessels from Mazandaran purchased for the National Museum of Iran in 1334; the Kelardasht treasury discovered in 1318 in Reza Shah palace including exquisite objects such as a famous gold cup and some Sasanian silverwares, the treasury of Adineh mosque of Jawaherdeh acquired in 1330, the Sawadkuh Shirgah treasury discovered in 1334, 129 silver coins belonging to the Sassanid and Islamic periods from the village of Islamabad and Zaid and some other scattered objects which discovered from accidental discoveries of Mazandaran.
Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the Mazandaran region is one of the most prominent historical and cultural regions of Iran. A look at the position of this region in the Iranian history and mythology as well as the quality of its historical monuments and artifacts remain from different periods attests the historical importance of Mazandaran. In the folk narratives about Mazandaran have repeatedly referred to the discovery of historical artifacts by various rulers which indicating their attention to such objects and artifacts. However, many of the existing narratives are exaggerated and some time the validity of some of them is questionable. The treasure and trove searching has historically been popular among the people in this area, which some of them has been mentioned in this study.
In this article, we only study some historical objects discovered from unauthorized excavations or accidental discoveries during the last two centuries until the Second Pahlavi Period. The mean of accidental discoveries is the artifacts which discovery in result of actions such as plowing, various constructions, floods, unintentional destruction, and so on and constraint by related offices. The sources cited in this article are mainly are historical texts and documents, travelogues, and press of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. The fate of many historical objects discovered from unauthorized diggings or accidental discoveries is unknown. Some of these objects are scattered in internal museums or in the foreign museums and private collections. These objects are often unorganized and have not an obvious condition. However, some of the artifacts found in Mazandaran, including the Gold Cup of Kelardasht and the Sasanian silverwares, are unique in terms of artistic and historical value. In this article, we tried to explore some of the hidden and explicit angles related to these objects. Achieving better results depends on the efforts of other researchers.
Abbas-Ali Rezaei-Nia, Ali Akbar Vahdati, Mostafa Sharifi,
year 5, Issue 16 (9-2021)
year 5, Issue 16 (9-2021)
Abstract
Abstract
The beginning of the Iron Age on the Caspian Sea coast and the adjacent areas on the Iranian plateau and the neighboring lands was accompanied by extensive social, political and cultural changes that led to the collapse of urban centers and exchange economics, the formation of scattered and rural communities, which were often followed by livestock or nomadic economics. Changes in the social structures in the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, for whatever reason, caused extensive changes in the cultural material of the Iranian plateau and the Caspian Sea and formed settlement patterns from which only the associated cemeteries have often been identified and excavated. However, the residential structures, the spatial organization of the settlements and their relationship with the cemeteries are not well known. Excavation on the Parija Tepe, 3 km from Qaem-Shahr-Kiakola road on the low shores of the Caspian Sea, resulted in the identification of two stages of settlement from the Iron Age and the Early Islamic period. The Iron Age finds include pottery, metal objects, stones, bones, animal remains, and the remnants of architectural structures. According to the obtained evidence, the largest volume of cultural layers in the Parija Tepe is related to the Iron Age. The present study indicates that the Parija Tepe has an important place not only in better understanding of the pottery traditions of the Iron Age in the Caspian lowlands, but also in identifying mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Further archaeological excavations of the site will undoubtedly give a clearer perspective on the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Tepe Parija, Iron Age, Mud-brick, Pottery.
Introduction
One of the characteristic features of Iron Age sites of Mazandaran is the lack of settlement sites with visible architecture, the abundance of cemeteries, special funeral rituals, as well as a distinguished pottery tradition. During the Iron Age, the majority of dead people were buried in simple pit graves, Mud-brick lined graves or Pithos burials. The dead were often buried in a curved or flexed position, and in limited cases in supine or stretched position. A variety of burial-goods often placed next to the dead, a tradition which was also common in the preceding Bronze Age and that became more prominent during the Iron Age. In addition to the large number of pottery vessels, a good variety of tools such as swords, daggers, knives, spears, and other objects made of bronze and sometimes iron, as well as jewelry such as rings, bracelets, necklaces, plaques, and seals of bronze, silver, iron, bone, faience, stone, and rarely gold have been reported alongside the skeletons. While results of archaeological research in the Iron Age sites of Mazandaran suggests the influence of local Bronze Age cultures on the later Iron Age communities but, it appears from the available evidence that the Iron Age settlements are smaller albeit larger in number compared to the Bronze Age sites.
The present article introduces the results of excavation in Perija Tepe in the Caspian Sea shores. Results of excavations suggests the important role of Parija Tepe not only for a better understanding of the Iron Age pottery traditions in the coastal lands of the Caspian Sea, but also for the identification of permanent settlements through examination of mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Archaeological excavation at Parija Tepe can provide a clearer perspective of the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.
Discussion
Parija Tepe is located in the central part of Mazandaran plain, some 3 km to the northwest of Ghaemshahr, next to the road from Ghaemshahr to Kiakola (Simorgh) and among the paddy fields of Kolagar village. Recent excavation at Parija Tepe has led to the identification of two phases of settlement belonging to the Iron Age and the early Islamic period. The main settlement phase and the majority of cultural depositions at Parija Tepe dates back to the Iron Age which is divided into Iron Age II and III.
Typologically, most pottery forms of Prija appears to reflect the characteristics of Iron Age II. In addition to the pottery vessels, significant cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and a stone stamp seal were also excavated. One of the most remarkable findings of this excavation is the discovery of remains of mud-brick architecture that possibly shows a sedentary lifestyle rather than a nomadic way of life. Bio-archaeological studies on the faunal remains of the site demonstrates that all animal bone remains belong to mammals, and no fish, birds, rodents or reptiles have been identified. Throughout the occupational period, sheep, goats and cattle are the dominant species, followed by boars. Very rare remains of red deer have also been seen. Thus, it seems that the subsistence economy of the inhabitants of Prija has been diverse and based on livestock activities, agriculture and hunting patterns.
Conclusion
The cultural material discovered from excavation of Parija Tepe represents the cultural traditions of the Iron Age and indicates cultural links between this area and other Iron Age sites in the northeastern and north-central regions of Iran. Although some rich cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and some pottery forms have their roots in the Bronze Age cultures of the Northeast and the Gorgan Plain, the production of these type objects has continued throughout the Iron Age and striking analogies could be seen in large areas of Gilan and Mazandaran and the southern slopes of Alborz. It seems that the main volume of pottery and other cultural materials retrieved from Parija excavation indicates to Iron Age II and II period occupation with the material cultures resembling those from contemporary cultures in the north and northeast of Iran. The results of preliminary studies of Parija Tepe indicates that this area, like many of its contemporaries in Mazandaran, is formed near the river and in a flat and fertile land, and in terms of architecture, similar to other Iron Age sites in Mazandaran, has wooden and mud-brick architecture. Therefore, Parija, along with other Iron Age sites of the region, indicates to the uniformity of the Iron Age material culture in the lowlands of Madandaran, which, while similar to the Iron Age cultures of the southern slopes of Alborz, has particular local features.
The beginning of the Iron Age on the Caspian Sea coast and the adjacent areas on the Iranian plateau and the neighboring lands was accompanied by extensive social, political and cultural changes that led to the collapse of urban centers and exchange economics, the formation of scattered and rural communities, which were often followed by livestock or nomadic economics. Changes in the social structures in the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, for whatever reason, caused extensive changes in the cultural material of the Iranian plateau and the Caspian Sea and formed settlement patterns from which only the associated cemeteries have often been identified and excavated. However, the residential structures, the spatial organization of the settlements and their relationship with the cemeteries are not well known. Excavation on the Parija Tepe, 3 km from Qaem-Shahr-Kiakola road on the low shores of the Caspian Sea, resulted in the identification of two stages of settlement from the Iron Age and the Early Islamic period. The Iron Age finds include pottery, metal objects, stones, bones, animal remains, and the remnants of architectural structures. According to the obtained evidence, the largest volume of cultural layers in the Parija Tepe is related to the Iron Age. The present study indicates that the Parija Tepe has an important place not only in better understanding of the pottery traditions of the Iron Age in the Caspian lowlands, but also in identifying mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Further archaeological excavations of the site will undoubtedly give a clearer perspective on the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Tepe Parija, Iron Age, Mud-brick, Pottery.
Introduction
One of the characteristic features of Iron Age sites of Mazandaran is the lack of settlement sites with visible architecture, the abundance of cemeteries, special funeral rituals, as well as a distinguished pottery tradition. During the Iron Age, the majority of dead people were buried in simple pit graves, Mud-brick lined graves or Pithos burials. The dead were often buried in a curved or flexed position, and in limited cases in supine or stretched position. A variety of burial-goods often placed next to the dead, a tradition which was also common in the preceding Bronze Age and that became more prominent during the Iron Age. In addition to the large number of pottery vessels, a good variety of tools such as swords, daggers, knives, spears, and other objects made of bronze and sometimes iron, as well as jewelry such as rings, bracelets, necklaces, plaques, and seals of bronze, silver, iron, bone, faience, stone, and rarely gold have been reported alongside the skeletons. While results of archaeological research in the Iron Age sites of Mazandaran suggests the influence of local Bronze Age cultures on the later Iron Age communities but, it appears from the available evidence that the Iron Age settlements are smaller albeit larger in number compared to the Bronze Age sites.
The present article introduces the results of excavation in Perija Tepe in the Caspian Sea shores. Results of excavations suggests the important role of Parija Tepe not only for a better understanding of the Iron Age pottery traditions in the coastal lands of the Caspian Sea, but also for the identification of permanent settlements through examination of mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Archaeological excavation at Parija Tepe can provide a clearer perspective of the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.
Discussion
Parija Tepe is located in the central part of Mazandaran plain, some 3 km to the northwest of Ghaemshahr, next to the road from Ghaemshahr to Kiakola (Simorgh) and among the paddy fields of Kolagar village. Recent excavation at Parija Tepe has led to the identification of two phases of settlement belonging to the Iron Age and the early Islamic period. The main settlement phase and the majority of cultural depositions at Parija Tepe dates back to the Iron Age which is divided into Iron Age II and III.
Typologically, most pottery forms of Prija appears to reflect the characteristics of Iron Age II. In addition to the pottery vessels, significant cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and a stone stamp seal were also excavated. One of the most remarkable findings of this excavation is the discovery of remains of mud-brick architecture that possibly shows a sedentary lifestyle rather than a nomadic way of life. Bio-archaeological studies on the faunal remains of the site demonstrates that all animal bone remains belong to mammals, and no fish, birds, rodents or reptiles have been identified. Throughout the occupational period, sheep, goats and cattle are the dominant species, followed by boars. Very rare remains of red deer have also been seen. Thus, it seems that the subsistence economy of the inhabitants of Prija has been diverse and based on livestock activities, agriculture and hunting patterns.
Conclusion
The cultural material discovered from excavation of Parija Tepe represents the cultural traditions of the Iron Age and indicates cultural links between this area and other Iron Age sites in the northeastern and north-central regions of Iran. Although some rich cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and some pottery forms have their roots in the Bronze Age cultures of the Northeast and the Gorgan Plain, the production of these type objects has continued throughout the Iron Age and striking analogies could be seen in large areas of Gilan and Mazandaran and the southern slopes of Alborz. It seems that the main volume of pottery and other cultural materials retrieved from Parija excavation indicates to Iron Age II and II period occupation with the material cultures resembling those from contemporary cultures in the north and northeast of Iran. The results of preliminary studies of Parija Tepe indicates that this area, like many of its contemporaries in Mazandaran, is formed near the river and in a flat and fertile land, and in terms of architecture, similar to other Iron Age sites in Mazandaran, has wooden and mud-brick architecture. Therefore, Parija, along with other Iron Age sites of the region, indicates to the uniformity of the Iron Age material culture in the lowlands of Madandaran, which, while similar to the Iron Age cultures of the southern slopes of Alborz, has particular local features.
Mojtaba Safari, Rahmat Abbasnejad, Haasan Fazli Nesheli, Christopher Thornton, Judith Thomalsky,
year 5, Issue 17 (12-2021)
year 5, Issue 17 (12-2021)
Abstract
Abstract
Heretofore, no comprehensive chronological study has been conducted on the northern side of the Central Alborz mountains, including the modern provinces of Mazandaran and Gorgan, based on technological and typological study of pre-historic pottery. This is especially true of the Bronze Age (ca. 3000-1500 BCE), for which we have no sites with an unbroken stratigraph-ic sequence that have been excavated and fully published. The majority of pottery, especially the gray wares, in this region have been discovered in the course of illicit investigations and their description, classification, and chronological analyses have been influenced by cultural history approaches. As a result, some Bronze Age pottery has been attributed to the Iron Age, or assigned to the wrong stage of the Bronze Age (i.e., early, middle, and late). The lack of scien-tifically-based ceramic classification and typology is an important archaeological issue in our understanding of the Bronze Age in this region. The authors of the present article here attempt a comparative chronology for this area based on typological studies and classification of ce-ramics discovered in explorations of the site of Ghal e-Ben of in Babol, Mazandaran. Bronze Age pottery discovered in this area can be compared to those discovered in Gohar Tepe, Tepe Ghale Kosh, Tepe Ghale Pey, Tepe Tarkam, and Tepe Abbasi in eastern Mazandaran, and those discovered in Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Narges Tepe in Gorgan as well as Tepe Hissar in Damghan. In spite of the fact that the results of comparative studies on Ghal e -Ben ceramics are indicative of cultural ties between central and eastern regions of Mazandaran, Gorgan Plain, and Damghan during the Bronze Age, discovery of few Yanik (Kura-Araxes) ceramics in this site leads to a new investigation on the possible relationship between this region and the origin of these ceramics (possibly in northwest of Iran) in the Third Millennium B.C.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Bronze Age, Gray Pottery, Relative Chronology, Typology.
Introduction
In spite of the fact that the classification and typology of pre-historic ceramics of northeastern Iran began in the 1930s (e.g., Wulsin 1932; Schmidt 1937), some remarkable articles have been published in the recent years that contribute significantly to understanding chronology of the said areas (Olson 2020; Olson & Thornton 2019). Indeed, these studies have been particularly useful for understanding the relative chronology of Mazandaran Province. More recently, stratigraphic studies at Ghal e-Ben site have given us a more realistic understanding of cultural changes in this region during the Bronze Age. Ghal e-Ben site is located in the central part of Mazandaran Province, in Khoshrudpey southwest of Babol city in West Bandpey County. The altitude of the region is 66 meters above the seas level, and geographical coordinates are N: 36 23. 17/84 E: 52 34.12/55. The site is recorded under registration number 31367 in the list of National Historical Monuments. A stratigraphic sounding was done in 2018 to learn more about the chronological status of the site (Fazeli, 2018). Results of this stratigraphic sounding showed that the upper layers (upper two meters), consisting of artifacts from Islamic and historic eras, are unfortunately disturbed due to agricultural activities as well as unauthorized excavations is some parts of the hill. Below the depth of two meters there is a layer with a thickness of one meter containing fine silt natural-sediment deposit and abundant remains of small freshwater snails. No cultural materials were found in this layer. This layer possibly suggests the remains of the old meander river flow channel, which eventually turned into an oxbow lake marsh or pond, resulting in a cultural gap at the site. The gap could be the period between end of the Bronze Age or beginning of the Iron Age and re-establishment of the site during the Historic Era. At a depth of 3 to 10 meters from surface, the archaeological site of Ghal e-Ben contains undisturbed Bronze Age deposits. The Carbon-14 test results on 36 samples discovered from these layers show that Ghal e-Ben was inhabited from 3300 to 1500 BCE.
Typological and Chronological Investigations Based on the Ceramics of Ghal e-Ben Site in spite of the fact that typological and chronological investigations based on pottery data are quite common in most archaeological studies across Iran, the prehistoric era of Mazandaran province has a very small share of such studies. Indeed, no established typology has been proposed for ceramics of this region. On the other hand, although the archaeological excavations in Mazandaran Province contain more comprehensive information about the Bronze Age, compared to the other historic eras, no accurate chronology had been presented for the excavated sites of this era before excavations at Ghal e-Ben. However, excavation of Ghal e-Ben provided the authors of this article with the chance to investigate and prepare a preliminary typology of Bronze Age ceramics in Mazandaran region using the absolute chronological sequence of this site.
The typology of Ghal e-Ben ceramics was based on four main indicators including: production technique, ornamentation, form of the rim, and form of the body. This study led to reproduction of ceramics and comparing them to those discovered in other sites across Mazandaran Province and the Gorgan Plain.
Conclusion
The present article is the first comparative study of the Bronze Age in Mazandaran Province based on the information acquired from stratigraphic excavation of Ghal e-Ben archaeological site. It presents a relative chronology of the Bronze Age in Mazandaran Province based on the ceramics from excavated, C14-dated contexts. The results show that gray ware ceramics were decorated with diverse ornamentation, from polished and burnished patterns to carved patterns, which can be compared in terms of form and pattern to the ceramics found in the type-sites of northeastern Iran including Hissar IIB-IIIC, Shah Tepe IIA-B, Tureng Tepe IIA- IIIC, and Narges Tepe III as well as at major Bronze Age sites of Mazandaran including Gohar Tepe, Taghut Tepe in Behshahr, Tepe Kelar in Kelardasht, Tepe Ghale Kosh in Amol, Ghale Pey and Tepe Turkam in Sari, Gomishan Cave, and Tepe Abbasi in Neka. It is also interesting to note that material remains of Transcaucasian culture (Kura-Araxes) from the third millennium BCE (ca. 2500-2400 BCE) are observed in Mazandaran and the Gorgan Plain, which indicates cultural ties between these regions and the northwest of Iran during the Bronze Age. A number of ceramics were found in the Early Bronze Age layers at Ghal e-Ben archaeological site that compare to Kura-Araxes ceramics discovered at Tepe Kelar in terms of production technique, color, fineness, and patterns. To what extent these foreign ceramics found together with local types can be indicative of the influence of Transcaucasian cultures must be the subject of further studies, and horizontal explorations can help in this regard. However, it is clear that the comparative study of ceramics discovered in Ghal e-Ben and other Bronze Age sites of Mazandaran suggests cultural ties between this region and both the northwest and northeast of Iran.
Ghal e-Ben archaeological site in Babol was inhabited during the late fourth millennium BCE and was abandoned gradually around 1500-1400 BCE. Such abandonment events have been observed in most other archaeological sites in the north and northeast of Iran, and we do not know exactly how to connect the Iron Age in Mazandaran to the Bronze Age, as the Iron Age emerged in northern Iran around 1100 BCE. These are the questions that will be hopefully answered by future studies on cultural sequence of Mazandaran during the second and first millennia.
Ali Tavakoli Zaniani, Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti, Mojgan Jayez,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
In this article, the production systems of lithic artifacts during the Neolithic period of eastern Mazandaran has been studied based on the 2020 excavation of Touq Tepe using a descriptive-analytical approach. Examining the technology, typology, and the effect of subsistence on applying methods of technologies and studying the production methods of various artifacts were among this research project’s most important questions and aims. Touq Tepe is located in the central district of Neka, near Hotukosh mountains, one of Iran’s most important Chert sources. These artifacts were not locally made at the site and part of the production sequence took place elsewhere. Since there was no blade core in the assemblage, it seems that the blades came to the site in already-prepared form and mostly retouching and finalizing processes of the debitages were done at the site. Evidence such as a large striking platform, dual striking bulb, and dented striking bulb indicates that the technology used in the Touq Tepe lithic artifact was either direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. Some of the most important characteristics of the assemblage are the abundance of over-flake and notched-denticulated tools and the shortage of scrapers (thumbnail and geometric) and tools with sickle gloss. The lithic industry of Touq Tepe resembles the Mesolithic stone industry of Komishan Cave regarding its technological composition. The production method of the stone artifacts in the Neolithic was likely a continuum of the Caspian Mesolithic period. The subsistence economy has a direct effect on the production method of artifacts. Our study showed that due to the high environmental capacity of the studied area in providing prehistoric societies with food, there was no dramatic change in the typology and technology of lithic tools on the site despite the change of the subsistence towards food production.
Keywords: Eastern Plains of Mazandaran, Touq Tepe, Neolithic, Developments in Technology and Subsistence, Lithic Artifacts.
Introduction
In the process of Neolithization, and then during the Neolithic period, the hunter-gatherer subsistence transformed into domesticate-farming (Bar-Yosef & Meadow, 1995; Barker, 2006; Hole, 1984; Bar-Yosef & Belfer-Cohen, 1992). With those mentioned transformations came a metamorphosis in lithic tools technology. Thus, technological and subsistence developments are two fundamental issues in Neolithic research.
Proper archaeological research has shown western and southwestern parts of the Iranian plateau as one of the major zones of Neolithization. Thus, these regions have absorbed most of the research interests regarding the Neolithic period (Roustaei, 2014). Meanwhile, most of the reports on eastern Mazandaran are about Mesolithic sites as far as there is little known about this period even in sites with in situ Neolithic layers like Kamarband (Belt) Cave (Jayez, 2012: 284). Therefore, one of the important aims of this article is to deal with this period through new archaeological findings in Touq Tepe, a site located in Neka Plain, and study the technology and typology of its lithic artifacts.
The current research has studied the technology and typology of stone artifacts from the Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe and the subsistence of its inhabitants, which is useful to clarify the processes of change in the technology and typology of artifacts from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period and open the way for future studies. Given the proximity of the site to one of the largest and finest Chert sources in Iran, the artifacts were studied for their raw material so a logical relationship between raw material abundance and the diversity of lithic artifacts could be established. Naturally, larger and thicker tools were used for rougher tasks. The production methods of these artifacts were mostly direct and indirect percussion.
In this study, newly-found lithic artifacts from Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe were first studied separately for classification, typology, sourcing, and investigation of the Neolithic subsistence economy. The findings were classified into four types: tools, debitages, cores, and natural stones. Eventually, the results were compared to published data of the nearby sites from quantity and diversity points of view to establish a foundation for general knowledge about subsistence in the Neolithic period.
Disccussion
Totally, 348 stone artifacts were recovered from Neolithic layers of Toq Tepe. This assemblage has 6 cores (1.72%) including 3 flake cores, 2 microblade single-side cores, and 1 irregular mixed core. A total of 259 (74.43%) artifacts are simple debitages including 135 flakes, 43 blades, 15 microblades, 2 burin spalls, 35 chips, and 27 debris. 81 (23.28%) tools consist of retouched (31 retouched flakes, 24 retouched blades, and 10 retouched microblades), notched tools, notched-denticulate tools, backed microblades and multi-functional tools and 2 (0.57%) naturally occurred stones.
The places of flake and microblade on cores are highly irregular and their exterior angles are less than 90 degrees. The blades and microblades have mostly irregular ridges and a profile with low curvature. The ventral surfaces are not completely flat and have waves on them. The thickness of the striking platform in blades and microblades is quite low and flakes with a thick striking platform and prominent striking bulb with dents over the bulb are also rare. In this assemblage, dented striking bulbs are more common in flakes, blades, and finally microblades, but completely absent in burins.
The flakes were rarely made using direct percussion and in the majority of cases they were produced using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. All the blades were made using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. In microblades, considering the faded striking bulb and their paralleled edges, it is probable that the pressure technique was used Although no pressure microblade core was found. All the lithic artifacts of Touq Tepe were made out of Chert with various color spectrums but mostly from light to dark brown.
Conclusion
The number of simple debitages is far more than debitages turned into tools and those that turned into tools have larger dimensions and irregular retouches. Based on the comparison of the average sizes of the tools made over the flake blank and the simple debitages on the flake blank and the high ratio of chips to the tools, it can be concluded that the process of making and converting simple debitages to tools was taken place in the site and according to the immediate needs thus most of the retouches are irregular. Scrapers were mostly made over flake blanks and have denticulate or notched-denticulate retouches that do not need any special pre-design.
The lack of blade cores and the low percentage of blade’s simple debitages support this hypothesis that the blades were imported into the site in already-prepared form and then retouched at the site. In the Touq Tepe lithic industry, there was an emphasis on flake production due to the availability of raw materials. The technical evidence over the debitages of stone artifacts of Touq Tepe confirms that debitages were detached from cores using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion.
Acknowledgments
The financial supports for carrying out the excavation program of Touq Tepe Neka have been provided by the General Department of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts of Mazandaran Province. We are also grateful to the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism and the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research for issuing the excavation permit. The members of the excavation team, who were students of University of Mazandaran and experts of the mentioned General Department, cooperated and worked hard in the terrible conditions of the corona virus; these loved ones are also sincerely appreciated.
In this article, the production systems of lithic artifacts during the Neolithic period of eastern Mazandaran has been studied based on the 2020 excavation of Touq Tepe using a descriptive-analytical approach. Examining the technology, typology, and the effect of subsistence on applying methods of technologies and studying the production methods of various artifacts were among this research project’s most important questions and aims. Touq Tepe is located in the central district of Neka, near Hotukosh mountains, one of Iran’s most important Chert sources. These artifacts were not locally made at the site and part of the production sequence took place elsewhere. Since there was no blade core in the assemblage, it seems that the blades came to the site in already-prepared form and mostly retouching and finalizing processes of the debitages were done at the site. Evidence such as a large striking platform, dual striking bulb, and dented striking bulb indicates that the technology used in the Touq Tepe lithic artifact was either direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. Some of the most important characteristics of the assemblage are the abundance of over-flake and notched-denticulated tools and the shortage of scrapers (thumbnail and geometric) and tools with sickle gloss. The lithic industry of Touq Tepe resembles the Mesolithic stone industry of Komishan Cave regarding its technological composition. The production method of the stone artifacts in the Neolithic was likely a continuum of the Caspian Mesolithic period. The subsistence economy has a direct effect on the production method of artifacts. Our study showed that due to the high environmental capacity of the studied area in providing prehistoric societies with food, there was no dramatic change in the typology and technology of lithic tools on the site despite the change of the subsistence towards food production.
Keywords: Eastern Plains of Mazandaran, Touq Tepe, Neolithic, Developments in Technology and Subsistence, Lithic Artifacts.
Introduction
In the process of Neolithization, and then during the Neolithic period, the hunter-gatherer subsistence transformed into domesticate-farming (Bar-Yosef & Meadow, 1995; Barker, 2006; Hole, 1984; Bar-Yosef & Belfer-Cohen, 1992). With those mentioned transformations came a metamorphosis in lithic tools technology. Thus, technological and subsistence developments are two fundamental issues in Neolithic research.
Proper archaeological research has shown western and southwestern parts of the Iranian plateau as one of the major zones of Neolithization. Thus, these regions have absorbed most of the research interests regarding the Neolithic period (Roustaei, 2014). Meanwhile, most of the reports on eastern Mazandaran are about Mesolithic sites as far as there is little known about this period even in sites with in situ Neolithic layers like Kamarband (Belt) Cave (Jayez, 2012: 284). Therefore, one of the important aims of this article is to deal with this period through new archaeological findings in Touq Tepe, a site located in Neka Plain, and study the technology and typology of its lithic artifacts.
The current research has studied the technology and typology of stone artifacts from the Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe and the subsistence of its inhabitants, which is useful to clarify the processes of change in the technology and typology of artifacts from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period and open the way for future studies. Given the proximity of the site to one of the largest and finest Chert sources in Iran, the artifacts were studied for their raw material so a logical relationship between raw material abundance and the diversity of lithic artifacts could be established. Naturally, larger and thicker tools were used for rougher tasks. The production methods of these artifacts were mostly direct and indirect percussion.
In this study, newly-found lithic artifacts from Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe were first studied separately for classification, typology, sourcing, and investigation of the Neolithic subsistence economy. The findings were classified into four types: tools, debitages, cores, and natural stones. Eventually, the results were compared to published data of the nearby sites from quantity and diversity points of view to establish a foundation for general knowledge about subsistence in the Neolithic period.
Disccussion
Totally, 348 stone artifacts were recovered from Neolithic layers of Toq Tepe. This assemblage has 6 cores (1.72%) including 3 flake cores, 2 microblade single-side cores, and 1 irregular mixed core. A total of 259 (74.43%) artifacts are simple debitages including 135 flakes, 43 blades, 15 microblades, 2 burin spalls, 35 chips, and 27 debris. 81 (23.28%) tools consist of retouched (31 retouched flakes, 24 retouched blades, and 10 retouched microblades), notched tools, notched-denticulate tools, backed microblades and multi-functional tools and 2 (0.57%) naturally occurred stones.
The places of flake and microblade on cores are highly irregular and their exterior angles are less than 90 degrees. The blades and microblades have mostly irregular ridges and a profile with low curvature. The ventral surfaces are not completely flat and have waves on them. The thickness of the striking platform in blades and microblades is quite low and flakes with a thick striking platform and prominent striking bulb with dents over the bulb are also rare. In this assemblage, dented striking bulbs are more common in flakes, blades, and finally microblades, but completely absent in burins.
The flakes were rarely made using direct percussion and in the majority of cases they were produced using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. All the blades were made using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. In microblades, considering the faded striking bulb and their paralleled edges, it is probable that the pressure technique was used Although no pressure microblade core was found. All the lithic artifacts of Touq Tepe were made out of Chert with various color spectrums but mostly from light to dark brown.
Conclusion
The number of simple debitages is far more than debitages turned into tools and those that turned into tools have larger dimensions and irregular retouches. Based on the comparison of the average sizes of the tools made over the flake blank and the simple debitages on the flake blank and the high ratio of chips to the tools, it can be concluded that the process of making and converting simple debitages to tools was taken place in the site and according to the immediate needs thus most of the retouches are irregular. Scrapers were mostly made over flake blanks and have denticulate or notched-denticulate retouches that do not need any special pre-design.
The lack of blade cores and the low percentage of blade’s simple debitages support this hypothesis that the blades were imported into the site in already-prepared form and then retouched at the site. In the Touq Tepe lithic industry, there was an emphasis on flake production due to the availability of raw materials. The technical evidence over the debitages of stone artifacts of Touq Tepe confirms that debitages were detached from cores using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion.
Acknowledgments
The financial supports for carrying out the excavation program of Touq Tepe Neka have been provided by the General Department of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts of Mazandaran Province. We are also grateful to the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism and the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research for issuing the excavation permit. The members of the excavation team, who were students of University of Mazandaran and experts of the mentioned General Department, cooperated and worked hard in the terrible conditions of the corona virus; these loved ones are also sincerely appreciated.
Zahra Rjabiuon, Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti,
year 8, Issue 28 (8-2024)
year 8, Issue 28 (8-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.
Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019).
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.
Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.
Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests.
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated.
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities.
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.
Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019).
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.
Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.
Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests.
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated.
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities.
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.
Haasan Fazli Nesheli, Mojtaba Safari, Judith Thomalsky, Mina Madihy, Narjes Heydari, Narjes Nhan Fini, Ghasem Moradi, Yousef Fzeli Nashli, Zahra Aghajan Nasb,
year 8, Issue 29 (12-2024)
year 8, Issue 29 (12-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The southeastern Caspian Sea, which archaeologists call the coastal zone, like many other areas of the Fertile Crescent, experienced significant changes in the structure of human societies on the cusp of the Neolithic Revolution in the early Holocene. Although archaeologists have been unable to establish a link between the end of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic in the region, based on the current information, we now know that hunter-gatherers arrived in the area ca. 15,000 years ago. This marked one of the most important cultural events in human societies on the cusp of sedentism. One of the caves that has been studied as evidence of the presence of humans during the Mesolithic period is Kamarband (“Belt”) Cave. It is considered one of Iran’s most beautiful caves, attracting hunter-gatherer groups as settlers around 14,300 years ago. The cave was excavated by Carleton Coon between 1949 and 1951, and the description of his excavations during that time have fascinated readers for decades. Nevertheless, while Coon’s excavations at Kamarband Cave shed new light on the cultural epochs of the cave dwellers, they led to numerous ambiguities in understanding the chronological sequence of societies that existed in this cave for a variety of reasons. Over the past 70 years, archaeologists have not been able to accurately evaluate the cultural and social evolution of cave-dwelling human societies due to confusion in Coon’s excavation data. Therefore, a team of Iranian archaeologists re-excavated in limited and untouched parts of Kamarband Cave in 2021, managing to resolve some of the ambiguities in Coon’s chronology. Apart from the archaeological values of Kamarband Cave, recent excavations by the archaeological team have collected other valuable data, which will be addressed in other articles. This article primarily encompasses a chronological assessment of Kamarband Cave based on new data.
Keywords: Kamarband Cave, Mesolithic, Southeast of the Caspian Sea, Mazandaran Province, Hunters and Gatherers.
Introduction
Homo sapiens appeared on the planet about 300 thousand years ago, and except in the time range between 20,000 and 10,000 years ago, the range of remarkable changes among hunter-gatherer societies was not so noticeable and effective that it could cause fundamental changes in the dimensions (Watkins 2024, Flannery and Marcus 2012). The important point is that the cognitive capacities of Homo sapiens occurred around 40,000 to 50,000 years ago, called a revolution of behavioral modernity (Henshilwood and Marean 2003, Powel et al., 2009). However, archaeologists consider the evidence of this behavioral change in humans to be related to a period 15 thousand years ago. Caves such as the Kamarband, Hotu, Komishan and Ali Tepe, and the Mesolithic period significantly differ significantly from their predecessors. The results of archeological studies show that in the north of Iran around 14300 years ago, in the period from which terms such as Epipaleolithic or Mesolithic, a different and transformed society emerged. Scattered research shows the presence of humans throughout Mazandaran province from the Middle Paleolithic period onwards (Ramazanpour and Moradian, 2022). However, the basic question here is that in the southeast of the Caspian Sea, what were the characteristics of the transformative changes on the verge of the Neolithic? Apart from their chronological values, we need to know to what extent northern Iran sites excavated in recent years effectively understand the range of human developments in the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Investigating the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods can help us understand each society’s ideological and ritual concepts in the transition from the period of hunting and food gathering to the period of agriculture.
The Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea has been well-known for a long time due to the excavation of Hotu and Kamarband caves in 1949-1951 by Carleton Coon (Coon, 1951; 1957). Coon’s investigations and excavations in the plateau and north of Iran became a turning point in the recognition of an important period of human societies living in caves. Following that, a new wave of research began throughout this area. Despite the great fame of these two caves, unfortunately, there was no reliable information about this period, and the only reliable information about the Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea was related to the excavation of Ali Tepe Cave by McBurney and Komishan Cave by Vahdati Nasab. However, these communities’ social and economic status needs to be clarified (McBurney 1968, Vahdati Nasab 2021).
However, these excavations could not answer the questions of this period in the region; for this reason, in the winter of 2021, to review the stratification of the cultural deposits of the Kamarband and to investigate the resilience of humans with the environment from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period; It was excavated for 40 days by a team from University of Tehran. Before the revision excavation, it seems the Neolithic context of Kamarband was destroyed, and our team only recorded layers of the Mesolithic period. This article describes the results of the 2021 excavation of the Mesolithic stratigraphy of Kamarband.
Kamarband Cave
Kamarband cave is located about 8 km west of Behshahr city and 7 km south of the Caspian Sea at a height of 36.40 meters above sea level. This Cave was first excavated in 1949 and 1951 by Coon. Coon started three trenches in this Cave, including Trench A, B and C. He identified 31 layers in Trench A (Fig. 4). Coon divides the Kamarband sequence into four cultural horizons based on the 28 layers from Trench A from top to bottom: Horizon 1: This period includes layers 1 and 2, consisting of mixed accumulation of Neolithic remains along with the Iron Age, the Islamic period, and the remnants of contemporary periods. Horizon 2: This period, considered the true Neolithic horizon, includes layers 3-10 and is divided into two parts, 2a and 2b. Section 2a includes layers 3 to 7, including pottery and bone remains of domesticated animals. Horizon 3: Upper Mesolithic period includes layers 11-17. Horizon 4: Early Mesolithic includes layers 21 to 28, the oldest phase identified in this Cave.
Kamarband Cave was re-excavated in 2021, and the team opened two trenches (D-E). In Trench D (2.20×3 M), the team recorded 28 contexts. After we removed all the rubbished materials from the Carleton Coon excavation of 1940, very small parts of the southern wall were untouched, which was very significant for stratigraphy. Context 1 contains the surface layer of the cave, and Context 2 contains the remains of the Coon`s excavation. Contexts 11, 12, 13, 14, 27, and 28 contain fireplace structures. Among the cultural remains in this trench, the team found remarkable plant remains such as seeds (recorded from fireplace structure), fossils, shells, snails, and stone artifacts. Trench E (65×220 M) after cleaning the Coon’s excavation, we reached the rocky bed of the cave, which allowed us to have a very good view of Trench E to control the section and stratigraphy. This trench is 65 x 220 cm. Context 1 is the surface layer, and contexts 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,12,15,16,22,23,24,25,26,27,34, and 35 are fireplaces structures. Among these contexts, one of the special findings is the existence of many plant seeds. Contexts 13, 17, 18, 19, 28, 29, and 30 are settlement layers. Contexts 14 and 33 are rubble layers. Context 36 starts from -190 cm to -352 cm on the bedrock of the Kamarband cave and has no cultural finds. Context 37 is the bedrock. The cultural materials of this trench include stone artifacts, chipped stones, plant remains, animal remains, shells, snails, and fossils. Among the special 2021 excavations, we found the Carnivora /wolf teeth in many southeastern Caspian Sea caves, indicating a common shared ideology of Mesolithic people. Due to the destruction of the Neolithic layers in the cave, no evidence of pottery was found during the excavation. Only from Context 2, Trench D, which contained the remains of the Coon`s excavation, were pottery pieces obtained.
Regarding the chronology of Kamarband Cave, Libby from the University of Chicago conducted the first C14 tests of Kamarband Cave on eight charred bone samples from the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Elizabeth Ralph studied the C14 results of the second season of the Belt Survey (Libby 1951, 1955). However, these results were problematic, so Gregg and Thornton have calibrated past radiocarbon results in recent years (Gregg and Thornton 2012).
Seven charcoal samples from the Trench E 2021 excavation were tested for absolute dating. The first sample of Context 2 (the uppermost layer) is related to the 11810 ± 60 BC period (Fig. 21). The second sample from context 10 shows the date 12030 ± 60 BC. The third sample is from context 16, showing 12010 ± 60 BC. The fourth sample is from context 13 and shows the date of 12150 ± 60 BC. The fifth sample from context 23 shows the date 12210 ± 60 BC, and a sample from context 29 shows the date 12200 ± 60. The last sample is the lowest space of fire preparation from a depth of 180 cm and shows a date of 12270 ± 60. The results of our studies indicate only the Mesolithic occupation of the Cave, while there is a short gap between the two trenches are visible, and it seems the Cave covered by pale soil/Loss. However, Coon’s report and his section indicate such a short cultural gap as well. It seems the Cave was abandoned much earlier before Younger Dryas and after a long interval before the Pottery Neolithic period was occupied again. During the Mesolithic period, the Kamarband Cave was highly used for daily activities, specifically for the production of stone tools. During the excavation of 2021, around 6736 stone tools were found in the two small trenches, while in the Hotu excavation 2020, less than 2000 stone tools from 10meter cultural layers were recorded, which indicates the different functions of the two Caves (Jayez et al., in press).
Conclusion
According to the past and recent excavations of Hotu, Kamarband, and Komishani Tepe, we still see the chronological gap from the Mesolithic into the Early Neolithic period in the southeastern Caspian Sea shoreline. The emergence of the Modern Mind, the modern behavior revolution, and the formation of symbols and symbolic behavior are the main characteristics of the Mesolithic people of the Caspian Sea. The advances of warmer climate during the Bolling- Allerod period from 18,000 to 12,000 years ago caused the consumption of different resources and the subsistence strategy of the Caspian Sea cave people. From the 2021 excavation of Kamarband, we have recorded remarkable seed remains plus stone implements to support the theory of a new group evolving toward pre-agricultural management in one of Iran’s few regions of coastal societies.
The southeastern Caspian Sea, which archaeologists call the coastal zone, like many other areas of the Fertile Crescent, experienced significant changes in the structure of human societies on the cusp of the Neolithic Revolution in the early Holocene. Although archaeologists have been unable to establish a link between the end of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic in the region, based on the current information, we now know that hunter-gatherers arrived in the area ca. 15,000 years ago. This marked one of the most important cultural events in human societies on the cusp of sedentism. One of the caves that has been studied as evidence of the presence of humans during the Mesolithic period is Kamarband (“Belt”) Cave. It is considered one of Iran’s most beautiful caves, attracting hunter-gatherer groups as settlers around 14,300 years ago. The cave was excavated by Carleton Coon between 1949 and 1951, and the description of his excavations during that time have fascinated readers for decades. Nevertheless, while Coon’s excavations at Kamarband Cave shed new light on the cultural epochs of the cave dwellers, they led to numerous ambiguities in understanding the chronological sequence of societies that existed in this cave for a variety of reasons. Over the past 70 years, archaeologists have not been able to accurately evaluate the cultural and social evolution of cave-dwelling human societies due to confusion in Coon’s excavation data. Therefore, a team of Iranian archaeologists re-excavated in limited and untouched parts of Kamarband Cave in 2021, managing to resolve some of the ambiguities in Coon’s chronology. Apart from the archaeological values of Kamarband Cave, recent excavations by the archaeological team have collected other valuable data, which will be addressed in other articles. This article primarily encompasses a chronological assessment of Kamarband Cave based on new data.
Keywords: Kamarband Cave, Mesolithic, Southeast of the Caspian Sea, Mazandaran Province, Hunters and Gatherers.
Introduction
Homo sapiens appeared on the planet about 300 thousand years ago, and except in the time range between 20,000 and 10,000 years ago, the range of remarkable changes among hunter-gatherer societies was not so noticeable and effective that it could cause fundamental changes in the dimensions (Watkins 2024, Flannery and Marcus 2012). The important point is that the cognitive capacities of Homo sapiens occurred around 40,000 to 50,000 years ago, called a revolution of behavioral modernity (Henshilwood and Marean 2003, Powel et al., 2009). However, archaeologists consider the evidence of this behavioral change in humans to be related to a period 15 thousand years ago. Caves such as the Kamarband, Hotu, Komishan and Ali Tepe, and the Mesolithic period significantly differ significantly from their predecessors. The results of archeological studies show that in the north of Iran around 14300 years ago, in the period from which terms such as Epipaleolithic or Mesolithic, a different and transformed society emerged. Scattered research shows the presence of humans throughout Mazandaran province from the Middle Paleolithic period onwards (Ramazanpour and Moradian, 2022). However, the basic question here is that in the southeast of the Caspian Sea, what were the characteristics of the transformative changes on the verge of the Neolithic? Apart from their chronological values, we need to know to what extent northern Iran sites excavated in recent years effectively understand the range of human developments in the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Investigating the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods can help us understand each society’s ideological and ritual concepts in the transition from the period of hunting and food gathering to the period of agriculture.
The Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea has been well-known for a long time due to the excavation of Hotu and Kamarband caves in 1949-1951 by Carleton Coon (Coon, 1951; 1957). Coon’s investigations and excavations in the plateau and north of Iran became a turning point in the recognition of an important period of human societies living in caves. Following that, a new wave of research began throughout this area. Despite the great fame of these two caves, unfortunately, there was no reliable information about this period, and the only reliable information about the Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea was related to the excavation of Ali Tepe Cave by McBurney and Komishan Cave by Vahdati Nasab. However, these communities’ social and economic status needs to be clarified (McBurney 1968, Vahdati Nasab 2021).
However, these excavations could not answer the questions of this period in the region; for this reason, in the winter of 2021, to review the stratification of the cultural deposits of the Kamarband and to investigate the resilience of humans with the environment from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period; It was excavated for 40 days by a team from University of Tehran. Before the revision excavation, it seems the Neolithic context of Kamarband was destroyed, and our team only recorded layers of the Mesolithic period. This article describes the results of the 2021 excavation of the Mesolithic stratigraphy of Kamarband.
Kamarband Cave
Kamarband cave is located about 8 km west of Behshahr city and 7 km south of the Caspian Sea at a height of 36.40 meters above sea level. This Cave was first excavated in 1949 and 1951 by Coon. Coon started three trenches in this Cave, including Trench A, B and C. He identified 31 layers in Trench A (Fig. 4). Coon divides the Kamarband sequence into four cultural horizons based on the 28 layers from Trench A from top to bottom: Horizon 1: This period includes layers 1 and 2, consisting of mixed accumulation of Neolithic remains along with the Iron Age, the Islamic period, and the remnants of contemporary periods. Horizon 2: This period, considered the true Neolithic horizon, includes layers 3-10 and is divided into two parts, 2a and 2b. Section 2a includes layers 3 to 7, including pottery and bone remains of domesticated animals. Horizon 3: Upper Mesolithic period includes layers 11-17. Horizon 4: Early Mesolithic includes layers 21 to 28, the oldest phase identified in this Cave.
Kamarband Cave was re-excavated in 2021, and the team opened two trenches (D-E). In Trench D (2.20×3 M), the team recorded 28 contexts. After we removed all the rubbished materials from the Carleton Coon excavation of 1940, very small parts of the southern wall were untouched, which was very significant for stratigraphy. Context 1 contains the surface layer of the cave, and Context 2 contains the remains of the Coon`s excavation. Contexts 11, 12, 13, 14, 27, and 28 contain fireplace structures. Among the cultural remains in this trench, the team found remarkable plant remains such as seeds (recorded from fireplace structure), fossils, shells, snails, and stone artifacts. Trench E (65×220 M) after cleaning the Coon’s excavation, we reached the rocky bed of the cave, which allowed us to have a very good view of Trench E to control the section and stratigraphy. This trench is 65 x 220 cm. Context 1 is the surface layer, and contexts 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,12,15,16,22,23,24,25,26,27,34, and 35 are fireplaces structures. Among these contexts, one of the special findings is the existence of many plant seeds. Contexts 13, 17, 18, 19, 28, 29, and 30 are settlement layers. Contexts 14 and 33 are rubble layers. Context 36 starts from -190 cm to -352 cm on the bedrock of the Kamarband cave and has no cultural finds. Context 37 is the bedrock. The cultural materials of this trench include stone artifacts, chipped stones, plant remains, animal remains, shells, snails, and fossils. Among the special 2021 excavations, we found the Carnivora /wolf teeth in many southeastern Caspian Sea caves, indicating a common shared ideology of Mesolithic people. Due to the destruction of the Neolithic layers in the cave, no evidence of pottery was found during the excavation. Only from Context 2, Trench D, which contained the remains of the Coon`s excavation, were pottery pieces obtained.
Regarding the chronology of Kamarband Cave, Libby from the University of Chicago conducted the first C14 tests of Kamarband Cave on eight charred bone samples from the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Elizabeth Ralph studied the C14 results of the second season of the Belt Survey (Libby 1951, 1955). However, these results were problematic, so Gregg and Thornton have calibrated past radiocarbon results in recent years (Gregg and Thornton 2012).
Seven charcoal samples from the Trench E 2021 excavation were tested for absolute dating. The first sample of Context 2 (the uppermost layer) is related to the 11810 ± 60 BC period (Fig. 21). The second sample from context 10 shows the date 12030 ± 60 BC. The third sample is from context 16, showing 12010 ± 60 BC. The fourth sample is from context 13 and shows the date of 12150 ± 60 BC. The fifth sample from context 23 shows the date 12210 ± 60 BC, and a sample from context 29 shows the date 12200 ± 60. The last sample is the lowest space of fire preparation from a depth of 180 cm and shows a date of 12270 ± 60. The results of our studies indicate only the Mesolithic occupation of the Cave, while there is a short gap between the two trenches are visible, and it seems the Cave covered by pale soil/Loss. However, Coon’s report and his section indicate such a short cultural gap as well. It seems the Cave was abandoned much earlier before Younger Dryas and after a long interval before the Pottery Neolithic period was occupied again. During the Mesolithic period, the Kamarband Cave was highly used for daily activities, specifically for the production of stone tools. During the excavation of 2021, around 6736 stone tools were found in the two small trenches, while in the Hotu excavation 2020, less than 2000 stone tools from 10meter cultural layers were recorded, which indicates the different functions of the two Caves (Jayez et al., in press).
Conclusion
According to the past and recent excavations of Hotu, Kamarband, and Komishani Tepe, we still see the chronological gap from the Mesolithic into the Early Neolithic period in the southeastern Caspian Sea shoreline. The emergence of the Modern Mind, the modern behavior revolution, and the formation of symbols and symbolic behavior are the main characteristics of the Mesolithic people of the Caspian Sea. The advances of warmer climate during the Bolling- Allerod period from 18,000 to 12,000 years ago caused the consumption of different resources and the subsistence strategy of the Caspian Sea cave people. From the 2021 excavation of Kamarband, we have recorded remarkable seed remains plus stone implements to support the theory of a new group evolving toward pre-agricultural management in one of Iran’s few regions of coastal societies.
Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti, Rahele Koulabadi,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The site of Velem is located approximately 500m from the village of Velem, about 36km from Behshahr in the east of Mazandaran province. In 2020 during the construction of a road near the village, this cemetery site was accidentally discovered. In the following year, the rescue excavations were conducted, and burials from pre-Parthian and Parthian period were uncovered. In the first season of excavations twenty-six shaft burials from Parthian period were revealed. This study focuses on the Parthian burials. Since there is limited knowledge about the historical era of northern Iran, especially Mazandaran, the results of excavation at Velem are particularly significant. Furthermore, only a few Parthian sites have been identified in Mazandaran, and the historical knowledge of northern Iran during this period is also limited. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, we try to study the findings from Velem in the first season of excavations to answer the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the graves and the burial methods at Velem? 2) Considering the prevalence of shaft burials in northern Iran, what is the origin and cause of the spread of this burial practice in this region? The field study results show that the Parthian funerary type identified at this site is shaft burial including a corridor, entrance, and burial space. Additionally, a comparative analysis of the graves at this site with similar examples in northern Iran and beyond suggests that this type of burial was common among nomadic peoples. Given the geographical location of northern Iran, it is very likely that this funerary tradition was penetrated to region by north-eastern nomadic population as the movement of a group of nomadic people of Dahae, or it was appeared as a result of the close interactions between nomadic and settled peoples.
Hamed Tahmasebifar, Hassan Fazeli Nesheli, Mojtaba Safari, Judith Thomalsky, Jebrael Nokandeh, Nasir Eskandari,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions.
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.
Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.
Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.
Discussion
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.
Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions.
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.
Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.
Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.
Discussion
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.
Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.
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