Abstract
The site, Gand-Ab was archaeologically excavated during three seasons in 2002, 2003, 2006. During the first season, more than 25 graves were discovered, some of which were illegally excavated. In this excavation, we tried to use the excavated graves for completing our information about the funeral customs and architectural features of Gand-Ab Graves. The second season continued archaeological, anthropological studies; in addition to geological, topographical and networking studies of Gand-Ab Site. Seventeen graves were excavated during this season. In the third season in 1385, settlement sites were excavated as well as the graves, and this was an excavation of Gand-Ab settlements for the first time. During the first season, two hypotheses were proposed about the non-proportionality of architectural remnants and the settlements in Gand-Ab compared to the extent of the grave. This site is about 51 km northern Semnan City, 26 km northern Shahmirzad City, and 3 km west of Shahmirzad-Sari Road. This site is located 53/28/23 eastern longitude and 35/54/21 northern latitude. The Gand-Ab Site is about 2280 m above the sea level (Image 1 & 2).
Keywords: Semnan Archaeology, Graveyard, Iron Age, Gand-Ab, Kharand.

Gand-Ab Grave
A: Body positioning
Burials placed in a number of different positions:
1. Supine burying (Image 4); 2. Squatting burying (Image 5). 
In supine, the dead were buried straight, on their back, head on their right shoulder or their left shoulder. Their hands were sometimes straight at the sides of their bodies and sometimes they were placed on their stomach or on their chests. Any special direction for dead bodies were not observed. In squatting, the dead body were on sides of their bodies without considering any directions. The direction of the graves had been selected based on geographical conditions, so that the head had been placed in contrary to the slopes of the mountain, while their feet had been on the direction of the slopes.

B: the architecture of Graves
Because of the rocks, the Gand-Ab graves had been dug in a special method. These graves were prepared based on the height of the dead. The architecture of the graves in this site is of four types:
1. Hand-dug rocky graves; 2. One-stratigraphic graves; 3. Two-stratigraphic graves; 4. Sour-stratigraphic graves.
1. Hand-dug rocky graves: first rocks were dug, and then the dead had been placed inside the grave. After funeral, they had covered the dead with another rock, and at last they covered it all with soil. It is observed in some cases that they had filled the seam between rocks with pieces of sand and mud (Image 6).
2. One-stratigraphic graves: in these kinds of graves, one walls of the grave were built by placing stones on each other without using mud. The covering rock were placed on the grave in a declivitous form (Image 7).
3. Two-stratigraphic graves: in this kind of burying, two walls at the length of the grave were built by placing stones on each otherand covering it by a rock. On the wall of these graves were considered four niches. The existence of niches in graves is one of architectural features of Gand-Ab and Kharand Graves. However, there were discovered graves without any niches (Image 8).
4. Four-stratigraphic graves: the interior walls of these graves were all made by placing
pieces of sand and stones without using mud. On the wall of these graves, there were discovered one to four niches, in which they had placed things and food. Looking at the
covering rock, it is possible to guess the sex of the skeleton. Gand-Ab settlements had left much more things for the dead women. Therefore, for leaving more things in a grave they had needed more space, so that the covering rock had needed to be bigger (Image 9).

The Covering of Graves
The covering rocks on graves in Gand-Ab were prepared from the Sar Avar Mine in southern Gand-Ab. Some rocks had been monolith rocks, which are now broken into the grave because of pressure. In some cases, stones were placed on graves using trunks of trees (Image 10). It is observed in some cases that the seam between the wall and the covering rock had been filled with smaller stones and mud (Image 11) so that the soil do not enter the grave.

The Art of Pottery
The Gand-Ab settlements had been skilful potters, who had created lots of artistic beauties. The pottery paste in Gand-Ab is mostly a brownish red color. buff color is rarely observed. Kitchen pottery with soft paste and smoky body is observed among pieces of pottery as well. Pieces of sand are used for pasting pieces of pottery. Both hand-made and wheel-made pottery was observed in Gand-Ab. Most pieces of pottery are well-baked, but some pieces are mildly baked, while some are badly baked so that they had completely been smashed.

Conclusion
Because of the shortage of published sources, the author had to rely on the sources kept in the northern provinces of Iran (Golestan, Mazandaran and Gilan), which have mostly been discovered from smugglers, and compare them with the excavated cultural material from Gand-Ab. It is worth considering that most of the cultural material kept in these places had been dated wrongly because of a lack of knowledge about this site. Based on the existing documents, some tribes had been scattered at the end of the second millennium BC to the first millennium BC (Iron II, III) at the mountain ranges of Alborz and close to the water resources. The economy of these tribes had been based on ranching and for this purpose they had travelled from lowlands of Mazandaran to mountain ranges during summer to use rich pastures such as Kharand, Dargazeh, KhatirKuh, Gand-Ab, etc. These tribes had been aware of the arts such as pottery, metallurgy and decoration.
These tribes had a rich architecture. They used the local materials such as stones, mud and wood of Avras (gorse). The social hierarchy in Gand-Ab is recognized based on the quality and quantity of materials that they had placed besides women compared to men. Settlers in Gand-Ab had believed in the afterlife and they had placed close to the death inside the graves materials such as pottery, metals, stones and food. In addition to meat, these tribes had used herbal seeds. The dead had been buried with clothes because there were discovered cloths in the graves.

- Vanden Berghe, L .A. (1964). La Necropole de khurvin. Leiden.

Abstract
This site is located 60 km southwest of Khalkhal, in Shahrood plane, in Khalkhal city and 180 km south of Ardabil city. In May 2006, during the implementation of the road construction project in Khanghah village, the remains of several graves were revealed. From this date onwards, four seasons of Archaeological studies were conducted on this site. The first season was carried out in the same year, and graves 12, 19 and 25 were explored, among them a grave to the Iron Age I and the other graves belonged to the Iron Age II. The trench B was also explored in order to identify of more tombs. Following the excavation, graves 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 24 were discovered in this trench. According to studies on these graves, 2 graves belonged to the middle Bronze Age, 1 grave to the Iron Age I, 9 graves to the Iron Age II, and 4 graves belonged to the Parthian period. The second season was explored in 2007. In this season, the trench C with dimensions 10 x 10 m on the west side of the trench A and trench D with dimensions of 5 × 5 m along the trench B was explored. As a result, in this season, the remains of the 5 ancient graves were obtained; one of them belonged to the Parthian period, 1 grave to the Middle Bronze Age and three other graves to the Iron Age I. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. So, the main hypothesis of this study, it is: Theory of cultural dynamism in Iron Age I, in this area isn’t correct. 
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Ardabil Province, Gilavan Cemetery, Iron Age Burials.

Introduction
Gilavan cemetery is located northwest of Khanghah village and adjoined to it. In terms of archaeological findings, this cemetery is one of the most prominent sites in the north-west of Iran, because of the burial of the three archaeological periods of the middle Ages, the Iron Age and the Parthian period. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. During this season, 5 ancient graves were explored, identified by numbers 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31. Grave No. 29 dated to the middle bronze age, graves 26, 28, and 31 dates to the Iron Age I and 27 to the Parthian period. The graves of this cemetery were in the form of a hole in which burials were carried out in single and double burials. In the present study, gravels of the Iron Age of second season were qualitatively, descriptively-analytic and comparative approach, and compared with the effects of other burial grounds of the north-west and neighboring areas. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. The studies of Gilavan cemetery are important because in this area, in the burial findings of the graves, we witness a cultural sequence from the middle Bronze Age to the Iron Age II. Such results are of particular importance to the studies of the Iron Age, as well as the theory of cultural dynamism in the late period of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, which some researchers believe it to be.

The tombs of Gilavan cemetery in this study
Tomb No. 26: This tomb is located in trench D, and in the northeast it, in a depth of -107 cm from bench mark. This tomb is from type of grave pit that after the burial from the rock has been used to highlighting the grave. This tomb has been belongs to man25 to 30 years old.
Tomb No. 28: This tomb is located in northwest corner of trench C, and highest level this tomb from the ground -149 cm. This tomb is from type of grave pit, and single burial. Tomb No. 28 has been belongs to female 25 to 30 years old. 
Tomb No. 31: This tomb is located in the northern part of trench C, and to form of double burial. Tomb No. 31 is from type of grave pit. 

Conclusion
The study of the graves of the Iron Age of this site indicates that there are many similarities in the burial findings of the northern-western areas of Iran during the bronze and iron period. In other words, the findings of this cemetery can be compared with the burial objects of many sites of the middle bronze, the late bronze and Iron Age I and II, and this represents a cultural sequence during a period to a period Another is in the north-west of Iran and even neighboring areas. It seems that many of the developments in the Iron Age region of Iran are rooted in the earlier period. Many of the forms and techniques of constructing objects represent a kind of evolved designs, and the subject matter that implies the emergence or sudden appearance of them is not visible.

Abstract
To balance the needs and actual or potential facilities, mankind has tried along with time. Water, ground, soil, road is from environmental factors forming a living place while one or more factors may play more important role depending on some situations. The culture is created due to people interactions and is progressing longitudinally and affects human activities. Ignoring the environment makes the debate impossible on cultural and behavioral conditions. Culture creates sites and phenomena around the spaces and places. Architecture is one of the main sites of culture in environment. Natural characteristics in the region of Ghahestan made the Ismailia – in the Islamic middle centuries - to establish defensive buildings due to cultural and religious conditions. The results made them to be in accordance with the political and natural conditions of the time. In spite of some environmental limitations, they provided their need in the environment and caused some sort of cultural and environmental accordance in the region. This study introduces the Kouh Zardan castle of Zirkouh city in South Khorasan. This castle has spent two different residence eras. The castle was used as a defensive place at the first era may be known as Saljooghi. Ilkhani’s were the second residents.The main question of the research is, what role has the natural geography of the area played in the castle of Castle Zardan Mountain architecture? The castle of Zardan Mountain has been built with regard to the environmental conditions of the area and the impact of the environment in the castle architecture space is not only in the use of native materials, but other factors such as climate, altitude, distance and proximity to water resources, geological structure and ... has played a key role in the formation of the castle. This paper is descriptive and analytical and its data has been through library resources and field surveys.
Keywords: Kouhzardan Castle, Architecture, Environment, Culture, Vegetation, Water resources.

Introduction
The breadth of the land of Iran, along with the diversity of its posterity, has created a situation in which the inhabitant should think in a special area of thought with creativity and sharpness in order to maintain, maintain and maintain their place of residence (Pazoki Tohruidi , 1376: 101). Environmental conditions, especially the climate, soil type, water resources, etc., can play a crucial role in the formation of a civilization (Wylie, 2007: 11). Among other factors that make use of these conditions in the environment, culture is. Culture is the result of an interpretation that humans themselves and their relationships with each other and nature (Abedi Sarvestani and Shah Vali, 1391: 2). If one looks at one of the applications of culture, then architecture as an outlook for human beings is one of the important aspects of culture that is studied in the geographic area as a perspective (Fayaz et al., 2011: 92). In many parts of Iran, there are works of old castles that have been constructed with the administrative and political conditions of their period and connect with their surroundings and create a solid structure. Quhistan is one of the places that has caused a favorable environment for the construction of the Ismaili dome in the Middle Ages due to its mountainousness due to the desert of central and loot, the plain called Afghanistan and the political and religious conditions. Castle Mountain Zadran One example of this type of castles, in South Khorasan province is located in the city Zirkouh the height of the mountain fortress Zadran on it and mastery of the environment, a perfect opportunity to the mountain’s topography around The fort is composed of mountainous and plain. In this article, the geographic conditions of the area and its impact on the architecture of Castle Zardan Mountain are discussed.

Castle Zardan Mountain
Castle Zardan Mountain is located in South Khorasan province, Zirkouh city and Zardan village, and is based on the point (UTM) at latitude and longitude 747004/3707960 with an average elevation of 1,770 meters above sea level. Castle Zardan Mountain is located above a single mountain (between 50 to 90 degrees) and overlooks the surrounding plains. The length of the castle is 100 meters and its width is 80 meters with an area of 8000 square meters and a height of 92 meters from the surrounding environment. The castle is based on a nearly square shape (Nasrabadi, 1391: 111). The architectural features of the castle include the remains of several towers, parts of the fence, the walls of the castle’s interior spaces, water cabinets, and several chamber-covered rooms. Citadel of the castle is located in the highest castle space. Some of the architectural spaces of the fortress are crafted in the rock form, so that rocks from the bed of this space can be used as building materials for the walls. In view of the architectural space of the castle building, it is seen that most of the residential spaces of the castle are opposite to the cold weather of the winter, so as to see some kind of compatibility with the winds of the area in this castle. For the construction of Ismaili castles, in addition to choosing it geographically, in the harsh areas, the villages near the fortress were chosen according to the Shiite religion, especially the Shiite Ismaili, as well as the environmental facilities including the water they had. Castle Zardan Mountain is located in a relatively blue area and today it is rich in agriculture. In the choice of castle, the environment was also considered vegetation, so that if materials such as bricks and pottery or melting metals were used for molding weapons, it was possible to make furnace with regard to vegetation.

Conclusion
Climatic factors have created buildings and spaces that are consistent with the environment, which is in fact the outlook for warm and dry regions, which expresses the complex relationships of man with its rough environment, so that architecture is the most obvious type of landscape (peasant, 1382: 68-67). Among these architectural views, it is possible to construct an Ismaili dome in most parts of Iran, especially in Qehistan. Castle Zardan Mountain is one of the Ismaili castles in Ghahistan, which is built according to the environmental conditions of the area and is related to some kind of architectural complexes of the castle with surrounding environment. Environmental factors were also very influential in the construction of the Castle Zardan Mountain due to cultural and historical factors, while how to form the fortress in order to adapt to natural conditions is more than anything else related to its surroundings. The influence of the environment in the castle architecture was not limited to the use of indigenous materials, but other factors such as climate, elevation, distance and proximity to water resources, geological structure, etc., also played a key role in the formation of the castle. In general, the most important factor is the formation of a water culture, access to water, and whether these water structures can be seen inside or outside the castle. But from other points of view, the castle landscape architecture is surrounded by the surrounding environment around the castle. The communication route is also seen in the perspective of the castle of Mount Zardan and other Isma’ili castles close by. The Castle Zardan Mountain is located on a single high mountain point with a steep pitch towards the surrounding area, for the sake of ease with the surrounding area and connecting with other Ismaili castles in the landscape.

Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion 
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion 
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

Abstract
The rock art heritages all across Iran have a exceptional importance compared to the rock arts of the world. For example, the Bistoon rock art complex is listed on the World Heritage Sites and some others, like Naghsh-e-Rustam, are located in the cultural landscape of World Heritage. The entities of such rock heritages to an evolving environment, have been threatened, especially with the increase in air pollutants. Threats of Environmental Pollutants might have endangered the Integration of these Cultural Landscapes. The presence of these pollutants is due to the presence of large and small pollutant industries, especially petrochemical complexes. For the first step, it is necessary to evaluate different methods of monitoring air pollutants on rock cultural heritage. Various methods of environmental measurements have been used to assess the condition of the rock heritage. These monitoring techniques can be divided into direct and indirect methods. The main research question is about the advantages and disadvantages of each of these two methods for choosing the suitable rock heritage monitoring system. In this article, next to gathering information from objective observations and theoretical studies, the data were obtained through qualitative analysis. In this article, after examining the characteristics of these two methods, the type of direct monitoring required has been identified to identify air pollutants and control the rock heritage. Meanwhile, new conservation experiences in historic sites can reduce concerns about energy infrastructure constraints and reduce the cost of continuous monitoring of rock heritage. Therefore, the results will be applied in addition to having fundamental and theoretical values.
Keywords: Rocky Heritage, Air Pollution, Environmental Monitoring, Naqsh-e Rostam.

Introduction
Monitoring is the periodic measurement of the environment that compared to the data obtained and the predetermined characteristics (Thomson, 1965). In cultural heritage sites, it is necessary to examine the process of environmental change over the short, medium and long terms, in relation to the historical impact and development centers. It also analyzes whether the two issues of conservation and economic development have been compromised (Íñigo et al., 2006). Continuous monitoring can be considered as a criterion for decision-making in the conservation of cultural heritage and provide shared benefits to heritage sites with the goal of improving site management and preventive conservation (Smith, 1991).
Research Objectives and Necessity: The main objective of this paper is to evaluate air pollutant monitoring methods in rock heritage. The gradual expansion of cities and industries has made it unavoidable to change historic and ancient spaces even in the most remoted areas. This has become a challenging debate about the World Heritage Sites and the cultural landscape around the, and more and more important is how to control the side effects of this condition, so environmental measurements are certainly the first step.
Research Questions and Hypothesis: In the present study, while reviewing the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring methods in rock heritage, has been analyzed a more appropriate system for monitoring of such heritages. It seems that in order to select an effective monitoring method, should be evaluated their impact on measuring the quality of changes in the site and to determine its scale and method according to the objective.
Methodology: In this paper, while classifying environmental pollutants, it is emphasized the necessity of choosing an appropriate monitoring approach. Also have been investigated different methods and experiences of measuring and monitoring air pollutants and have been analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring techniques for selecting the most suitable rocky heritage monitoring system.

Context
Generally, environmental pollutants are divided into several major categories Which include: 
1) Small and Large Industries 2) Large Scale Agriculture and 3) Road Vehicles, that each of these sources produce all kinds of environmental pollutants and can damage the rock structures (Likens Gene E., 2013: 259). Large groups of pollutants are SOx, NOx and COx that have been identified and measured for many years by sensor monitoring (Frassoldati et al., 2005). Monitoring sensor are continuously developing and they are advanced enough to be able to detect the type and concentration of different types of Nitrogen oxides, Sulfur and Carbon oxides both in situ (without the need for a laboratory) and at time (not after time) (Yu et al., 2015: 250 ؛Zhang Y. et al., 2018: 224). In this respect, techniques SPME (Solid Phase Microextraction), DLLME (Dispersive Liquid-Liquid Microextraction) and etc., have been very effective in extracting environmental pollutants (Tang et al., 2011; Farré et al, 2010). There are two main options for monitoring: direct monitoring (active or passive methods) or indirect monitoring (structurally or using extraction methods). Direct monitoring measures and records the amount of air pollutants at specific time periods. In contrast, passive monitoring measures the effect of air pollutants on monuments indirectly at specified times, which are usually longer.

Conclusion
Choosing an effective strategy for rock heritage management with the objective of preventive conservation against air pollutants, it needs to understand the structure of the object, the environment around it and the relationship between the two. In addition to scientific studies, this  is partly dependent on the value and significance of the object from a social and cultural point of view. The advantages and disadvantages of using direct and indirect monitoring methods for selecting the appropriate rock heritage monitoring system and its measurable variables are presented and summarized in Table 1. Therefore, it would be far more useful to have a direct monitoring system for rocky heritage and it is a strategy for treatment and preventive conservation. It should be noted that any strategy definition does not necessarily mean conservation of the objects and it is necessary to continue the environmental monitoring after adopting preventive conservation, in order to determine the effectiveness of the methods and, if necessary, to revise and correct the methods.

Abstract
According to the common chronology of the Bronze Age and Iron Age of Iran, the period (2000) 1900 to 1500 BC is known as the introduction of the new Bronze Age and about 1500 BC is known as the beginning of the Iron Age. Archaeological evidence does not provide a clear picture of the chronological and cultural sequence in most of the sites of this period in the northern half of Iran. This limitation is mostly due to the nature of the materials and documents of this period, which are often the result of excavations in cemeteries, and the information available about the exact sequence of stratigraphy in the settlements of this period is scarce. At the same time, the available evidence shows that most of the main centers of this period, especially in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, southern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to the Indus and Punjab valleys, between 1700 to 1500 BC. They are abandoned and there is an obvious cultural and chronological rupture in the settlement sequence of these areas. Hypotheses have been made regarding the causes of the abandonment of the sites of this period and the rupture created in the middle of the second millennium BC. Most of these hypotheses, with an archaeological approach to cultural materials, especially the study of changes in pottery traditions, have justified the causes of the rupture and factors such as migration and invasions of new peoples and cultures, environmental changes, and suggested a change in the way of subsistence economics as the reasons for the rupture. In this article, based on the results of linguistic studies of religious texts attributed to Vedic-Gahani Indo Iranian, a hypothesis has been proposed that the changes resulting from the religious reforms of Zoroaster in the period from about 1700 (1800) to 1500 BC. In the east of the Iranian plateau, alone or in combination with other factors can be the main driver or factor influencing and accelerating the process of abandonment of centers and areas of the end of the Bronze Age of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau and one of the main factors in the transition Communities from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Transition, Northern Half of Iran, Northeast and East of Iran.

Introduction
One of the archaeological questions of the second millennium BC in the northern half of the Iranian plateau is how (and causes) societies transitioned from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Mousavi, 2008: 105). In this regard, some hypotheses have been proposed (Mousavi, 2001: 15). These hypotheses generally justify and interpret the trend of cultural developments at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age in the northern half of the Iranian plateau, and the nature and reasons for the phenomenon in the societies of this period have not been addressed.
The invasion hypothesis is one of these hypotheses that was based on changes in pottery traditions and other cultural materials between the Gian II (Bronze Age) and Gian I (Iron Age) periods (Contenau and Ghirshman, 1939: 76, Mousavi, 2001: 15). These studies led to the assumption that migratory cultures from the second half of the second millennium to the beginning of the first millennium BC entered the Iranian plateau from the northwestern regions (Caucasus crossing) and settled in the Kashan plain (Mousavi, 2005; 94, Ghirshman, 1939: 62). In general, the hypotheses based on displacement, invasion and cultural substitution are based on the results of “Indo-European linguistics” studies (Bahar, 1996: 135, Sankalia, 1963: 312, Weidengren, 1998: 10, Muscarella, 1966: 121).
Another hypothesis presented in this regard is the hypothesis of “gradual evolution” (Medvedeskaya, 1982: 96), which is based on the results of the excavations of Yaniq Tappeh (Burney, 1994: 50, Dyson, 1969: 15,). Based on this hypothesis, a special type of gray, black, and black pottery indicates the presence of new (Iranian) tribes from the beginning of the third millennium BC. In the northwestern regions of Iran and its gradual expansion through the Caucasus Pass (Burney and Lang, 1972: 116) or the northeastern routes into the Iranian plateau (Burney, 1994: 47 and Derakhshani, 1998: 33, Schmidt, 1937: 112).
The hypothesis of “cultural movement and substitution” is another hypothesis in this regard (Young, 1965: 59, Mousavi, 2001: 17). This hypothesis formed the basis of the theory of “cultural dynamism at the beginning of the Iron Age” (Young, 1967: 34, Dyson, 1989: 125). Based on this hypothesis, some researchers have suggested routes for ethnic and cultural migration at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Deshayes, 1969: 16, Muscarella, 1974: 140).
Hypotheses have also been made regarding the causes of chronological rupture at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age of the northern half of Iran. The theory of “urban crisis” is one of these hypotheses. According to this hypothesis, the imbalance between population growth and environmental capacities and increased utilization of natural resources led to population displacement and the resulting cultural disintegration (Young, 1985: 372).
Another hypothesis, emphasizing “change in the Method of economic production”, considers the extinction of Bronze Age cultures in northeastern Iran as a result of changes in the livelihood system of these cultures (Mousavi, 2005; 94 Ghirshman, 1977: 25 Ghirshman, 1939: 104). 
Zoroastrian Religious Reforms and Its effect on the Abandonment of the Bronze Age Areas of Northeast and East of the Iranian Plateau
According to the theory of linguistics, the religious reforms of Zoroaster took place in the eastern regions of Iran between the 18th and 15th centuries BC. In line with this hypothesis, the time and Locality of the emergence of Zoroaster and the social conditions of this period are examined as the basis for the formation of developments.
In relation to the time and Locality of Zoroaster, there are a total of three theories (Christiansan, 1997: 17) including the traditional theory of Zoroastrians, the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, and the theory of linguistics and history (Ashtiani, 1987: 78).
In traditional theory, the time of Zarathustra is mentioned around the 6th century BC (late Median, early Achaemenid) and its Locality is in western Iran (Aria, 1997: 87, Khodadadian, 2000: 63, Vermazen, 1993: 21). According to the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, the time of Zoroaster is mentioned 6000 years before Xerxes’s invasion of Greece (480 BC) (Razi, 1993: 3, Rajaei, 1993: 69). Linguistic and historical theory is also based on comparative studies of the remaining religious texts attributed to the Aryan tribes. The oldest of these texts is the Indian Rig Veda which most scholars believe belongs to the Vedic era (Khodadadian, 2000: 43, Abazari et al, 1993: 155, Aria, 1997: 86, Boyce, 1998: 43, Shaygan, 1966: 4, Ashtiani, 1987: 87). On the other hand, the Gathas are the oldest part of the Iranian Avesta (Celns, 2007: 12), which is attributed to the poems of Zoroaster himself (Dushan Gimen, 1984: 42, Pourdavoud, 2006: 63, Christiansan, 1997: 20, Binas, 1993: 450). From the point of view of comparative linguistic studies, the lexical connection and common linguistic roots between the Rig Vedas and the Gatas are very close (Widengeren, 1998: 95, Jalali Naeini, 1993: 4, Boyce, 1998: 93, Ashtiani, 1987: 83). However, Gataha and Rig Veda are almost simultaneous in terms of linguistic features and belong to the Vedic era, ie between 1700 and 1500 BC, and consequently the time of Zarathustra also belongs to the Vedic era. At the same time, linguists believe that the language of the Gataha is not Western Iranians, but Eastern Iranians (Moule, 1998: 112, Christiansan, 1997: 21, Vermazen, 1993: 16; Weidengren, 1998: 95) and consequently Zoroaster. He has lived and appeared in eastern Iran.
The social context of Zoroaster’s message, based on the ancient texts of the Avesta (especially the poems of the Gatha) shows that his teachings and message, especially in the beginning, were strongly opposed by important sections of society, especially the nomadic warrior tribes, affluent classes and followers of the clergy. The ancient Indo-Iranian religion (Kavis-Usigs and Karpans) was the result of civil wars and conflicts and social disintegration (Weidengeren, 1998: 99 and 102).

Conclusion
According to the Collection of documents presented, if we accept Zarathustra and his religious reforms belong to the Gataha or Vedic era (ie between 1800 and 1500 BC) and consequently accept the environment and social context in which Zarathustra appeared and religion It is the eastern regions of Iran. According to the image presented in the Avesta religious texts regarding the social, political and religious situation of this period, it is possible that Zoroastrian society in the Gataha era is a reflection of a society in transition. Imagined Basically, the emergence of social reformers is the product and result of a society whose stability and social system has lost its effectiveness and requires a new plan to create new social stability and get out of the current stalemate. According to religious texts, Zarathustra’s message inevitably went beyond social reform and approached a fundamental reform of the social, economic, and religious structure of society. However, it can be said that the society of the time of Zoroaster is really a society that has been at the peak of tension and has reached a dead end, and such a society evokes the characteristics of a society in transition in social, political and economic. A society that has lost its primary stability (Vedic-Gahan system) and is transitioning to secondary stability (Mazd-e Yasna system). Such a situation (willingly or unwillingly) puts society on a path called the “transition path.” The end of this path is either the achievement of re-stabilization (secondary stability) or chaos and collapse. From an archeological point of view, it may be possible to find an important part of the materials and documents of cemeteries such as Qeytariyeh, Khorvin, Sialk (period V), Sarm, etc. They have the Bronze Age of the Northeast, the product of such developments, and as cultures in transition in the period from about 1700 to 1500 BC. Cultures that are changing by keeping in touch with the previous period. Changes that develop over the next century or two (beginning of the Iron Age) as characteristics of a stable culture in large parts of the northern half of Iran. The culture that in the process of its evolution in the first half of the first millennium BC, was consolidated, stabilized, gained strength and finally was able to change the socio-political equations of the ancient East by presenting a new plan, after about a millennium of Semitic culture.

Abstract
The study of human remains derived from burial and non-burial contexts is one of the subcategories of Archaeometry. According to these studies, archaeological researchers, with the help of physiologists, have quantitative and quantitative aspects of the remnants of past humans, including age, Sex and the use of medical tests, especially pathology, diseases and causes of death. The topic of interdisciplinary studies in the Khorasan area, due to the lack of material evidence until the present decade, lacked any research, although the importance of Khorasan has always been mentioned in this cycle. In the last decade, according to the approach of researchers in this field, the subject of quantitative studies has flourished. In this regard, the human remains of three burials belonging to the late bronze age from the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site were used to determine the age and gender of the samples, as well as to identify the ethnic race in the study of physical anthropology. In this research, human skeletons of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site were first cleaned up. Finally, with the participation of the Medical Society of Isfahan, the determination of age, gender and race was performed on the basis of morphology and anthropology. Then extracted DNA was isolated and dental samples were taken. The results of physical anthropology studies on the samples indicated that, the samples studied belong to the population of Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site, which is of age in both adolescents and adults (2 adolescents and 1 adult) and sexually belonging to two male and female groups. Men and women). In relation to the mortality rate and demographic average of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, due to the low volume of samples, it cannot be clearly summoned, but according to the current samples and the number of burials, it shows the high rate of low-mortality in the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh Site. 
Keywords: Shahrak-e-Firouzeh, Age, Gender, Bronze Age, Environmental Damage.

Introduction
The study of human remains from burial and non-burial contexts can be considered in the following subcategories of Archaeometry. For these studies, archaeological researchers, with the help of the physiologists, have quantitative and quantitative aspects of the remnants of past humans, including Age, gender, and using medical tests, diseases and causes of death. The present study is one of the interdisciplinary studies in the field of physical and genetic anthropology in the cultural field of Khorasan. After the accidental discovery of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site during construction, in 2009, the first excavation season on this site was run by Hassan Basafa, and so far, four archaeological excavations have been conducted on this site. The ancient site of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh in the northwest of Neyshabur with 36 ° 12 ‘longitude and 58 ° 47’ longitude, is located in the Firoozeh construction site on the eastern side of the river Farub Ruman. Among the cultural materials discovered on this ancient site (third and fourth seasons) are human burial remains buried in the Late Bronze Age. What this research seeks to answer is determining the age and gender, as well as the impact of the environment on the mortality rate of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community on the small scale, as well as the impact of post-sediment processes on samples.
The present study was conducted in two ways: library studies and laboratory studies in a descriptive and analytical manner and using the approaches of physical anthropology. In the style of library studies, information on the history of research on human remains has been gathered, and in analyzes and adoption of study methods. Also, in the section on human anthropometric studies, based on the evidence on the teeth, the suture on the skull, the size and texture of the femur bones, pelvic size and other evidence, it has been attempted that the age group, gender group, Skeleton height, samples of the campus Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site are evaluated. It should be noted that tests on the determination of age and gender on skeletal specimens have been carried out under the supervision of specialists in Isfahan Medical Sciences. Based on physical anthropology studies, the results are divided into two groups of adolescents and adults in terms of age and gender in both males and females, and also indicates the high mortality rate at the young age of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, which can be The most important factors are the unsuitable environment conditions due to the impact of the hydrological effects of the river along the settlement.  

Identified Traces
The study samples of this study include two skulls and a complete skeleton in this section to examine how to determine the age and gender of these remnants. The first one, a skull is roughly average. The thickness of the existing bones, the shape of the lower jaw, the posterior bumps, the rigid bone tissue, the maximum length, width and height of the skull, as well as the shape of the forehead of the sample is steep, which according to these characteristics is the first example of a man’s skull. Considering the formation of the teeth type, especially the third molar, considering the low erosion of the crown of the teeth and the presence of enamel of the teeth, as well as the qualitative aspects of the skull joints, in particular the closure of the crown part of the seam which is characteristic of individuals 25 years and the closure of the section of the seam At the age of 35, the age of this sample can be determined between the ages of 25 and 34. 
The second specimen is a relatively small, medium-sized cranium found in a gravel gorge. The fineness of the skull bones, the shape of the lower jaw, the nasal blade, Peshafi’s flatness, the smooth tissue of the bones, the maximum length, the delicacy of the cavity bumps, the width and height of the skull, as well as the form of the forehead of the sample, directly and without the prominence of the cavity above, Paying attention to these features is the second example of a woman’s skull. Finally, by examining bone tissue, skull volume, elegance, flattening of the skull structure, non-prominence in the post-serous bone, ear hole, root canal examination, and the time of their formation, the last tooth formed in the jaws of the sample, which is the second lower molar, as well Maximum length, width, face width, forehead bone, can be attributed to a teenage girl between the ages of 11 and 16. The third example is the complete human skeleton that is obtained from burial with a hole structure. Examining the height index of the sample, as well as the fineness of the ribs, the destruction of the toes and the hand of the skeleton, as well as the failure to weld the joints of the hip, the age-specific sample belongs to a teenager of 11 to 16, but due to the lack of sufficient evidence for gender identification In this sample, the sex group has not been identified.

Conclusion
As mentioned in the text, the establishment of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh Site is one-period site belonging to the final phase of the Bronze Age (2100 to 1500 BC), located next to one of the important rivers of Neyshabur Plain, called Farub Ruman, which originates from the Binalud Mountains. The gradual continuation of the accumulation of flood and alluvial layers over several years or decades on the surface of this establishment caused excessive moisture to penetrate the ancient bedding of the studied samples, as well as washing the surface of the surrounding area by flooding, also solving the harmful mineral elements, including salt It is found in Neyshabur Plains and other harmful mineral salts with alluvial layers, which caused the greatest damage after the sedimentation process on the studied specimens. In addition to high humidity, which causes the decay and degradation of most parts of the bone samples studied, the heavy flood layers on the substrate also cause compression of the anterior substrate and fracture of different bone sections. According to physiological anthropological studies, the samples belong to people from the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, which are of age in both adolescents and adults (2 adolescents and 1 adult) and sexually belonging to two male and female groups (men and women).

Abstract
In determining the boundaries of Qara Tappeh Sagzabad and Tappeh Qabristan in July 2016, evidence of a cemetery in the east of Qara Tappeh and southwest of Tappeh Qabristan belonging they revealed to the Iron Age 2 and 3 under sedimentary layers. In the 2018 and 2019 seasons of excavations, we got valuable findings in trenches 13 and 12 on the site. Among these findings are two tablet-like objects, one of these two objects, made of stone with a rectangular shape and light gray with a length and width of 12.5 × 18 cm and a thickness of 2.8 cm with circular blind holes, The holes made in four vertical rows and nine horizontal rows to a depth of 1.4 cm on one side of the object. We found the object in Grave No. 8 of Trench 13. Another example is a broken part of a gray rectangular clay object measuring 5.1 x 5.86 cm long and 2.81 cm thick with six circular blind holes 2.2 cm deep. We excavated this object from Trench 12. The two objects in question are comparable to the specimens found from Kul-Tarikeh, Haftavan Tappeh, and specimens unearthed from the neighbors of the Uzbeki archaeological site and the Sialk cemetery in the first millennium BC. This article examines these objects in terms of morphology and compares them with other similar findings, and it is likely that these findings, based on other examples and examples from older periods, are a kind of tablet for counting games; First by placing the findings in the archaeological context and comparative comparison with contemporaneous sites and then measuring the results with earlier examples of these findings in other archaeological sites, a preliminary proposal to use a counting game or board game for objects provided.
Keywords: Iron Age, Sagzabad, Qara Tappeh, Numerical Tablet, Boardgame.

Introduction
Since the first archaeological excavations in West Asia to the present day, thousands of types of objects have been discovered from archaeological sites, and researchers have proposed various approaches for the functional interpretation of each object. Among these approaches has been a comparative comparison of the findings with other similar findings and an understanding of the functional concept of the object in the archaeological context. Examples of objects found over a long period from the Late Neolithic period to the Achaemenid period and later in various areas from Egypt to Central Asia have been called game boards. In the excavations of the 2018 and 2019 years seasons in the Qara Tappeh of Sagzabad, similar findings were obtained with these samples. Initially, the findings were assumed to be a common type of board game in ancient West Asian cultures. Further study in this field revealed that unfortunately, no correct definition of the board has been provided in the archaeological literature of West Asia and different these forms from the Neolithic period to the first Islamic century (7th century AD) in this region known or registered. Therefore, the samples were compared with objects called board games, and a suggestion was made to use them. Thus, first, the desired findings and the texture of the place of their discovery are described, and then a brief review of the type of cultural materials called game boards done, and finally, the desired materials analyzed and we make comparative conclusions. Based on this, these findings can be near-certainty examples with the use of counting games. The two morphological objects found in the Qara Tappeh excavations can be like the examples from the findings of the West Asian sites, which are known as game boards in the archeological cultures of the region. For this issue, the two fundamental questions of this research will be in the following order.
1- What is the use of the previous samples in terms of morphology that are like the findings of Qara Tappeh Seghzabad?
2- What kind of Function can the two objects found in Qara Tappeh Sagzabad represent?

Identified Traces
Qara Tappeh is one of the key sites of the Iron Age in the center of the Iranian plateau. Two special findings have been obtained, which are like ancient game boards. The relative and absolute chronology show that these two objects belong to the first millennium BC. Game boards are among the archaeological finds found in large geographical and cultural areas of West Asia and North Africa and the Indian subcontinent, simultaneously with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, and the Mesopotamian Dynasty, Egypt up to the Achaemenid period, Perhaps the oldest examples of this are, for example, what introduced by Hole (1977: 215) from the Neolithic site of Choghasefid and Kirkbride (1966: 34) of Beidha and Rollefson (1977) of the Ain Al Ghazal. Various other types of game boards with The Game of 20 Square, The Game of 58 Holes, Senet, Mehen, Mankala, Nine men’s morris, Backgammon, and Chess have been introduced from ancient cultures. With certainty, examples of Qara Tappeh can be one game of 58 holes. This game Rule is less well known, but the overall morphology of the game shows that this board Has been a kind of racing game, pieces like pins could be inserted into the holes of the board and move along a certain path according to the number of dice poured, the name of the game is a description of the appearance of the game but always the number of holes on the board Not equal, it thought that this game invented in Egypt during the ninth to twelfth dynasties (2100 BC) and has been widespread in Egypt since the late third millennium BC. Has found. This game was common during the second millennium BC of Mesopotamia and among its close neighbors. Archaeologists have not found examples of this game in various areas of the region after the 6th century BC. (de voogt et al., 2013: 1718-1719). The samples found from Qara Tappeh can be considered as a type of game of 58-hole based on the morphological comparison.

Conclusion
What is found in the trench of 13 Qara Tappeh with 36 blind holes and a passing hole in the highest part of the tablet can be among the types that are known as the game with 58 holes, the closest example in terms of the number of holes on the find, sample Is introduced in the surface survey of the Kul Tarikeh. Another example that is similar in shape to the two aforementioned examples is the example introduced from the Haftavan. This finding, however, unlike the two aforementioned findings, has 3 horizontal rows and 8 vertical rows. If we accept that the tablet found in Trench 13 is a kind of board game, we must say that there are no special rules for the type of use. On the other hand, the presence of an all-round hole in the upper part of the find can indicate that the tablet could hang from somewhere. Finally, according to the relative comparisons, the object found in Trench 12 can be considered as a broken piece of a game 58-holes. But in the case of Trench 13, this must be considered more carefully. Only according to the appearance of the object can be considered as a preliminary use of the game of 58-holes for it.

Abstract
Perhaps painted rocks are the oldest surviving artifacts of prehistoric humans. Man has painted before the letters would create.  This art has a very ancient history in Iran and especially in the west of the country (Lorestan). This article studies the motifs of newly discovered petroglyph of Bauki village, Azna county in Lorestan. So far, no measures have been taken to record this site. Therefore, the record and study of petroglyph Bauki has the great importance in completing the archeological map of the country and the petroglyph studies. In particular, these motifs are variety and have narrative themes which is different from the style of human or animal motifs of other Iranian petroglyphs. The main study questions are: What motifs has designed on Bauki petroglyph and what style and method have used in designs of motifs? What areas are these motifs comparable to? What was the aim of creating the designs? What historical period do the Bauki petroglyphs belong to? The research method of this article has been did both field and desk study that documentary method were applied on comparative of motifs, anthropology and chronology of the newly discovered area. The research results show this The number of Bauki motifs is 74 which is on interconnected rocks and includes the motifs of human, animal, geometric, plant, and instrumental. According to the studies done, it can be said that in quantity and quality, the motifs of this area are similar and comparable to the petroglyph motifs of different regions of Iran, such as petroglyph of Timura (Khomein), Sungun (Arasbaran), Zarrineh (Qorveh) and abroad with Qobustan (Azerbaijan) and Gagama (Armenia). According to the obtained information from the motifs and the pottery evidence from the area and its surroundings, the surveys of the settlements around the site, comparison of motifs with other dated sites in Iran, pattern style and other historical data, subject to caution, is dated to Iron Age motifs.
Keywords: Petroglyph, Motif, Iron Age, Bauki.

Introduction
Petroglyph is one of the oldest living art traditions in the world, which has lasted for thousands of years. It seems bedrock have been the first surviving surface that man has chosen to record his artworks (Qasimi, 1399: 25). The subjects of petroglyphs are influenced by the geographical, cultural, and environmental conditions of each region. Until 1967 rock carvings were considered insignificant not only in Azna, but in all of Iran, and archaeologists made only minor and transient references to them in reports, but so far many studies have been done and there are many reports on the petroglyph motifs in different parts of Iran. The cultural and historical infrastructure of Lorestan province is so pristine and rich that in any field, especially point of view archaeology, it allows researchers to survey and to study and obtain valuable results. In addition to other archaeological data (pottery, buildings, etc.), other signs, such as the petroglyph motifs left on the rocks are specially worth considering from the point of view of archeology and the cultural-artistic interaction of the ancient tribes living in these areas with the surrounding areas, which points to the necessity and importance of the archaeological position of petroglyph in this part of Iran. The present research has been done both method: a desk study and field. The main objectives of the research include: introduction and study of Bauki petroglyph motifs, classification of motifs based on the type and style of petroglyphs, comparative study and similarity of motifs with other parts of Iran and abroad, the proposed chronology is based on the evidence of the relative chronology of the existing motifs.  In this regard, the authors of this study try to answer the following questions: What motifs has designed on Bauki petroglyph and what style and method have used in designs of motifs? What areas are these motifs comparable to? What was the aim of creating the designs? What historical period do the Bauki petroglyphs belong to?

Discussion
Each of the Bauki petroglyph motifs has a meaning and most importantly, and most importantly, the existence of ancient habitats and hills related to different periods and around the petroglyph are the important and determinative factors to justify the historical and cultural position of these motifs and the time of their creation. Therefore, for this basis, we can say that:
1- About the semiotics and meaning of the selected motifs were pictography and ideography and a limited number of psychography have high concept and were directly related to ethnic-religious faith, beliefs, and environmental conditions which are rooted in the myths and beliefs of the people about animals.
2- The motif of a goat is a symbol of seeking rain and abundance and has long been hidden and preserved among the motifs like a spell. For this reason, the motif of the goat in the rocks was abundant and varied
3- Motifs found in the area include horses, leopards, dogs and deer. The variety of motifs is directly related to animal species in the region. 
4- Some of the animal motifs were native to the area, but today there are no motifs such as leopards in the area. Since the engraved artists of these motifs could not engrave their motifs or paintings except by observing reality. So there is no doubt that in the past, these animals lived in this area.
5- There is a relationship between the method of engraving and the position of the motifs and the variety of motifs in the petroglyph of the study area. In terms of workmanship, they are of the petroglyph type and have used smoother rock surfaces to create motifs, the material of which is composed of hard rocks. 
6- Regarding the style and manner of presenting the motifs from the point of view of artistic representation (aesthetics), it is simple and abstract and only 4 realistic (animal) cases have been mentioned.

Conclusion
The Bauki petroglyphs are very simple and a limited number of realistic motifs. This area contains 74 motifs: animal, human, plant, symbolic and instrumental motifs, most of which are related to animals and humans. The most common method of creating Bauki petroglyphs is engraving and the creating style of the studied motifs has been mostly in an abstract style. All animal motifs are engraved in profile. Ritual dances performed while collecting agricultural products as well as asking for rain. Also, the exaggerated deer antlers are symbolically a symbol of herding and agriculture. Goats are still very important in the lives of people in the region today.
The chronological basis of Bauki motifs in terms of morphology with other Iranian petroglyphs and other motifs has been database tools, method to dig stone, engraving tools for these types of motifs. Therefore, these motifs are based on animal motifs, tools found and the smashing type of impact on the rocks, with caution and condition, it has no history beyond the Iron Age and belongs to the second millennium BC. In terms of quantity and quality, the studied motifs, based on carried out surveys can be examined and analyzed with other motifs found in other parts of Iran such as petroglyph of Timura (Khomein), Sungun (Arasbaran), Zarrineh (Qorveh) and abroad with Qobustan (Azerbaijan) and Gagama (Armenia).

Abstract
In explaining Iron Age archeology, the study of metal artifacts is of particular importance because of the hidden technical values. The study of metalworking methods enhances our understanding of the industrial centers of metallurgy, stylistics, and available mines. The purpose of this study is to identify the methods of construction and elemental analysis of “ornaments” discovered from “Iron Age” sites in northwestern Iran, using metallographic experiments and an SEM-EDS elemental analysis device. In the Iron Age, the making of metal objects, especially those with many ornaments, flourished. Therefore, knowing the manufacturing methods and the type of alloy used in them is one of the essentials of this research. This research responds to the question, what methods used to make the discovered ornaments from the Iron Age sites in the northwest? Or what were the most used elements in the construction of these objects? In these areas, the current research hypothesis is that most of the “ornaments” made by hot hammering and casting methods and have a large amount of tin in their structure, which uses for greater strength and flexibility of copper and tin (bronze) alloys. In this study, several samples of ornaments discovered from Iron Age sites in northwestern Iran, which were geographically very close to each other, were tested by metallography and elemental analysis. In this experiment, using a scanning electron microscope equipped with an SEM-EDS element analyzer, making these metal objects and their constituent elements were determined. This study shows that the main methods of making these metal objects have been hot hammering, but those objects that had a large volume made using the casting method. Also, the most used element to increase the strength and flexibility of objects is the element of tin. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Northwest of Iran, Bronze Objects, Metallography, SEM-EDS.

Introduction
In the Iron Age areas of the northwest, metalworking was done at an advanced level. The expansion of the tradition of metalworking in the northwest can be seen in other Iron Age areas of Iran. (Talaei, 2001:77-83) One of the reasons for the development of metalworking in the Iron Age areas of northwestern Iran has been the abundance of copper and iron ore mines in this region. During the excavations of the Hasanlu area in the south of Lake Urmia, founded a large number of iron and bronze objects. The large volume of metal objects discovered in the Hasanlu area indicates the prevalence of metalwork in this region of the Iranian plateau. (Pigott, 1989: 67-79) According to the studies, the residents of Hasanlu have supplied their required copper ore and iron ore from the mines that probably existed around this area. The development of metalworking art in this region, in addition to the existence of metal mines and fuel reserves, has been the development of furnaces and metal smelting molds, which in some Iron Age sites such as Hasanlu, obtained a large number of these metal smelting molds. The main reasons for the development of technology and style of metal products in northwestern Iran in the Iron Age could have been powerful governments such as Urartians and Manas. (Aliun and Sadraei, 2011) They were skilled metalworkers in the vicinity of Iron Age sites. One of the signs of this effect is discovering a bronze bracelet discovered in the Toul Talesh cemetery in northern Iran, which shows the expansion of Urartian territory in this region. There is a Urartian cuneiform inscription on it. This inscription shows that Argishti II, King of Urartu, gave this bracelet to Khaledi God. This person could have been a prince or a military person. (Tahmasebi and Masoudi Nia, 2015) The main issue of this research is to know the construction methods and the constituent elements of the jewelry discovered from the northwestern region of Iran. In the Iron Age, especially the Seldouz valley, these sites are primarily located in the Seldoz Valley and are geographically very close to each other, which can help understand the methods of construction and elemental analysis of the metal samples tested. The present research has been done by analytical-experimental method and based on scientific and laboratory studies. The purpose of this study is to identify the methods of construction and elemental analysis of “ornaments” discovered from “Iron Age” sites in northwestern Iran, using metallographic experiments and an SEM-EDS elemental analysis device. This research responds to the question, what methods used to make the discovered ornaments from the Iron Age sites in the northwest? Or what were the most used elements in the construction of these objects? In these areas, the current research hypothesis is that most of the “ornaments” made by hot hammering and casting methods and have a large amount of tin in their structure, which uses for greater strength and flexibility of copper and tin (bronze) alloys.

Materials and Methods 
In this research, the first eight metal samples from different Iron Age sites in northwestern Iran were collected through the reservoir of the National Museum of Tehran and sampled in the same place, and then sent to the Materials and Metallurgy Laboratory of the Sharif University of Technology for metallographic testing.

Discussion
Laboratory analysis and elemental analysis of metal samples using the SEM-EDS method show that a small amount of arsenic was founded in the alloy composition of the samples Because most copper metal ores before extraction and smelting contain amounts of arsenic. Therefore, there is a possibility of the unintentional existence of arsenic in the composition of these metals. Another element that a large percentage obtained in the composition of these metal samples is tin. Metallographic images of the ML-98-7 and ML-98-8 specimens show that these two specimens have a branched or dendritic structure in their body and are made by casting. Also, tiny cracks on the metallographic images of ML-98-2-ML-98-3 and ML-98-6 samples formed due to stress and fatigue caused by continuous hammering work on these metal works. The dark spots seen in most of these microscopic images indicate oxygen, carbon, and a lack of copper and tin, which have caused corrosion and sulfidation of these metal objects.

Conclusion
The results from the images obtained by scanning electron microscopy equipped with an SEM-EDS device found that the metal samples have a relatively large amount of tin. A small percentage of arsenic found in the metal samples tested. Considering the amount of arsenic in these samples can be concluded that metalworkers of this period may not have noticed the harms of using arsenic at that time and therefore used this element to improve the properties of bronze alloy. Ancient metalworkers used tin, arsenic, and antimony elements in the composition of bronze alloys to increase the hardness of the work. The items in the category of jewelry need to pay more to get the right shape. Another possibility is the unintentional presence of arsenic. The presence of large amounts of tin in these samples indicates that arsenic may have been naturally present in copper ores and Ancient metalworkers used tin to lower the melting point of copper and increase its strength and flexibility. Microscopic studies of bronze objects show that many copper sulfide compounds are present in metal samples. The presence of copper sulfide inclusions dispersed on the surface of the metal matrix and stretched in the longitudinal direction of the microstructure of ancient copper alloys may indicate the use of oxide ores along with some copper sulfide ores for extraction. Most of the ornaments found in the northwestern Iron Age sites, such as bracelets and collars, were made by hot hammering, subsequent hammering or forging, and objects with larger volumes and decorations molded by casting. In general, the objects discovered from the Iron Age sites in the northwest, especially the Hassanlou site, are more complex in terms of technique and construction style than the Iron Age sites in other parts of Iran, where existed local and indigenous governments. This issue has been due to the proximity of northwestern Iran to powerful governments such as Urartu and Manna.

Abstract
The beginning of the Iron Age on the Caspian Sea coast and the adjacent areas on the Iranian plateau and the neighboring lands was accompanied by extensive social, political and cultural changes that led to the collapse of urban centers and exchange economics, the formation of scattered and rural communities, which were often followed by livestock or nomadic economics. Changes in the social structures in the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, for whatever reason, caused extensive changes in the cultural material of the Iranian plateau and the Caspian Sea and formed settlement patterns from which only the associated cemeteries have often been identified and excavated. However, the residential structures, the spatial organization of the settlements and their relationship with the cemeteries are not well known. Excavation on the Parija Tepe, 3 km from Qaem-Shahr-Kiakola road on the low shores of the Caspian Sea, resulted in the identification of two stages of settlement from the Iron Age and the Early Islamic period. The Iron Age finds include pottery, metal objects, stones, bones, animal remains, and the remnants of architectural structures. According to the obtained evidence, the largest volume of cultural layers in the Parija Tepe is related to the Iron Age. The present study indicates that the Parija Tepe has an important place not only in better understanding of the pottery traditions of the Iron Age in the Caspian lowlands, but also in identifying mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Further archaeological excavations of the site will undoubtedly give a clearer perspective on the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Tepe Parija, Iron Age, Mud-brick, Pottery.

Introduction
One of the characteristic features of Iron Age sites of Mazandaran is the lack of settlement sites with visible architecture, the abundance of cemeteries, special funeral rituals, as well as a distinguished pottery tradition. During the Iron Age, the majority of dead people were buried in simple pit graves, Mud-brick lined graves or Pithos burials. The dead were often buried in a curved or flexed position, and in limited cases in supine or stretched position. A variety of burial-goods often placed next to the dead, a tradition which was also common in the preceding Bronze Age and that became more prominent during the Iron Age. In addition to the large number of pottery vessels, a good variety of tools such as swords, daggers, knives, spears, and other objects made of bronze and sometimes iron, as well as jewelry such as rings, bracelets, necklaces, plaques, and seals of bronze, silver, iron, bone, faience, stone, and rarely gold have been reported alongside the skeletons. While results of archaeological research in the Iron Age sites of Mazandaran suggests the influence of local Bronze Age cultures on the later Iron Age communities but, it appears from the available evidence that the Iron Age settlements are smaller albeit larger in number compared to the Bronze Age sites. 
The present article introduces the results of excavation in Perija Tepe in the Caspian Sea shores. Results of excavations suggests the important role of Parija Tepe not only for a better understanding of the Iron Age pottery traditions in the coastal lands of the Caspian Sea, but also for the identification of permanent settlements through examination of mud-brick architecture and the pattern of sedentary life in this region. Archaeological excavation at Parija Tepe can provide a clearer perspective of the social organization and settlement patterns of the Iron Age in the coastal areas of northern Iran.

Discussion
Parija Tepe is located in the central part of Mazandaran plain, some 3 km to the northwest of Ghaemshahr, next to the road from Ghaemshahr to Kiakola (Simorgh) and among the paddy fields of Kolagar village. Recent excavation at Parija Tepe has led to the identification of two phases of settlement belonging to the Iron Age and the early Islamic period. The main settlement phase and the majority of cultural depositions at Parija Tepe dates back to the Iron Age which is divided into Iron Age II and III. 
Typologically, most pottery forms of Prija appears to reflect the characteristics of Iron Age II. In addition to the pottery vessels, significant cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and a stone stamp seal were also excavated. One of the most remarkable findings of this excavation is the discovery of remains of mud-brick architecture that possibly shows a sedentary lifestyle rather than a nomadic way of life. Bio-archaeological studies on the faunal remains of the site demonstrates that all animal bone remains belong to mammals, and no fish, birds, rodents or reptiles have been identified. Throughout the occupational period, sheep, goats and cattle are the dominant species, followed by boars. Very rare remains of red deer have also been seen. Thus, it seems that the subsistence economy of the inhabitants of Prija has been diverse and based on livestock activities, agriculture and hunting patterns.

Conclusion
The cultural material discovered from excavation of Parija Tepe represents the cultural traditions of the Iron Age and indicates cultural links between this area and other Iron Age sites in the northeastern and north-central regions of Iran. Although some rich cultural materials such as a tanged bronze spearhead and some pottery forms have their roots in the Bronze Age cultures of the Northeast and the Gorgan Plain, the production of these type objects has continued throughout the Iron Age and striking analogies could be seen in large areas of Gilan and Mazandaran and the southern slopes of Alborz. It seems that the main volume of pottery and other cultural materials retrieved from Parija excavation indicates to Iron Age II and II period occupation with the material cultures resembling those from contemporary cultures in the north and northeast of Iran. The results of preliminary studies of Parija Tepe indicates that this area, like many of its contemporaries in Mazandaran, is formed near the river and in a flat and fertile land, and in terms of architecture, similar to other Iron Age sites in Mazandaran, has wooden and mud-brick architecture. Therefore, Parija, along with other Iron Age sites of the region, indicates to the uniformity of the Iron Age material culture in the lowlands of Madandaran, which, while similar to the Iron Age cultures of the southern slopes of Alborz, has particular local features.

Abstract
Varamin-Pishva plain is one of the most important cultural areas of the southeastern part of Tehran plateau in different historical periods. Taghabad Tepe with two western and eastern elevations and consisting of different rich layers of Iron and Bronze Age is located in this plain. This site has been studied and archeological research in 1397. In this study, it was found that this area has different deposits from the Iron Age one and two in the upper layers and traces of late bronze in the lower layers along the horizon with the common western traditions on the plateau. The aim of this study was to analyze the mentioned findings and compare it with the findings of other areas of Varamin plain and other neighboring areas. The questions of this research are as follows: based on the archaeological findings of the cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe, what kind of cultural traditions dose the Iron Age have? What is the influence of regional and trans-regional cultures of the common Iron Age cultures of Varamin plain due to the Taghabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture? Accordingly, the Iron Age 1and2 of Varamin plain and especially Taghiabad Tepe to some extent shows the regional actions in Varamin plain and the proximity and convergence of the trans-cultural region with neighboring areas. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Varamin-Pishva Plain, Iron Age Settlements, Taghiabad Tepe, Architecture, Pottery.

Introduction
Varamin-Pishva plain, having a suitable geographical position in the slopes of Alborz mountain range and Damavand peak and having a suitable height, has provided suitable ecological conditions for the presence of human communities for a long time. This plain is one of the areas prone to the formation of Iton Age settlements in the north-central part of Iranian plateau. During the archaeological study of this area in 1391-1392 AH. Has identified 27 sites belonging to the Iron Age (Figure1), as a result of studding the findings of this study, only a few sites have been introduced and identified. In this research to analyze and study the pattern of establishment and distribution of sites as well as cultural stages of the Iron Age of Varamin plain by analyzing cultural findings identified from  Iron Age sites based on archaeological studies and cultural traditions of this plain by case study, especially pottery, and the architecture identified from workshop A in the eastern ridge of Taghiabad area as well as the surface findings obtained, classified and then the location of this area in Varamin-Pishva plain next to the Iron Age settlements in the center of Iranian plateau, in a general view, reviewed, evaluation and analysis are included. In this review, understanding the Iron Age communities, especially the Varamin plain will be accompanied by re-reading various theories.

Research Method
The present research is structurally one of the basic researches with a comparative-analytical approach, the method of finding is to exploit the findings of an archaeological excavation chapter based on historical analysis of the findings of Taghibad Tepe. According to the research topic and the variables studied in it, the method of collecting information in the field and data collection tool in this research will be based on archaeological excavations and related reports and articles. 

Taghiabad Tepe
Taghiabad area is located in Javadabad rural district and between Taghiabad villages, Khajoo Qaleh and Ajorbast counties in the agricultural lands of Taghiabad village in Varamin city. This site was considered in the framework of joint cooperation between the Institute and the University of Berlin in 1397 AH to collect samples of ancient climate studies from ancient deposits and according to the surface findings of the Iron Age and Bronze Age and according to the situation. The demolition of the site was speculated. The site is located in the west and near the Ali Kharat River. Cultural and settelement findings of this research have been identified in Taghiabad Tepe from workshop A in the ridge No1 of Taghiabad Tepe (eastern ridge) and in the northern side of this Tepe in the area that was excavated with an area of 1/5×2 meters (Figure5). From this Tepe, seven settlement phases with two historical periods from Locus have been identified, which include artifacts from the Iron Age 2 and 1 to the late Bronze Age. The cultural materials of this Tepe are all kind of pottery covered with red, cream and brown mud, gray, architecture (walls and thermal structures) plaster, pounded floor, stone tools such as pounding stone, abrasive stone , burnt plant seeds (in terms of appearance similar to wheat or barley) it has formed a bony specimen, goat horn and clay tokens, etc., which will be described below

Conclusion
The results of the study of Varamin plain settlements from its archaeological of Iron Age communities, based on Taghiabad Tepe excavation, this area and site as an important area and indicators in the study of Iron Age cultures and chronology of the Iranian plateau. One of the most important topics in the archeology of the Iranian plateau is how the tradition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and its sequence, one of the important features of Taghiabad Tepe is the presence of communities from the Iron Age and their cultural connection with the Bronze Age which is of great importance in the studies of the tradition from the Bronze Age to Iron (Age)., an area where settlement began in the Iron Age and continued until the Bronze Age . Accordingly, in this study, questions were raised that can be evaluated in this way. The first question was asked about archaeological findings, cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe and how the cultural traditions of the Iron Age. The urban complex and evolution of later cultures with cultural establishment has been one of the actions of the neighboring horizon in the type of architecture and pottery, especially Gholi Darvish. The second question was asked about the interactions and influence of regional and supra-regional cultures of the common cultures of the Iron Age of Varamin plain due to Taghiabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture, which according to the surface findings of 27 sites recorded in studies, archaeological as well as various excavations in Sofalin Tepe, Chalnasian and other areas, this plain to some extent shows intra-regional activities with the center of Taghiabad Tepe, with cultural trans-regional affinity and convergence with adjacent areas in the southern and northern parts of the central plateau of Iran. Therefore, it can be considered that the Iron Age sites of Varamin-Pishva plain, especially Taghiabad Tepe, are the product of an advanced society with a cultural establishment of adjacent horizon actions in the type of “architecture” and “pottery”. Based on the types of pottery and the type of architecture the cultural sequence of Taghiabad Tepe can be introduced with 7 phases of establishment in two historical monuments. Finally, it can be said that based on the relative and comparative dating of Taghiabad Tepe, it can be dated to the late bronze period of the transition period and the Iron Age of one and two.
pe. 

Abstract
Cylinder seals usually were used on clay objects, especially tablets, as a symbol of individual’s identity and administrative centers of the ancient East. While, rare potteries sealed by cylinder seal are a new case for archaeologists. Based on the small number of sealed pottery fragments found, archaeologists are dealing with several main questions: Why cylinder seals used on pot-tery? What is the usage of sealed pottery? And whether it is possible to provide an exact chro-nology for these potteries? A sealed pottery fragment from the site of Qal’eh Asrār in South Khorāsān is an example which is also our subject matter in this present study. The area of Qal’eh Asrār is located 1800 meters southeast of Barandood village and 800 meters northwest of Zarbarandood village of Ghohestān section of Darmiān city. This area is currently located on top of a natural hill at a height of about 200 meters above ground level. Analysis of potteries found on the surface of site shows that the occupation of it belongs to Late Iron Age and Achaemenid period, although there are also small numbers of pottery belonging to the late Is-lamic centuries. In this paper we try to study a fragment of a sealed pottery found from surface of site. Firstly, we deal with the issue of sealed pottery with regard to the context and the prob-lems and challenges of its study, then we try to analyze sample pottery of the Qal’eh Asrār in terms of typology, style and its legend. This study shows that the sealed pottery of Qal’eh Asrār is locally produced and its legend is a local style with the common motifs of first half of the first millennium BC. As this site is probably a garrison, this container could be used for bearing commodities to the construction.
Keywords: Qal’eh Asrār, Sealed Pottery, Iron Age, Achaemenid period, Local Style.

Introduction
In ancient near East, the stamp and cylinder seals have been used on diverse clay objects such as bullae and tablets to sealed administrative documents, but use of seals on pottery is rare. Since 3rd millennium B.C Fragments of sealed pottery have been found in sites from north Iraq and Syria (Collon, 1987: 13; Oates, 2001), Levant (Amiet, 1975: 425-426), west and south western of Iran (Caldwell, 1976), Shahr-e Sukhta in south east of Iran (Baghestani, 1997: 34- 43; Hakemi & Sajjadi, 1989: 145) and central Asia (Sariandi, 1986; Heibert, 1994a). Several fragments back to the Iron Age I and II were found from Bahrain in Persian Gulf (Olijdam, 2008) and Central Plateau of Iran in Tepe Sialk (Malekshahmirzadi 1381: 25) and Gholi Dar-vish in Qom (Sarlak 1386: 193- 194). Most of these sealed potteries are small fragments that have been found mainly as single fragment on the surface of sites. A small number, such as the Gonur Depe fragment in Turkmenistan (Sariandi, 1986: fig.123) or the Tell Brak in Syria (Oates, 1985: 257), have been found from archaeological excavation. 
In archaeological survey of Qal’eh Asrār in South Khorasan, Iran, one fragment of sealed pot-tery with a cylinder seal impression was found in archaeological survey. There are several questions raised here. Is it possible to provide an accurate chronology for the sealed pottery of Qal’eh Asrār? Why the pottery sealed, specifically with cylinder seal? Are these sealed pottery have an administrative function and were used as a kind of administrative-economic object or tool? Or here seals just used as decoration? In this paper, which is a descriptive-comparative and analytical approach, firstly we examine the challenges related to chronology and recogniz-ing the function of sealed potteries in archaeological studies, then we focus on study Qal’eh Asrār fragment and its seal impression.

Chronology and Usage of Sealed Pottery
Archaeologists have two different approaches for chronology of sealed potteries. If these frag-ments are found from excavation, they propose site stratigraphy to date it. But, most of the sealed pottery has been found on surface of sites, so dating will be complicated. In fact, archae-ologists use two methods to date sealed potteries, such as Qal’eh Asrār case; they propose the chronology based on typology of pottery or the style and image of seal impression. 
Function of sealed pottery is under debate too; there is no consensus on why sealed potteries are made and how it has been used. In general, the proposed suggestions can be divided into three groups, although, there are many doubts about each of these three views. 
1- The image of seal on pottery was for decoration.
2- The seals are the sign or signature of the potters who identifies the ownership and identity of his handicrafts.
3- Sealed pottery has an administrative function and has been used for storing or moving com-modities.
The style and image of the cylinder seal impression of Qal’eh Asrār sealed pottery
The image of Qal’eh Asrār seal does not show a unified theme and its upper part is broken. In part of the image a human is standing, bending one hand from the elbow and holding a cane, his other hand is not clear, it had stretched body with broad shoulders and arms, the proportion be-tween the upper body and the legs is not observed and the upper body is taller than the legs. It seems he have a dagger in his waist. On both sides of the human image are two birds. On the left side is design of the quadruped (donkey?) and in front of it is a horse, both are upside down. Of course, the horse’s head is broken. Between the two images are a small bird at the top and probably a sitting human at the bottom. The style of Qal’eh Asrār seal is a local style which focusing on the outer lines, not paying attention to the details. 

Conclusion
Studies on sealed potteries in diverse sites, despite different time and cultural periods, shows the following common features can be observed:
1- All fragments of sealed pottery are locally produced.
2- The seals that are used on these potteries also have a local and indigenous style, and this in-dicates the locality of their production.
3- Sealed pottery fragments indicate they should mainly belong to medium and large jars.
 4- In most of fragments seal was mainly used at the area between the neck and body of the ware. 
Given the common features mentioned, it can be argued that these potteries had an administra-tive aspect. However, they used locally which both the pottery type and the seal originate from the local culture of the same region, and there are no examples that show their displacements or dispersion in a wider cultural context.
A comparative study of Qal’eh Asrār sealed pottery shows that this pottery is locally produced and cylinder seal used on it also has local style of the 1st millennium B.C. Due to pottery type and the presence of architectural remains, this area is suggested to be a garrison to protect the road in the late Iron Age - early Achaemenid period, and the style and image of the seal on the pottery also confirms the proposed chronology. 

Abstract
Among the collection of findings from the archeological excavations of the Iron Age cemetery of Lefour, in Savadkuh, there is an engraved a two-humped camel on a bronze belt buckle, skillfully made through molding method. According to the studies of physical anthropology, in terms of morphology of the skulls, it shows that the excavated dead bodies were different from the previous inhabitants, and the grave goods also indicate they were cattle breeders and nomads. The most prominent object found is a bronze belt buckle with the engraving of a western two-humped camel on it; this animal is definitely not native to the southern region of the Caspian Sea, and may belong to the plains of Central Asia; the southernmost habitat of this type of camel is in the north of Gorgan plain and in the south of Turkmenistan. In the Achaemenid period, two-humped camel is also shown with groups of gift givers who came from Central Asia and the east of the Caspian Sea. In the memorial stone carvings of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyrians, there are also people carrying two-humped camels, along with the inscriptions seem to be belonged to a far distant country in the east. The most important questions in this study are: Were the human remains found in this cemetery are native or migrated from other areas? Whether the obtained grave inputs were made on site or imported, and to what extent were they influenced by the artistic and industrial techniques from near or far areas? And is it possible to reconstruct the migration route of these groups in the fertile and foothill areas of Mazandaran by studying the findings of this research? In this article, in addition to comparing the form and nature of the bronze belt buckle with other findings of Lefour Cemetery, the authors analyze and interpret it regarding historical documents and sources to provide more accurate answer to the questions. The result of the research reveals that this object was produced in another place and entered the region through immigrants.
Keywords: Iron Age, Bronze Belt Buckle, Lefour Cemetery, Savadkuh.

Introduction
The study and interpretation of the cultural characteristics of past societies and the study of the evolution of cultures based on the cultural relics left by these societies constitute the main framework of archaeological studies, the most important evidence in this regard is material and tangible effects. It is complex and difficult to know more accurately the cultural relics of past societies by relying on purely material evidence. The deep connection of religious beliefs with social customs and economic activities is one of the characteristics of past cultures. Therefore, one of the most important sources for understanding the religions, culture and functions of its predecessors is the study of ancient formulations and cultural materials. In this method, researchers usually consider one or more formative features such as objects placed inside the grave, adaptation of the grave or the general plan and location of the cemetery, and then, based on that class or social status of the buried people, adapt to the form, and compare the nature of objects. Despite the importance of accurate and scientific analysis of objects and graves from the Iron Age to explain religious beliefs, no independent research has been done so far. 
Research Question: The most important question that arise as a result of the two chapters of excavation of Lefour Cemetery is that according to anthropological studies  and comparison of ancient date, the graves of the deceased were relatives who migrated to this place from other areas and due to the similarity of form and was the nature of the particular object in question imported? And to what extent has it been industrial practices from near and far?
Research Method: In archaeological research, in addition to printing and disseminating data from field activities of an area, it is possible to analyze and compare the form and nature of an object with the data of regional and supra-regional sites to analyze the origin of a culture. In this article, focusing on the role of the bipedal camel on the bronze belt discovered from data from the Iron Age, Lefour and the similarity of this or that with the role of the western camel of the Persepolis donors, as well as the memorial stone of Shalmanser III it reinforces the hypothesis that it was intended to be imported and that its origin was in east and north of the Gorgan and Turkmenistan plains. 

Belt buckle with the Motiv of Balkhi Camel
The most prominent object of this burial was a unique Bronze belt buckle with the image of a Balkhi bipedal camel, and it is made by casting and embossing method and is reminiscent of desert and arid regions of the east of the Caspian Sea and the steppes of Central Asia

Conclusion
The plain and mountainous regions of the south of the Caspian Sea due to their suitable biological and climatic conditions are very important in studying the settlements of the Bronze and Iron Ages, but unfortunately no independent and complete research has been done on the origin and end of this period. It is done on a case-by-case basis and separately from each other in terms of time and place. Leford Savadkuh Cemetery is no exception. Regarding Leford Cemetery, it should be noted that according to the knowledge of cemeteries and settlements in the center of Mazandaran, it is clear that the cemeteries of nomads in mountainous area, unlike the plains, are often small and limited, and each cemetery probably belonged to a specific group or tribe. The nomads, whose main occupation was herding, spent most of their time in the highlands, migrating animals from one place to another in search of pastures throughout the year and the works obtained also show that in this sense it is economics and small works have on animal husbandry.

Abstract
The Iron Age in the Middle Asia and an important part of it that called Khorasan is a Transitional period between prehistory and historical period. This period always has many ambiguities and questions; Especially in Khorasan, where the lack of archaeological studies is strongly felt. In this area, the Neyshabur Plain has a special position in terms of archeology and is undoubtedly influential in understanding the cultural components of the Iron Age in the region. In the current study, Milad Tape, which is located almost in the middle of Neyshabur Plain, was sampled as a systematic survey. The purpose of this work is to obtain information that can be used to advance the long-term goals of interpreting the Iron Age in Khorasan, especially Neyshabur. In this regard, the most important question is how Iron Age in the perspective of recent studies of Khorasan cultural field. In Milad Tape, whose surface is flat and smooth, sampling of cultural materials has been carried out in the framework of a systematic survey in order to study the Iron Age in a comparative approach with the typology and classification of pottery. Also, by using the settlement pattern of the area and other settlement components of Milad Tape, it is possible to fully examine and read part of the unknown structures of the Iron Age of the Neyshabur Plain and, accordingly, Khorasan. According to the research results, Milad Tape, which has a settlement sequence in the Iron Age, can be interpreted in the framework of the Early to Late Iron Age of the region. Pottery typology studies, also show similarity with the Central Asia Iron Age, which is known as Yaz I to III based on the material cultural of Yaz Depe area. In general, in the comparative approach, Milad Tape samples are closely related to Yaz pottery tradition.
Keywords: Iron Age Khorasan, Neyshabur Plain, Yaz, Milad Tape.

Introduction
Among the archaeology and cultural periods of Khorasan, there is a lack of studies in the second and first millennia BC.  Although the first study of this region that led to the recognition of the Iron Age, dates back to the 1980s (Riccardi, 1980). In recent decades, archaeologists have tried to make the knowledge of this period more complete (Vahdati, 2015, 2018; Basafa, 2021, 2020, 2015, 2016). The most important archaeological investigations consist of Atrak River project in North Khorasan (Dana, 2015 and 2019; Vahdati, 2016), Daregaz Plain (Basafa & Hedayati, 2020), Neyshabur Plain (Basafa, 2017), Roshtkhar Plain (Rezayi, et. al., 2018), Gonabad Plain (Basafa, 2021) and Birjand Plain (Dana, 2014).
From the mentioned researches, it can be understood that neighboring cultures are very important, such as the ancient Dahistan culture in the northeast of the Mazandaran Sea, which can also be seen in the plains of Gorgan and North Khorasan (Lecomte, 2005) and Yaz culture (Kohl, 1984: 193).
In completing the archeological information of Khorasan Iron Age, Neyshabur plain sites are very important because of the location of Neyshabur plain and its environmental potentials (Rezaei & Basafa, 2019). Milad Tape (Fig. 1) is located in this geographical environment, which belongs to the Iron Age. Milad Tape and other sites like Se Tape can show new evidence of local cultures and cultural interactions with Central Asia.
Materials and Methods: This research relies on the material cultures that collected from the systematic survey of site. It’s most important cultural materials are potsherds, were first studied in a statistical approach and then analyzed comparatively in comparison with neighboring cultures.

Data 
In the sampling conducted in Milad Tape, were obtained various stone tools such as blades and chips, metal melting slags, furnace welds and a significant number of potsherds. A total of 1586 pieces of potsherd have been sampled from the surface of the site, and among the three general categories of rim, body and floor, the most abundant pieces belong to the body. From the total samples that can be dated in Iron Age I, the rim has a frequency of 1%, the body 93% and the bottom 6%. In the Iron Age II and III, the rim and the bottom with an abundance of 3% and the body with 93% of the total have the most parts. Among the examples that can be dated in this site, where a comparative approach was used, three periods can be distinguished from the Early to the Late Iron Age. 

Discussion 
Looking at the most important cultural material of Milad Tape, we can say that its pottery components are closely related to Central Asia. In the Early Iron Age, in this site, an important phenomenon is low-quality handmade pottery, which is considered one of the main characteristics of Yaz I. In the middle and Late Iron Age, the previous statements also apply, and its morphology also shows that similarities in terms of construction and form can be seen in Milad Tape pottery in these periods as well. In this context, double-lobe pottery, which is defined as the most important characteristic of Yaz II and III cultures, was produced in a wide range with minor changes in the Neyshabur plain.
In completing the studies, environmental factors are very important, and based on this, Milad Tape is located in the range of 900 to 1200 meters above sea level in terms of height, and in terms of the settlement pattern, it is located in the lowlands of the Neyshabur plain (Fig. 7), which has suitable land for population development. The study of Milad Tape water resources, which undoubtedly played an important role in choosing the location of the sites, shows that there is a direct relationship between the water resources and the location of the site, so that its small distance from the water sources has caused it to grow well in terms of dimensions. Milad is located near Kale-Shure in the center of the plain (Fig. 8) where many waterways and streams flow into it, the most important of which flowed a short distance from the site. This satellite has been able to facilitate access to water resources for agriculture and livelihood. The study of land use (Fig. 9) also shows that Milad is in a good agricultural position and probably suitable water sources have caused agriculture to be carried out by hydroponics in this area. Based on this, the location of the settlement surrounded by suitable pastures has provided the conditions for animal husbandry and livestock breeding for the livelihood of the population of the area. Based on the mentioned materials and in the general view, Milad Tape has created suitable conditions and platform for the use of agriculture in the region. On the other hand, the existence of pastures has provided the grounds for subsistence economy based on animal husbandry. 

Conclusion 
Due to the strategic location of access to water resources and the use of fertile soil, Milad Tape is one of the important sites and settlements in this area, along with other sites, especially Set Tape. By analyzing the cultural materials, a settlement sequence from the Yaz I period and its continuation to Yaz II and III was observed, which shows that it was of special importance in the Neyshabur plain and was efficient in drawing chronological horizons and presenting cultural components along with other sites. The few analyzes of the settlement pattern of Milad Tape also show that suitable water sources were available and the agricultural land was ready. This location selection pattern is also observed in Central Asia. Based on biological patterns, fertile soil, and agricultural use in the effective use of land in the Milad Tape area, it shows that there was a permanent settlement with a livelihood based on agriculture in its settlement area, which may have been three hills. The influence of the cultural characteristics of Central Asia and Yaz culture in Milad Tape, according to the typology of pottery, shows the influence and cultural interactions. 

Acknowledgments
We would like to gratitude and appreciation to the respected of the cultural heritage department chief of Neyshabur city, Mr. M. E., Etemadi, for his support in the field activity.

Abstract
The concentration of activities and sites Iron Age excavations carried out in Iran in the quarter-northwest Iran. It covers the west, northwest, north of the center, and the west bank of the Caspian Sea. The important point is that the chronological basis of the Iron Age in Iran is also based on the excavation of several sites in a small part of the northwest and its extension to the whole of Iran. Thus we see the Iron Age archaeological activities at the eastern part of Iran and especially North East is very unknown. Iran has long been the entry point for people without a nomadic component steppes of northeastern North Asia region is the Iranian plateau. According to written sources the oldest nations that have entered the Iranian plateau, known as the Indo-Iranian or Aryan tribes from the steppes of northern Asia to the south and in the land of the Pamir Mountains to Anatolia widely dispersed. Many scholars consider the gradual movement of these tribes to be from the second millennium. A period that is almost synonymous with the Iron Age in the region. But our knowledge of the Iron Age northeastern Iran today virtually all North Khorasan Province and the northern part of Khorasan Razavi province involved is negligible. This paper is based on the latest research picture of the Iron Age northeastern part of the country, with emphasis on the upper basin Atrak be provided. According to the study and identification carried out in this basin, the Iron Age of the upper Atrak basin is part of the Yaz 1 culture.
Keywords: Northeastern Iran, Iron age, Upper Atrak basin, Yaz 1 Culture, Archaic Dehistan, Settlement Patterns.

Introduction
It has been less than a decade that steps have been taken to understand the Iron Age in Northeastern Iran through surface explorations and excavations. Based on this, it seems that some parts of northeastern Iran are in the cultural area of Archaic Dehistan and another part is in the cultural area of Yaz I (Basafa 2017, Dana & Hejebri Nobari 2019, 2021, Vahdati 2016, 2018). The upper Atrak basin is an almost rectangular valley with a length of 90 km and an average width of 20 km. This region is one of the most important regions of northeastern Iran in terms of population movement because it connects the north of Kopet-Dagh to the interior regions of Iran and the center of the Iranian Plateau (Fig.2). Northeastern Iran has long been the place of entry of nomads from the northern steppes to the inner regions of the Iranian plateau. Due to the geological feature, Kopet-Dagh act as a barrier between the Karakum desert in the north and the fertile areas in the south, which cannot be crossed except through a few natural passages. 
More than 500 sites were identified in the archaeological surveys of the upper Atrak basin, among which 23 sites were dated to the Iron Age (Fig.3).

Iron Age Sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
The 23 Early Iron Age sites identified in the upper Atrak basin are listed in Table 1. In the surface survey of these sites, the only available data was pottery. In all Iron Age sites of this basin, the dominant pottery is Yaz 1 hand-made pottery. These pottery are poorly made, rough and in the range of buff and bright red, and the motifs are usually drawn geometrically with ocher and jujube red colors, and most of them are mixed with grog. 9 of the identified sites can generally be attributed to the Iron Age, and traces of Yaz I painted pottery were not found in the surface surveys. The pottery of these 9 sites are similar in form to the pottery of the Archaic Dehistan culture, but unlike them, they are in the buff and red spectrum.

Location based on ٍlevation Factor
The Iron Age sites of the region are located at an altitude between 1007 and 1718 meters above sea level. The size of the smallest site is 0.01 and the largest is 10 hectares. Examining the Pearson correlation coefficient regarding the area of the enclosures with the height factor shows -/299 (Table 2), which indicates a negative but moderate correlation. This means that as the height above sea level increases, it is expected that the size of the enclosures will decrease due to the limitations of natural factors.

Water Resource Factor
The distance of the Iron Age sites in the region from permanent water sources, including rivers and other running water sources, ranges from 0 to 6395 meters, and their average distance is 1441 meters. Pearson correlation coefficient/313. (Table 2) states that this figure shows the relationship between the direct and average level of significance between the size of the sites of the region with the factor of distance from permanent water sources. 

Land Use Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the region with the soil type factor of the location of the sites shows -.054 (Table 2). This figure is weak and small. It is expected that there are large sites in the sedimentary plains and smaller sites on the edge of the plains and mountain slopes, and this is not the case in this area.

Slope Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the sizes of the sites of the region with the slope factor of the location of the areas is 0.72. (Table 2). The figure shows a very weak relationship between the size of the sites and the degree of slope of their location. 

Slope Direction Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the area with the slope direction factor of the location of the areas shows -240 (Table 2). This phenomenon shows that some of these sites have not been used for a long time or that the different slope directions were not so important for the residents of this site in different seasons.

Communication Routes Factor
The sites of the region are located at a distance between 0 and 15355 meters from the main communication routes today. The Pearson correlation coefficient shows -114 (Table 2), this figure shows a very weak and small and inverse relationship. In other words, as we move away from the main communication routes, we should expect the size of the enclosures to decrease and become smaller.

Distribution of Iron Age sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
In this research, in order to obtain the distribution pattern of settlements in the region and to better analyze and understand the distribution of archaeological sites in the region and to find a pattern that fits environmental variables, the statistical method of cluster analysis has been used. Based on statistical analysis and their clustering, three patterns were obtained (Table 3, Chart 1).
Settlement distribution pattern 1: Settlement distribution pattern 1 includes 6 enclosures (Chart 1, Table 3). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plain and the highlands, their small size, which is less than half a hectare, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as temporary and seasonal settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 2: There are 14 enclosures in this pattern (Chart 1). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plains and the highlands, their small size, which is less than two hectares, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as agricultural and livestock settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 3: There is only one site in this group, and the reason for their placement in a cluster or separate pattern is its very large area compared to other sites. The size of this site is 2.2 hectares. The characteristics of this site, especially being located at a high altitude and a long distance from water sources and communication routes, and other characteristics show that it is similar to model 1, and only because of the difference in the size of this site, it is placed in a separate group.

Conclusion
The largest sites in the upper Atrak basin (except the IUA03 site) are located almost in a vertical line and very close to each other, Tappe Yam with 10 hectares, Tappe Ja’far Abad with 2.8 hectares and Sofalgaran-e Zadak site with 3 hectares, for a total of about 16 hectares from the total 33 hectares, half of the size of the Iron Age sites cover this basin. Today, these sites are located around the city of Faruj and almost in the middle of the plain. This area can be considered as the crossroads center of important roads in the region.
The important point in the reconstruction of the roads is the mountainous conditions of the region, which does not allow passage anywhere. With these conditions, there is only one possible way in the south, and that is today’s Binalud-Shah Jahan road, which goes from Quchan to Sabzevar. Near this road, there is Tappe Golshan Abad, which is actually located in the entrance area of this mountain pass. 
However, it is a little difficult to determine the northern route to pass Kopet Dagh and go to its north due to the number of valleys and the connection of some valleys with each other. By carefully examining the existing routes in the area and their connection with the Iron Age sites, a route is suggested that includes the sites of Tappe Yam, Dalan Tappe Kukach, Dalan Tappe Bozorg and Unnamed Tappe of Milanlu.
The western road along Atrak River connects the upper basin to the middle Atrak basin.
The eastern road also continues to the Kashaf River basin and the Mashhad plain without any natural obstacles.
Today almost all researchers agree that the people had Yaz I culture, nomads. Since Yaz I remains in a wide area of Greater Khorasan and the southern parts of Transoxiana, the route of population migration will inevitably pass-through Greater Khorasan through the north-south routes that connect the steppe regions of North Asia to its inner regions in the Iranian plateau. In this view, the upper Atrak basin is located in the area of Yaz I pottery culture, and due to its strategic location, it plays a very important role in the arrival of people with Yaz I culture to the inner parts of the Iranian plateau.

Abstract
The northern plains of the Alvand mountain range in Hamedan are known as part of the Median land and the capital of this period. Research and study on Iron Age III settlements with the aim of identifying and drawing an accurate pattern of the sites of this period was one of the goals of the writers in this region, which was carried out in recent years. Qale-dagh Tepe is one of the areas that have been reviewed and studied in this research. Qale-dagh or Aghdash area is located at an altitude of 2009 meters above sea level in the foothills of Arjanī mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain. The height of the area is 41 meters above the level of surrounding rangelands. The site was first identified and registered in 1381 AH and in 1385 AH in the comprehensive plan of archaeological survey of Hamedan city was reviewed. Despite much destruction, the site has not yet been studied and archaeologically excavated. Qale-dagh is a single period from the Iron Age III. It consists of single and dense brick building that can be seen in parts of the main walls and its gates. There is evidence of filling in the gaps between the back and the outside of the walls at an unspecified time. The pottery obtained from the study is small and contains non-significant samples of this period. There are questions about the condition of the area and its function in the heights of the Hamedan plain that this study has addressed. The research method in this paper is based on archaeological studies and comparative studies. Preliminary results show that Qale-dagh area is located in specific geographical location, architectural style, pottery data and compared with other sites of Median period such as Nush-I-Jan Tepe, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan is a religious place overlooking the capital of Med (Hegmataneh).
Keywords: Hamedan, Qale-dagh Tepe, Iron Age III, Median Period.

Introduction
In a series of surveys conducted from 2017 to 2018 regarding the spatial association of Iron Age III settlements in the Hamedan plain (Almasi, 2020), which is mentioned in historical sources as the first seat and political and governing center of the Median period, the known relics from the past years to the present, particularly the new relics in the last decade, were studied, and a question was raised. The question was “What were the function and nature of a group of monuments with characteristics such as individuality, being located outside the scope of settlement, similar style and method in architecture, especially in components such as the type of bricks, and finally their intentional filling at some points in time?”
One of these newly discovered monuments is a brick fortress named Qale-dagh Tepe located in the northern highlands of the Hamedan plain. The site is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain with a height of 2130 meters above sea level. Aghdash Village is the closest modern village to it, which is located at a distance of 3.5 kilometers from it. The site does not have an access road from the village, so that one can only reach the site on foot by crossing some agricultural fields and barren lands.
The Qale-dagh site with coordinates Y:3869857.31-X:290962.58 is the only brick structure that is located on a natural bed among the hills of the Arjanī Mountain. The current size of the site is 1 hectare. However, the Qale-dagh site has suffered massive destruction over time, much of which is related to human destruction. The site was discovered in 2002 (Pazuki & Shadmhr, 2005) and surveyed in 2006 (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2006), and then the authors resurveyed it in 2017.

Data
The Qale-dagh site in appearance is divided into two sections: the northern section, which is a brick structure and remains up to a height of 3 meters, and the southern section, which is large and has a lower height (Map 3). The architecture of the northern section includes a thick wall with an approximate height of 3 meters and a diameter of 1.5 meters in the east-west direction. It appears that the wall has a buttress, since in the two sections of the wall, the remains of a brick pier with 1 meter in width and 2.5meter distance from each other can be observed. The distance between the two brick piers is filled with layers of pebbles and mud mortar (Image 2), Causing the wall to remain intact up to a height of 3 meters. On the northeastern side, several holes have been dug by unauthorized excavators, in one of which, the remains of more than 2 gates covered with a lancet arch can be observed from the outside (Image 4). From the inside of the gates, a corridor-like space with another lancet arch can be observed (Image 5). The width of the two gates is approximately 70 cm and lower than the height of 3 meters of the wall. The lancet covering of the arches is formed by laying bricks diagonally to each other. The materials used in the monument are bricks with dimensions of 42×23×11 cm and mud mortar with a thickness of 10 to 12 cm.
The pieces of pottery obtained from the surface survey include a bowl with an inverted rim, a simple bowl, a bowl handle, a base of a dish, and two pieces of a dish body (Image 7).

Analysis of Finding
In the survey of the architectural features and pottery pieces collected from the site, the history of settlement in the site appears to be related only to the Iron III period, as it was built on virgin soil. Such a procedure was used in some significant Median sites such as Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 236), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), Yalfan (Almasi et al., 2017: 70), Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 35) and Pishee (Almasi, 2020: 115).
In the northern wall, the remains of two brick piers are visible (Image 2), revealing the use of buttress in the construction of the main wall of the monument. The use of buttress, which is generally used on the outer front of the main walls of the monument, can also be observed in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011: 16), Godin (Young & Levine, 1974: 116-pl.37), Baba Jan (Goff, 1977: 104-Fig.1) and Ozbeki (Majidzadeh, 2009: 343).
The gate with a lancet arch created in the Qale-dagh site is also similar to the ones in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronakh & Ruf, 2011: 81), Godin (Gopnik, 2016: 293), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235) and Gunespan (Naseri et al., 2016: 131) (Table 1). The dimensions and sizes of the bricks used in the monument of the Qale-dagh site are similar to the dimensions of the bricks used in the monuments of sites of the same period (Table 2). Another characteristic of the site is the intentional filling of the monument (Images 2 and 3), so that this method of abandonment has been reported in the excavations of the sites of Nush-I-Jan (ibid: 163), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), and Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 106). 

Conclusion
Owing to the geographical feature of the site, which is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain and the connecting route of the Hamedan plain, it is possible to imagine a military use similar to the inter-road military forts. However, in the survey and comparison of the Urartian castles of the first millennium BC in the northwest, we observe considerable cultural data indicating long-term settlement in these places (Kleiss, 1980, Burney, 1966). On the contrary, such conditions are not observed in Qale-dagh. Hence, we can place emphasis on only the apparent characteristics of the site, such as the information obtained from the architecture and the results of comparing and matching it with the Median sites, particularly Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. From the excavations conducted in the three Median sites of Nush-I-Jan -Main Period, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan (Map 4), few findings of human activity (garbage production) were obtained, demonstrating a non-residential use in such places and their special use for the people. All the three sites were created on virgin soil, had intentionally filling, and were cleared before filling.
As no contemporary settlement was found near the site, a non-residential use can be considered for it. Furthermore, the height of the site above sea level and the steep slope of the site in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain indicate that it is not easily accessible.
The intentional filling of monuments, which is carried out with special care in layers, can also be used to protect the monuments. Ghirshman associates the fillings with the change of religious attitude in the later period (Ghirshman, 1976: 10-11).
As supported by extensive evidence, the Qale-dagh site is extremely similar to the sites of Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. 

Acknowledgments
The authors appreciate and thank the Hamedan Province Cultural Heritage Organization and Mr. Mohammad Shabani for making it possible to visit the site.

Abstract
So far, the settlements of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain have not been studied archaeologically, and on the other hand, the Iron Age of Plain Sarakhs represents the Yaz culture in the region and owes its name to the Yaz Hill area in southwestern Turkmenistan. Studies of the Iron Age culture of the Sarakhs Plain can reveal the basic information of this period and help to understand the general Iron Age of the Iranian plateau and the land of Turkmenistan. The purpose of this study, while identifying Iron Age settlements, is to analyze environmental factors to explain the patterns of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs plain. For this purpose, a field study was conducted in the plain and by studying the collected works and library studies. It was found that 16 sites have Iron Age artifacts. Some settlements are single-period and some have chronological sequences. The necessity of the present study is the unknown culture of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain. Therefore, the identified Iron Age settlements of Sarakhs plain were analyzed from the perspective of environmental factors and their role in explaining settlement patterns. The output of maps and data of Iron Age settlements in Sarakhs plain showed that among the environmental factors influencing the determination of settlement patterns, Distance and proximity in the range of 300 to 900 meters above sea level, Location of settlements along the rivers of Sarakhs plain (linear settlement pattern) and large urban or rural centers (Mir Ahmad and Bazangan) up to 65 hectares (central location), Communication routes (communication route of Greater Khorasan in the Iron Age), In the formation and distribution of settlements have been more influential than other environmental factors. One of the most important results of the present archaeological study, Identifying the Iron Age settlements represents the culture of Yazd Plain Sarakhs, which will be used to measure the distribution of Iron Age settlements in this area to draw a very accurate and comprehensive perspective for understanding the social life of the people of that period.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Iron Age, Yaz, Establishment Patterns.

Introduction
Sarakhs Plain as the research site has been a favorable habitat for the formation of various human communities due to its natural potential and optimal environmental conditions, including altitude, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions. The study of the collected works of the Iron Age in the Sarakhs plain through archaeological investigation shows that some cultural traditions of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz culture) of the Iron Age were prevalent in the Sarakhs plain, and this plain is probably the link between the southwest of Turkmenistan and the northeast of Iran and culture. Its pottery is noticeably and significantly influenced by the culture of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz area). At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The pottery of this period is generally simple and in red, pea and gray colors.

Materials and Methods
The current research is based on the purpose of fundamental research and based on the nature and method of descriptive and analytical research. The method and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the field survey, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the said sites and recorded in the database. In order to obtain scientific answers, the conventional methods of establishment patterns and GIS and Spss analyzes were used in this research, and after preparing the outputs and maps, two descriptive and inferential methods were used to analyze the questions.

Data
Our information about the land of Turkmenistan is based on the findings of Russian and Turkmen archaeologists’ excavations in the region and presenting their latest findings and reports, some of which have been translated and used, which can be used as library studies. he remembered at this stage, all written sources, images and maps were collected and analyzed. In the field investigation, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database.

Discussion
At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The iron settlement patterns of the Ferns Plain have been formed with the influence of these environmental and natural factors. With these interpretations and based on this, in the current research, the relationship of each establishment and establishment patterns with respect to major and main environmental variables have been analyzed and measured.

Conclusion
During one season of archeology field investigation in Sarakhs Plain and study of collected works and library studies, it was obtained that the extent and continuity of culture in the place, the proximity and location of the settlements along the Tajan, Harirood, Kashafrood, Shurluq and Chakoodar (linear settlement model) in all the geographical directions studied in Sarakhs Plain showed that This plain has a direct relationship with the facilities and environmental conditions, such as the quantity and quality of settlements, the frequency and increase of the Iron Age settlements of the Sarakhs Plain compared to the previous period in terms of population density and the gradual complexity of the relationships between settlements and the relationship with the environment and Direct exploitation of water resources for agriculture and animal husbandry has been on the rise and in the last period of the Iron Age It increased all of a sudden and it is through this plain that this culture spread to other areas of South Khorasan and the plateau of Iran. In order to analyze and explain the settlement patterns of the Iron Age of Sarakhs Plain, a test was conducted between various ecological variables with the distribution of settlements based on the Pearson correlation coefficient and the effect of the significant level. The result of this study was the identification of 16 settlements from the Iron Age, which can be considered and evaluated from the perspective of environmental factors and the size of the sites. In the analysis and explanation of the Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain, the height above the surface of open water, the distance from rivers and other water sources, and the distance from communication routes with Pearson’s correlation coefficient with a significant level, had the greatest impact, and the other variables each implied They have left a significant impact on the Iron Age settlements of the Ferns plain. The results of Pearson’s correlation coefficient indicate that the distribution of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain are regularized in relation to environmental and ecological capabilities and limitations, and these factors have played a significant role in the spatial distribution, determining the type of function and the importance of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain. This has had an undeniable effect on the distribution of the population, the type of livelihood, the settlement patterns and their bodies. The Iron Age settlements that can be seen in this plain are the result of the specific geographical conditions of the region.

Abstract
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.

Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.

Discussion 
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares. 

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.

Abstract
In the summer of 2018, the archaeological excavation of Taghiabad Tepe land 2 was carried out in Varamin city.  The areas are located in the north of Taghiabad village and in the south of Ajorbast village of Javadabad Varamin. The excavation findings include the Bronze Age and Iron Age cultural periods. Among the valuable findings of this site were animal remains, which are very important to understand the subsistence system of this site. The most important goal of this article is knowing the subsistence economic system among the society living in the Iron Age based on zooarchaeological studies in Tagh. The main question that is raised in this research is, how can the animal species be identified in this area and how can the bone remain of animals be used in the reconstruction of the livelihood of the studied period? On the bone findings of the Iron Age area of Taghiabad (1&2) the traces of burns and cuts can be seen on some bones, which may have been caused by butchering. The basis of this research is based on studies on animal finds that were obtained in the archaeological excavations of Taghiabad Tepe 1 and 2. The findings of the research show the use of sheep, goat, cattle, gazelle, deer, susscrofa, urial, canine and birds’ species in Taghiabad Tepe 2. The study showed that animal husbandry played an important role in the livelihood of the people of that area. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Subsistence Economy, Varamin Plain, Zooarchaeological.

Introduction
Depiction of subsistence, environmental and other living conditions of ancient societies is one of the most important approaches in archaeology and anthropology which is considered a multidisciplinary approach that requires archaeologists, biologists and ecologist cooperation.
By using zooarchaeology theories and based on analysis on animal remaining, archaeologists try to understand the different aspects animal’s livings and depict the interaction between the man and animal. 
Historically, zoologists only presented the recognizable species but recent studies on the remaining provide a more through insight. (Davis, 1987: 23) 
Identifying the species their prevalence and sex could be of immense value in the strategy of selecting the animal for herding and use of their flash. 
The main question in this study (Which is based on findings of Taghiabad site under supervision of Dr. Morteza Hessari in 2018 to identify the diet of residents in Taghiabad in Varamin Plain) is to scientifically identify the animal species and their role in meat provision. Moreover, if the residents were using domestic animals’ flesh or hunted animal and their ratio, if they were animal herders or farmers as well.
The most important goal of studying these remains is to reconstruct the animal-human behavior towards animals and his environment. 
Based on these introductions, identifying the species and being whether domestic or wild is one of the goals of this study.
With this approach the prevalence and ratio of species in an area is another goal.
The first review revealed the animal species which helped to identify the subsistence strategies such as animal herding and hunting were identified.
Understanding the human-environment relationship, ecologic, specifications of studied society and other conditions such as environmental changes could be achieved by bone analysis. (O’Conner, 2018). 
By studying the domestic animal bones, we could understand the herding methods and their goals of animal herding. 

Taghiabad Site
This site is located in agriculture zone of Adjorbast village in Pishva town of Varamin district. This site is named as Taghiabad1 and Taghiabad2.

Animal Findings
In this study the animal remaining which were recovered through the first season of excavation in 2018, have been analyzed, which dates back to Iron Age (1&2). First of all, the bones have been prepared by numbering and locus allocation. Then the species and the organs were recognized by using animal bones manual and bank of animal bones. 
Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 1
326 pieces of bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad1 related to Iron Age, 225 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 101 pieces related to Iron Age2 and 386 pieces belongs to Taghiabad2 (379 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 7 pieces from Iron Age2).
Species recognized in Taghiabad1 contains: sheep 114  pieces (71 pieces from Iron Age 1 and 43 pieces Iron Age2), goat 9 (6 Iron Age1 and 3 Iron Age2), gazelle 26 (19 pieces Iron Age1 and 7 Iron Age2), cattle 32 ( 19 pieces Iron Age1 and 13 Iron Age2), fox 1 piece related to Iron Age2, 8 pieces of canine from Iron Age1, small carnivorous 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equid 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equus 8 pieces (6 Iron Age1 and 2 pieces Iron Age2), sus scrofa 2pieces from Iron Age1, deer 1 piece from Iron Age1, 3 pieces of avian (1 from Iron Age1 and 2 Iron Age2), 1 piece of urial (Iron Age1) and 118 broken and non-recognizable pieces.

Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 2
63 pieces of sheep bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad2 related to Iron Age, 62 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 1 piece Iron Age2, goat 5 pieces (Iron Age1), gazelle 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), cattle 23 pieces (Iron Age1), canine 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), 1 piece of small carnivorous from Iron Age1, 2 pieces of equid from Iron Age1, 1 piece of equus from Iron Age2, 1 piece of equus asinus from Iron Age1, 11 pieces of sus scrofa from Iron Age1,  I piece of deer from Iron Age1, 1 piece of avian from Iron Age1 and 257 broken and non-recognizable.
34%were sheep and 2% goat bones in Taghiabad1, while in Taghiabad2 16% were sheep and 1% were goat bones. The found items were jaw, teeth, scapula, pelvis, ribs and vertebra bones. 
On some of the bones cut marks and burns were obvious. Cut marks are probably secondary to peeling and butchery process by a knife-like instrument. Abnormalities and bone reactions were seen on some items, most of them were adult to death.
Injuries which could be found on the bones are mostly manmade such as breaking the bones to have access to bone marrow, marks related to peeling process or cutting meat off the bones, burning marks secondary to cooking process and bite marks (Merritt, Sr 2016).
And the other injuries such as bite marks or signs of alimentation which caused by other animals.
17 pieces (11.8%) out of 144 goat and sheep bones and 3 (23%) out of 13 cattle bones were non adult I Iron Age1.
Most of the sheep and goats were adult at death which means they were exploited not only for primary product (meat) but also secondary products (milk, wool, breeding…). One of the advantages of goats is their reproductivity which makes their milk accessible. Cattles were being exploited not only for primary and secondary products but also for daily labor as transportation and plowing but duo to scarcity of their bones it could not be a precise finding.

Conclusion
By identifying the species from finding of Taghiabad, we could understand the strategies of subsistence such as herding and hunting and interactions among human- animals environment, which shows the important role of herding. The main sources of meat supply in Taghiabad site during Iron Age were sheep, goat and cattle (46.8%), sheep was the most found one then cattle and goat respectively. The reason for prevalence of cattle is its role in secondary products supply and its role in labor and transportation which is reflected in deformities on their bones. Equid, like cattle, were being used for labor and riding as well, most of them were adult at death which amplifies their role as secondary product supply source.
The most hunted animal were gazelles and sus scrofa (8.2% in Taghiabad1 and 5.59% in Taghiabad2). Comparison of findings from other sites of central Iran shows the equal importance of sheep and cattle herding among all of them in all Ages. Sheep was always more than goats. Study of the sus scrofa’s bones showed that except one sample, all the others were wild animals. Finally, we must emphasis that more precise results, require as more precise studies.