Abstract
Obviously Persepolis is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world. Numerous scholarly works have been published about this site since the last century. However, this article stresses on a specific and new topic concerning a tool on shoulders of an Indian among India’s delegation in Apadana Palace of Darius the Great. The portrait of the delegation has been pre-served in the eastern and (damaged) northern staircases. The author, unlike previous works, be-lieves that this tool reflects a bamboo-stick which is known in India.  Indians used accessible bamboo-sticks, as a native plant, to carry their loads. They put a bamboo-stick on the shoulders while tied two containers in its two sides. The bamboo-stick is also widely used in ritual cere-monies (Hinduism). Clearly, to transfer the holy water of Ganges River to Shiva temples, pil-grims use a bamboo-stick tied to two containers. The bamboo-stick has been a significant tool in Kanwar Cult or Kanwar-yatra in India. Furthermore, Krishna’s Flute is made of a bamboo wood! In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar, this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. Flexible bamboo-stick does not hurt the shoulders, it is easier to control with both hands and it is less likely to break. For this reason, these flexible sticks - un-like scales - do not need handles in the middle and fastenings at the two ends with their bas-kets! In fact, the Indian bamboo-stick carrier arrived at Darius the Great court with a pure Indi-an traditional manner. So, the author relying on the special standing of bamboo stick in Indian culture ranging from ritual ceremonies to the life style challenges previous scholarly works on this subject.
Keywords: CPersepolis, Apadana, India, Bamboo-Stick.

Introduction
Obviously, Persepolis is one of the most important archeological sites in the world. Many sci-entific works have been published about the site since one hundred years ago. Persepolis is lo-cated 60 km northeast of Shiraz in the Marvdasht plain. Around it, the glorious heritage of the Achaemenid to the Sasanian Empire can be seen on the mountains and valleys. The oldest de-scription of Persepolis, according to Diodorus Siculus (Herzfeld, 1941: 230), is based on ac-counts of Alexander’s appearance in the East. Nevertheless, Iranian geographers of the first Is-lamic centuries such as Mas’udi, Ibn Balkhi and Moqadasi ... have also pointed to this area in-tertwined with King Jamshid (cf. Akbarzadeh, 2014: 36). This magnificent national historical site was registered in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1979.
From the late Qajar period, western scholars began exploring and studying ancient sites and Persepolis was one of them. Shapur Shahbazi (2009: online) has referred to a list of these peo-ple. Among them, I should refer to the masters like Schmidt (1953, 1957, 1970; Herzfeld,1941; Stronack, 1961-1963; Behnam, 1939, Mostafavi, 1951, Shahbazi, 1976) and etc.

Topic of the Article
However, the subject of this article is a new research on the portrait of a tax-paying Indian del-egation on the eastern (also damaged northern) stairs of Darius the Great’s Apadana.
An Indian (of the delegation) is carrying something like a scale (according to previous work i.e Schmidt, 1953-1970; Root, 1979, Callieri, 2004: online; Briant is silent; Briant, 2002: 268). Meanwhile, the main question is that: Can this tool be a scale?
This tool, which is the main topic of this article, will be discussed according to a photo about the delegation (Persepolis). To challenge the previous works, I will refer to Indic texts where I will describe some old significant Indian rites.
In the photo, a long carrying stick all over the man’s shoulder (with protrusions on both sides), two cheek baskets that hang from the end of each piece of wood, without any fasteners is clear-ly visible. Moreover, the man’s hands are the most important factor in maintaining this flexible wood attached to heavy baskets on both sides. The powerful Achaemenid craftsman accurately displayed the flexibility of the wood.

Discussion
A look at the scale’s forms in the ancient world from the Hellenic borders to Egypt and Iran (Buttner & Renn, 2016: 757) as well as text studies (see next) clearly diminishes belief in that the Indian man is carrying a scale!
However, to answer the main question: I should note that this tool can never be a scale as all western and Iranian scholars have been convinced. I would explain it as a bamboo-stick, the fa-mous native plant of the country (India). This plant can be seen all over India, especially along rivers and valleys. The Indians have widely used (even today in villages) flexible bamboo wood to carry light cargo.
In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar (Balasokulam, 2005: no. E32), this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. “Once upon a time, when king Dashrath ruled, there lived a boy named Shravan Kumar. His parents were old and blind. He had to do all the works for them, since they couldn’t see. One day, Shravan Kumar’s parents expressed their de-sire to go on pilgrimage. As an obedient son, he wanted to fulfill their wish; but how would he do that? He couldn’t afford any transportation since he did not have money. He found another way. He took a strong bamboo-stick, tied baskets at its two ends and placed his parents in those baskets…” 
Furthermore, the bamboo-stick is mingled with the Hindu beliefs. Krishna normally appears with a flout which is made of bamboo! Sacred Ganga water carries by bamboo-stick (Kanwar) to Shiva Shrines.  In fact, Kanwar (Kanwar-yatra-) is a genre of religious performances where participants ritually carry water from a holy source in containers suspended on either side of the pole (cf. Singh: 2017, 46). 

Conclusion
The author believes that the portrait of that Indian tribute/gift bearer in Persepolis is only a re-flection of an Indian tradition in which Indians carried their goods in this way. It is strongly be-lieved that the two baskets at the two ends of the stick are the least reason why some scholars have confused it with the scales. In fact, this Indian man, according to his tradition, has brought a gift to the king! The multifunctional bamboo-stick of Persepolis (Skt. Vaina-, Hindi. Behngi and Kanwar (Bihar), probably Sogd. wn-, wn’kh (Apte, 2006: 27; Gharib, 2004: 408) were strongly supported by Indic texts and religious rites. In the story of Sravan Kumar, the loyal child took his parents to the pilgrimage by a bamboo-stick tied to two baskets! Also, Kanwar rite is one of the most important Hinduism beliefs where the bamboo-stick plays a significant role.
A part of religious aspect, flexible bamboo-stick was controllable by hands and it was accessi-ble and none-costly in all parts of the country.  Also, Indians were skilled to bring things by such bamboo-sticks. 
So, the craftsman recorded a detailed Indic tradition in the court of the Achaemenid king, Dari-us the Great, where this Indian man arrived with a bamboo-stick and nothing more. The author thinks that the bamboo-stick’s flexibility is a reason that some scholars mistakenly supposed some heavy things like gold stones (cf. Shahbazi, 2002, 268) can be referred in the boxes (of the baskets). 

Abstract
Sasanian Silver Bowl at the National Museum of Iran, known as the “dancer-musicians scene”, has been one of the museum’s most archaeological works for the past sixty years. According to Ali Sami, this bowl was purchased in 1334 (1955); it is attributed to the north of Iran (Kelardasht of Mazandaran). The palm-shaped head of this bowl shows four dancer-musician-singers with four different well-known musical instruments as well as a figure of a pheasant in the center. In all previous scholarly works, as well as in the many exhibitions in which this bowl has been displayed, this work has been referred to as the motif of the “female dancers-musicians”. However, doubtful interpretations of musical instruments of the motif can be found in the same scholarly works. Obviously Iranian scholars to the internally held exhibitions have followed previously mentioned works. The author will first challenge the “femininity” of these four dancer-musician-singers and will testify the view that three of them are only masculine. Secondly, I will present a new proposal to the readers with a different interpretation of these Iranian music instruments. Also, the author considers this bowl to probably be a heritage from the Persian Gulf (southern, not northern Iran). Furthermore, I will also focus on the identity of these dancer-musicians in such a musical group scene as “Indian gypsies” or at least inspired by such a musical style. The author will also refer to two other lesser-known similar bowls of the Museum. Meanwhile, the author will present a new perspective on the date of this silver object which is based on its motif details and two more Silver Works at the National Museum of Iran. In this comparative study, I will draw a line between the three motifs (of the bowls, especially two of them) based on the two seasons of “winter and spring (or summer)”!
Keywords: Sasanian Silver Bowl, National Museum of Iran, Musician-dancers Scene, Kelardasht, India Gypsy, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Much has been said and written about the Persian Gulf. Since more than 500 years ago until now, about cultural landscapes, art, music, clothing, food styles to different harbors and etc. through foreign travelogues and Iranian documents can be attributed to colorful valuable data on the Persian Gulf. Archaeology has also testified a large tangible data about Iranian identity over the Persian Gulf. Pre-historic objects to the valuable inscription of Darius the Great obtained from the Suez Canal to other archeological finds from Bushehr, Siraf, Kharg, Qeshm, Hormoz, etc., are proof of this claim. Zoroastrianism legacy in Saudi Arabia and especially Yemen to recent Sasanian coins from the United Arab Emirates, Sasanian fortresses in Oman (cf. Potts, 2012: online)... can be proof of our historical ownership of the Persian Gulf.
Nevertheless, the article stresses on a review of a Sasanian magnificent artistic relic in the National Museum of Iran. This masterpiece frequently has been referred for at least the lasxty years. This significant object has been displayed in most of exhibitions from the inside to the abroad. This Sasanian heritage has been published in most of the catalogs of the National Museum of Iran and international exhibitions. This very beautiful Sasanian work, “silver bowl” known as the “scene of dancer-musicians” with registry number 1332, weight 575.7, diameter 22.55 cm, and height 7 cm, obtained from Kelardasht (?), Mazandaran.

ConclusionUndoubtedly, the Sasanian silver bowl at the National Museum of Iran can be studied from a new perspective. This view can challenge all previous scholarly works from two different aspects.
First, the musical instruments portrayed on this work can testify to its interrelationship with the shores of the Persian Gulf. For example, Castanet or Sinj is a typical instrument. There is a golden shipwreck’s photo (with eight musicians-singers), has some similarities with the silver bowls of the National Museum of Iran, on the website of Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore.6 According to the website, the work has been discovered from a Persian Gulf bound ship drowned near Indonesia. However, the author has doubts about authenticity of this report! 
Although there are few written archaic texts but these instruments have been valid from generation to generation in Iran as endorsed by sources in Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, oral history as well as archeological documents until they have reached our time. 
Most Post-Sasanian sources have preserved valuable information about Arghanun, sorena, lute (barbat) and even chime.7 Although Zoroastrian texts do not help on such a topic but the story of Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak (Oryan, 2004: 58) mentioned some of the best musicians: “harp-players, lute-players, wan players,8 tambour players, and reed players.” 
Chime (cf. Ibn Sina)9 is one of the oldest musical instruments in southern Iran. The Haft-Joush (seven parts) chime was also one of the most common of these musical instruments; the Indian type of which (made of bronze) had a special reputation in Bushehr (Darvishi, 2004: 540,32). Type of the short handled and tied to the fingers have been (and still are) the most common chimes in southern Iran (for the same instrument, see: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 191).
Another important fact is that the production and control of the melody with these four instruments were very difficult for females (women); three of them (bowl) still considered male instruments. In Taq Bostan too, sorena and a kind of arghanun (or bagpipe, maybe nay-e anban) are played by men where females are depicted as tambourine and harp players (farmer, 1964: 96). Both of these latter instruments have always been depicted and described in this way (female).
So, the gender of the musicians will be the second key point of this object. It is as if the previous works did not pay attention to the connection between the “type of instrument and the type of gender” which, according to the tradition, they were at least skilled players. 
The story of “ Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak “ (Oryan, 2004: 96) describes “a sweet-singing-dancer and a beauty with big breasts, wasp waist, black and long hair ...”. Here are two questions:
1. Whether the female musician-dancer figures on the Sasanian silver legacy, with big breasts, slim waist and charming disheveled hair (National Museum of Iran, cf. fig. 6) cannot be a seal of endorsing the above-mentioned Pahlavi text? If that is the case, which I believe it is:
2. Isn’t this (description) contrary to the motif of the musicians of the silver bowl at the National Museum?
This issue of course according to the type of make-up and body shape confirms that three of them are males. Therefore, in the dance-music scene of other objects, the shawl on the breast (or part of it such as Bishapur mosaic), from behind (such as the silver decanter at the National Museum) or above the head like a sunshade (fig. 9) can be seen. Here, the shawl is skillfully placed on privy parts (low body) by the craftsman in order to have observed Iranian ethics (of course with partial rotation of the body). If in other objects, the shawl plays a role in covering the breasts of women, here it covers probably their low bodies.  This is not very compatible with Roman art!
In the Sasanian silver decanter at the National Museum, despite a kind of decorated forehead, the hair of the musician is hung from both sides towards the shoulders but here typical long-braided hair can remind us of Indian style which impacted the Persian Gulf coasts. However, no trace of the hair of the above mentioned musicians can be seen here, and they wear a head-gear (with two different logos on the forehead in pairs) that is fastened with a bandage under the throat (it is unlikely to be a hair strand). On this bowl, the whole body (with details) is portrayed in front and the head is turned to another side (profile), something that does not occur much with other works. The highly balanced and professional limbs of these dancer-musician-singers indicate their affiliation with a professional group. The beautiful and balanced body as well as the “hairless face” of these three male musicians plus one female, is thought to be one of the reasons for calling these four dancers females.
Furthermore, a theme rarely seen in Sasanian art is a “harmonious music group”  (male and female) scene. Even in the royal hunting scene of Taq Bostan, less resemblance (coordinated group) can be found to this bowl.  The musicians of Taq Bostan cannot be called a scene of a group performance.
Another similar silver bowl (fig. 10) with the same motif (four dancer-musicians from Kelardasht) at the National Museum of Iran published by S. Ayazi (2005: 92-93) already. These two bowls differentiate each other by some significant details which have never been studied. In the second bowl, the relatively “thick cover” of the musicians along with the figures of the “birds” is very significant. It seems, to me, that the first one reflects summer or spring season but the second one clearly recalls the winter season. Figures of different birds (which can be discovered in the spring season) is a part of the claim (the second one). There is also a third bowl with the same scene, in the National Museum, which I will write about in more detail in the future.
The author believes that the motifs of these three bowls are merely radiant of a “simple secular feast” (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 55; also: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 200). Obviously, the Sasanian heritages can never have been recorded without religious traces, which subconsciously ruled the artist’s mind. Hence, the meaningful name of the owner of the first bowl  (Farrokh-hormozd not windad-hormozd) to the design of the black “ten” leaves of the palm branch, the pearl ring around the pheasant in the middle of the object, the number of pearls of the pearl ring, two ribbons and also the three branches in the beak (Glory, triple social casts  or the doctrine of the Zoroastrianism) are part of this claim.
 Although the existence of motif of birds and animals in Sasanian art (rock, art, bullae, etc...) is a normal subject, but the figure of a pheasant (center of the bowl) can remind us of the “Khorasan Art School” that goes as far as China (Akbarzadeh, 2020: 267). 
The author believes that there is no connection between this scene and the one from Roman legacy of Dionysian or the goddess Anahita (Catalog of Wien, 2003: 233; Gunter and Jett, 1992: 27), as mentioned in all previous works. The following reasons can support me to challenge the previous works: “the typical oriental type of dance of these dancer-musicians, which is evident from their body shape, the pheasant figure most unrelated to the Zoroastrian goddess, the partial nudity dancers, which is not compatible with the officially known Sasanian art (but they are covered on the second bowl), their instruments, the absence of any bold religious symbols etc... supposedly for their body shape (type of dance), type of head-bands, shawl pattern, typical southern chime (with base, like pliers), dancer-musicians in group scene ...” Also, the author points the finger at India, not the Roman heritage for such a coordinated group performance that Sasanian art lacked (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 60). 
The Indians have always been known as female-males dancer-musicians in group form (unlike individual Sasanian dancer-singers). Also, the figure of the peacock (bowls 2-3) can support this claim. Moreover, the presence of Indian musicians-dancers in the Sasanian period is a well-known issue. It is obvious that Bahram V (Gur), after treating the mental condition of the Iranian society, ordered many musicians from India to come to Iran and play in public. These musicians are known as “gypsies” in the history of Iran.10 In fact, the author evaluates this group of naked (and partly-covered) dancer-musicians (with a completely different body shape) on these Sasanian bowls as Indian gypsies. Their half-nakedness cannot be an Iranian tradition in dance. In a work, about such instruments, attributed to Ibn Khordadbeh (Mallah, 1963: 28; Sami, 1970: 49) narrates that: “Iranians usually played the lute with the flute and the tambourine and the sorna with the dohol (drum) and mastaj (chime) and the senj.” 
The author also believes that due to the to the accuracy in construction and high technic of these valuable bowls and the processing of artistic symbols, especially such a dancer-musicians in group scene, its attribution to the eighth century AD., Post-Sasanian period (given the socio-political situation of Iran), is questionable. If this bowl(s) was made in the geographical boundary of Sasanian Fars province (including parts from Khuzestan to Fars and the whole of present-day Bushehr province) (which is strongly believed to be the case), the eighth century AD. was the most difficult period of this part of the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, the artistic details of these objects are never less, if not more beautiful than the objects of the sixth century AD. (cf. Lawergren, 2009: online). The skill in the inscribed needle-shaped of the owner’s religious name, the exact size of the body of the musicians, the branches of the grape, colored lace and other details indicate that the creation of this work can be even brighter than the eighth century AD. 
Despite this, a fundamental problem will remain and that is the type of cover of the dancers on these three bowls. This coverage can mean a “seasonal difference”, that is likely to be the case. Based on this one, we should focus on the eighth century AD. The author suggests that the second bowl (covered dancers) can be a reminder of Mihragan Festival at the beginning of winter and the first one (naked) can be reminiscent of Nowruz Festival (or a summer fest). This six-month gap (between two seasons) is the least reason why the two group of the two objects can be considered the same. If we cannot opine about the time of Mihragan Festival, but the time of Nowruz Fest was not fixed at the beginning of spring in the Sasanian calendar. This event is related to the early Islamic periods and this one does not contradict the eighth century. In short, that discovery of this bowl (for whatever reason) from northern Iran will never be an excuse to consider its origin as northern, and of course this is not surprising in archeology.

Abstract
Relations between the two civilizations of Iran and India have been reciprocated since ancient times. The sharing and exchange of cultural traditions between Iran and India culminates in the Gorkani era. The main area of objectivity of cultures should be searched in art and literature. This research, while examining the illustrated version of HamzaNameh, whose stories are illustrated from Hamza’s various encounters with Anoushirvan and the Sassanid court, which is at war with Hamza, and Ardeshir Babakan, who is rushing to Hamza’s aid, deals with the cultural influences of Iran/India due to the arrival of Iranian artists in the Indian Gurgaon period and the influences of Safavid painting features on this version. The problem raised in this study is: How can we read the effect of Safavid painting on Hamza Nameh’s paintings in India with a Semiosphere approach? The aim of this study was to investigate the impact of Safavid painting on the confrontation with Indian Gorkani painting. The descriptive-analytical research method is based on Lutman’s semiotic approach and using intercultural contrast (Iran/India) has pointed out the characteristics of  Hamzanameh and Iran’s influence on Indian painting. And the effects of the features of Safavid painting and the personality of Iranian Hamzeh are present in the depiction of Hamzehnameh.
Keywords: Safavid painting, Hamzanameh, Indian Gorkani painting, Semiosphere.

Introduction
Cultural relations resulting from political relations between the two countries led to the formation of a new type of artistic approaches split from both cultures in the form of a valuable work entitled Hamza Letter. In this paper, in order to address the problem and the cultural relationship between Iran/India, an attempt is made to analyze some of the paintings of Hamza Nameh in Gorkani India, regarding the features they have in common with Iranian painting from an Semiosphere perspective. There have been many researches about the influence of Iranian painting on India, most of the researches have been done away from the approaches of art criticism in general. This doubles the study of the effects of Iranian painting on Indian painting based on a new research approach based on Sepehr. The necessity of the present research lies in the fact that previous researches have mostly dealt with the pictorial themes of Indian and Iranian painting with a descriptive view, and none of the previous researches have researched the illustration of Khamsa in India influenced by Iranian painting.
Question of the research: 1. What has been the impact of Iranian painting on Indian painting from the Semiosphere perspective? 2. What elements of Iranian painting have been effective in illustrating Hamzanameh in the Gurkan period of India? The hypothesis of the research is based on the principle that it is possible to analyze and read the illustrated Hamzanameh paintings in the Gorkani period with the Semiosphere approach based on the influences of Iranian painting on India.
Research method: The present research was written using the descriptive-analytical method and using the “ Semiosphere “ approach, which is a subset of the “cultural semiotics of the Tartu school “, based on the opinions of Yuri Lutman. First, the relationship between Safavid and Gurkanian art is studied. Then the paintings of Hamzanameh in the Gorkan period of India are examined. Therefore, in addition to the components of Hamzanameh paintings and their background factors, their themes are analyzed, and by considering them as a text, the ways of its influence and influence are investigated outside and inside two cultures. In the following, those images that have taken and absorbed components from foreign culture i.e. Safavid Iran as another will be introduced and specified. Also, the coexistence of the components of the culture within the text, namely the Gurkans of India, which is considered as the cultural self of the components outside the text, which is Safavid Iran, another culture, which ultimately leads to the emergence of a new and eclectic culture and text, is also explained.

Identified Traces 
After examining and analyzing the paintings of Hamzanameh based on the Semiosphere approach, it can be said that Iranian immigrant artists, in the host land, try to establish a meaningful connection between their two Semiosphere and the other. Sepehr is a sign of Gorkani, which causes artists to inevitably make changes in their artistic foundations; In the new land, while trying to communicate with the signs of the host sphere, they do not have the ability and the possibility to completely reject and accept any of the elements in the influx of symbolic elements. But in the end, they still maintain their belonging to the culture and identity elements of their sphere, which interact with the identity and value-creating elements of the host, and by acquiring and absorbing elements from the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-creating elements. As the identity aspects of immigrant artists’ culture fade and by combining elements borrowed from the host’s symbolic sphere, the life of their culture continues in a new form in the Gorkanian symbolic sphere. Based on this, the findings after drawing the boundaries of the symbolic space of the Safavids/Gurkans, as well as reading the paintings of Hamzanameh, are presented with the approach obtained in the form of analyzing the paintings and classifying them in the mechanism of attraction and rejection. So, the examination and analysis of the paintings, the symbolic elements governing them, which express the mechanism of attraction and rejection in the paintings of Gurkani school of India, can be explained in the table below.

Conclusion 
The relationship between the painting of the Indian or Indo-Iranian Mughal school, which was the same period as the Safavid rule, and is influenced by its art. The results of the study of political and cultural relationships between the Safavids and the Gurkans show the influence of the painting of the Safavid period on the formation of the Indo-Iranian Gurkan school of painting in India. But in the end, they maintain their belonging to the Iranian culture and the identity elements of their Sepehr, they interact with the symbolic and identity elements of the host, and by absorbing the symbolic elements of the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-making symbols. As the identity aspects of Iranian immigrant artists’ culture fade and by incorporating elements from the host’s symbolic sphere that they have borrowed, they continue the life of their culture in a new form in the symbolic sphere of the Gurkanians of India. According to these interpretations, the influence of Safavid painting can be clearly seen in Hamzanameh paintings. The reason for the introduction of Iranian cultural signs in the painting works, which were transferred to the Indian cultural and painting sphere through the migration of artists, and continue to display the identity and symbolic functions of their previous components. The results of this are that the absorption of elements and the translation of signs in most of the paintings of Hamzanameh are taken from the main character of the Iranian Hamzah story, which has caused the mechanism of Iranian culture through the story and its absorption by Iranian artists in the cultural sphere of India.

Abstract
India, with its very cultural and religious diversity, underwent changes and transformations with the domination of the Mamluk government. The minaret as one of the elements of Islamic architecture, apart from playing the role of the minaret, was a symbol of Islamic rule. The minaret is a lasting symbol of the rich history of India, architectural skills and cultural exchange. The purpose of this research is the analysis of decorative elements and re-reading the inscriptions of “Minaret Qutub”, by answering these questions, what effect did the decorative elements of Islamic architecture have on this building? And what are the themes of the inscriptions? The research method of this research is based on library studies, study of first-hand sources, field studies and objective observations of the author and has been done by describing, analyzing and using historical sources. The results of this study show that the minaret is decorated under the influence of aesthetics and elements of Islamic architecture, and the decorative elements of the Qutub minaret are a combination of Islamic and Indian elements. Although the minaret follows the general form of Islamic minarets, it contains elements of Indian architecture such as precise and complex carvings, the use of sand, red stone and marble, the use of lotus flowers and bell-shaped decorations, various inscriptions, geometric and plant motifs that It reflects the combined nature of Indian and Islamic architecture, and the title “Indo-Islamic” architecture can be used for the art of the Mamluk period.
Keywords: Decorative Elements, Inscriptions, Islamic Architecture, Indian Architecture, Mamluk, Qutub Minaret.

Introduction
The Qutub in Delhi is a notable example of Islamic architecture, but it also incorporates elements of Indian design. The use of intricate stone carving techniques, geometric patterns, and calligraphic inscriptions is prominent in this period. This assimilation of diverse influences and the development of a unique artistic style continued to flourish in the following centuries.
In 588 AH, Mu’izzuddin Muhammad Ghori succeeded in capturing the city of Delhi and, while there was no heir to Muhammad Ghori, appointed Qutbuddin Aybak as the successor to the Ghorid government there. He established the Mamluk rule in Delhi and established the first Islamic state called the “Delhi Sultanate”. The Mamluk sultans, who were originally from Central Asia and Iran, brought with them a rich architectural tradition that combined elements of Iranian, Islamic and Indian styles. This fusion led to the development of unique architectural features such as the use of arches, domes, minarets and intricate decorative motifs.
The Qutub Minaret in Delhi is a notable example of Islamic architecture but also incorporates elements of Indian design. The use of intricate stone carving techniques, geometric patterns and calligraphic inscriptions were prominent during this period.
The purpose of this research is to analyze the decorative elements and reinterpret the inscriptions of the “Minaret of Qutub”, in order to answer the questions, what effects did the decorative elements of Islamic architectural art have on this building? And what topics do the themes of the inscriptions express? 
This research seeks to understand the themes of the inscriptions by rereading the inscriptions, the inscriptions of this building have been objectively observed and rewritten, while explaining the concepts of symbols and decorative elements, it aims to clarify the effects of Islamic art on the aforementioned building.
 
Discussion
The Qutub Minar is the tallest brick building in the world with a height of 72.5 meters and a diameter of about 14 at the base and about 3 meters at the highest balcony. The Qutub Minar has five floors and a spiral staircase with 379 steps. The entrance to the minaret is through a door facing north. Between each floor, a circular porch surrounds the building. This porch plays an effective role in maintaining and supporting the weight of the upper floors. Materials such as red and light brown sandstone and gray quartzite were used in the construction of this building, and its two rows are made of white marble.. Indo-Islamic structures often incorporate elements inspired by Hindu and Jain temple architecture. This approach results in a unique combination of forms, motifs and techniques.
Geometric shapes in Islamic architecture often represent the concept of unity, harmony, and precise mathematical proportions and symmetrical arrangements of patterns, the idea of balance and order in the universe, and reflect the belief in the harmonious interaction of various elements in creation.The repetition of geometric shapes with no discernible beginning or end was seen as indicative of the infinite and eternal nature of God.
The Qutub Minaret features intricate carvings, geometric patterns, and ornamental designs that are indicative of the art of its time. Its five floors are separated by carved balconies and fluted columns with Muqarnas decorations. The decorative elements used in Mamluk architecture reflect the sophisticated artistry, aesthetic appeal, and symbolic meanings associated with Islamic art and architecture. They represent a combination of mathematical precision, decorative beauty, and spiritual symbolism. The repetition of geometric shapes without a discernible beginning or end indicated the boundless and eternal nature of God.
Geometric shapes in Islamic architecture often represent the concept of unity, harmony, and precise mathematical proportions and symmetrical arrangements of patterns, the idea of balance and order in the universe, and reflect the belief in the harmonious interaction of various elements in creation.
The inscriptions on the minaret provide valuable historical information about its construction. On each floor, there are two relief inscriptions containing the names of rulers and sultans. The inscriptions on the Qutub Minaret include verses from the Holy Quran, the names and titles of rulers associated with the building, and historical information about its construction.
These inscriptions are skillfully and beautifully executed in calligraphy.
Various styles of Arabic calligraphy such as Kufic, Naskh and Thuluth can be seen on the minaret. 

Conclusion 
The influence of Islamic culture and civilization in the 6th century AH with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate had a profound impact on the Indian subcontinent. This state, which was the beginning of Muslim rule in India, served as a political and cultural center for the spread of Islamic civilization. The influence of Islamic culture and civilization in India can be seen in various fields, and Islamic architecture in India in particular flourished from the period of the Delhi Sultanates.The architectural elements, decorations, symbols and signs common to Islamic architecture were incorporated into almost all the buildings of the Delhi Sultanate period and later became a common practice in Indian architecture. Several architectural innovations were introduced during the Delhi Sultanate period. These innovations included the construction of minarets, the use of complex stone carving techniques, geometric designs and calligraphic inscriptions, which were prominent during this period.The inscriptions on the building, which are mainly in Arabic, contain verses from the Holy Quran as well as information about the construction of the building. The oldest inscription at the base of the Qutub Minar is attributed to Qutubuddin Aibak, the founder of the Delhi Sultanate. As you ascend the minaret, the text of the inscriptions reflects later additions and renovations made by the rulers of subsequent periods.The inscriptions also display linguistic diversity, with the diversity of Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Hindi languages reflecting the multicultural nature of the Delhi Sultanate. This building is also noteworthy in terms of calligraphy styles and technical techniques of carving and decorative elements and layout, while the symbols and motifs of each one convey a specific meaning to the viewer.Another prominent feature of Indian and Islamic architecture is the use of red sandstone and marble. The use of red sandstone along with decorative elements made of marble creates a significant contrast and adds to the attractiveness of the structures.
The creation and attractiveness of the structures has added to the charm.Indian decorative motifs are often inspired by nature and the local environment. By incorporating these motifs, Indo-Islamic architecture was able to adapt itself to the local context. During the period of the Delhi Sultans, the fusion of Islamic and Indian culture led to Indo-Islamic art, which was characterized by the fusion of Persian, Turkish and Arabic elements with indigenous Indian traditions, resulting in a unique architectural style. The intricate carvings on the minaret, including lotus flower motifs and bell-shaped motifs, indicate a cultural fusion that occurred during the Delhi Sultans and highlighted the inclusive nature of Islamic art.