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Hassan Karimian, Haamid Norasi, Farid Ahmadzadeh, Taher Abobakri,
year 5, Issue 15 (6-2021)
Abstract

Abstract
The historical site of Qalat Mutabad in Piranshahr is of paramount importance in numerous historical and cultural documents such as potteries and brick architectural remains, especially in terms of architectural maps and plans. The existence of a star-shaped plan in the design of the site’s outer fence illustrates the importance and pivotal role of this area in the Piranshahr plain. The site is located beside one of the branches of the Little Zab (or Lower Zab) River, which has been gradually destroyed due to the passage of time and the land-use change, “use as a military base in the contemporary period,” and currently the evidence of the architectural debris of the building at the site is evident. Examples of star-shaped plan design in different parts of Iran, as well as European fortresses, can be observed, and it is comparable to the plan of Qalat Mutabad in this respect. The main problem of this article is to evaluate the site relying on the available documents and evidence so that we study the importance of military forts in the Piranshahr plain while achieving a relative dating of the site. Accordingly, some questions about the architectural structure, especially its plan and the military and residential function of the site arise. According to written historical sources, the study of similar examples, as well as material artifacts at the site level, hypotheses concerning the attribution of the site to the period after Safavid, “Afshar or Qajar,” military function inspired by Western architectural elements, are presented. This study was conducted in a historical, descriptive-analytical method. In addition to studying historical sources and field documentation by the authors at the site, aerial images and data gained from these images were exploited. 
Keywords: Qalat Mut-Abad, Form and Function Based, Star-Shaped Plan, Piranshahr.

Introduction
Qalat Mutabad site with an area of 20 hectares is located in Piranshahr city, 15 kilometers away from Tamrchin border crossing in south of Little Zab River. The plan of the site is star-shaped, overlooking the border crossings. In terms of architectural plan and location, Qalat Mutabad is noticeable and worthy of study.
Significance and Objectives of the Research: Concerning the destruction of the site and the ever-rising expansion of degradation factors, while introducing and recognizing Qalat Mutabad due to the lack of historical and archaeological data of the Islamic periods in Piranshahr, this study can contribute to the completeness of the information.
Questions and Objectives of the Research: Qalat Mutabad belongs to which period? What are the factors affecting the construction and star-shaped design of the site? It seems that this site belongs to the late centuries of Islam. Due to its geographical location and exposure to natural and political boundaries, Qalat Mutabad was built as a fortress and military base to repel the attacks of the Ottoman state or local insurgency.
Methods: The research method in this article is historical, and content analysis is descriptive-analytical. Aerial images explore written historical evidence and archaeological findings.
Literature Review: The historical site of Qalat Mutabad was pointed out in the photo book of Ali Khan Vali (Ali khan vali, 1862-1900: 183). In archaeological investigations, the Qalat Mutabad site with a history of 2500 BC, registration No. 611, was recorded in 1966 (West Azarbaijan Cultural Heritage Archives: 2019). The survey carried out in 2002 reviewed the site of Qalat Mutabad, and the area with historical-Islamic antiquity was registered as the hill of Qala-e-Mut with registration No. 7526 (West Azarbaijan Cultural Heritage Archives: 2019). In the study of Ali Binandeh for the master’s thesis “Archaeological Study of the Little Zab River,” he attributes this site to the Bronze Age, historical and Islamic period (Binandeh, 2008: 73).

Qalat Mutabad
Qalat Mutabad faces multiple problems, including the use of the site as a military base until recent years, industrial workshops in the area and boundary of the site, destruction by agricultural land, construction of garden houses, and the activities of unauthorized diggers. Problems have caused the site to lose its architectural structure and identity. For a detailed study, by utilizing satellite images of the Corona satellite taken in 1969, the site and its architectural structure are initially studied. Using the pictures of Ali Khan Vali’s book, a more accurate study of the site and its architectural evidence will be then addressed.
Below is the recorded photo, taken by Ali Khan Vali in the Qajar period, in which the word Qala-e-Mutabad was exploited. In addition to demonstrating that the site is a fortress, this historical document proves that the name of Mutabad has not been newly known in this area and has historical and old roots (Ali Khan Vali, Ibid: 183). The term Qalat in the Kurdish language means fortress, and it seems that Mutabad has come from the two words Mut + Abad. According to the evidence, before Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1978, there was a village called Motabad, which was evacuated after using the site as a military base in 1978 (Binandeh, Ibid: 73).
In Corona satellite images, the site has two parts of the outer fence with a star-shaped plan and the area’s inner part as a hill with a natural bed. There is a hill with a natural bed in the interior of the site. In unauthorized excavation cuts performed in the site, the thickness of ancient layers up to 2 meters is visible. Based on the Corona satellite images, an almost square-shaped area with suspicious architectural features can be seen at the top of the site.

Conclusion
Due to enjoying environmental potentials and also being located in the border strip of Iran with Mesopotamia, the Piranshahr region has always been a buffer zone due to successive wars from the Safavid period onwards with the formation of Safavid and Ottoman rules. With the coming to power of the Safavids and due to various gaps, local powers such as the Bilbas Tribal Union, the local governments of Savojbolagh Mokri and Urmia in Iran, as well as the local government of Baban in the Ottoman-ruled areas of Sulaimaniyah in Iraq, have turned the Piranshahr area into a scene of regional battles for various political, religious, and ethnic reasons. Historical documents and texts provide concise and beneficial information about the political and military situation in the Piranshahr area. Regional conflicts and wars mainly exhibit the military importance of the region and efforts to rule in it. About the existence of pottery findings and architectural works in the site of Qalat Mutabad and the lack of accurate dating of these findings because of their simplicity and locality, achieving a final decision based on the findings of pottery is impossible. Due to the existence of Corona satellite images and the intactness of the star-shaped plan of the Qalat Mutabad site and the presence of a photo of the site from the Qajar period and naming the site as the fortress, as well as the soundness of parts of the wall, towers, and architectural works in the photo, we can argue that not much time has elapsed since the destruction of the fortress. Accordingly, with comparative studies, the state of the landscape of the site and also the existence of similar examples of military fortresses with regular and star-shaped plans in the post-Safavid period “Afsharieh or Qajarieh” which are made inspired by European elements, the site of Qalat Mutabad can be attributed to Afsharieh or Qajar era.

Jamal Karimnia, Manijeh Sadri, Simin Fasihi, Nozhat Ahmadi,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract

Abstract
Waqf is one of the oldest and most valuable human heritages that has been widely used among all ethnic groups, religions and civilized nations of the world and in different periods of Iranian history and has had lasting effects on societies. The issue of waqf and its formation and function have had a long history in the city of Ardabil. The city of Ardabil has had strategic and geopolitical value in terms of geographical location. During the Qajar period, although Ardabil did not have the prosperity and glory of the Safavid period, but people, especially Shiites, paid much attention to that city and until the end of the Qajar period, they went to visit the tomb of Sheikh Safi. The religious nature of Ardabil, especially as the origin of the head of the Safavid sect of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the location of his tomb, has had a great impact on the role and function of the waqf tradition in various religious, cultural, social and economic dimensions. The present study was done in a descriptive-analytical manner. To this end, libraries and archival documents and Waqfnameh were studied, reviewed and analyzed in the General Directorate of waqf and Charitable Affairs of Ardabil province. The present study seeks to answer the question: what socio-economic functions did the tradition and institution of waqf have in Ardabil during the Qajar period and what were the amount, types and uses of waqf in Ardabil? The analysis revealed how the socio-economic functions of waqf have been influenced by socio-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period. Due to the religious nature of Ardabil, religious waqfs are the most common items in Waqfnameh. In addition, waqfs have been given to those people who have actually needed them. Also, new intellectual movements and the familiarity of Ardabili waqf doers with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have had a significant impact on the types of waqfs.
Keywords: Institution of Waqf, Ardabil, Function, Qajar, Waqfnameh.

Introduction
The institution of endowment as an institution rooted in the history of Iran dates back to before Islam (Ahmadi, 43:1391). In the ancient period, Iranians paid attention to following their religion and doing good deeds and especially taking care of the poor in the society and to maintain the fire temple. have had offerings and endowments (Salimi Far 1370: 52). Waqf literally means imprisonment. Current charity is usually interpreted as endowment. Waqf is defined in Shari’i terms as confiscation of principle and surrender of benefit (Obeid Al-Kabisi, 1995: 64, Office of Scientific Cooperation and Elite Affairs.... 2015: 39, Qurashi, 1996: 236). What is meant by “confinement of the object” is actually separating the endowment from the property of the waqif and keeping the object from transfer, and the owner will no longer have any rights to that property (Saadat Mostafavi and Sedghi, 1393: 67). The economic definition of endowment can be considered as a change in the use of resources from individual exploitation to social benefit for the present and future generations (Mesbahi Moghadam et al., 2010: 99).
Awqaf played a very important role in the life of the cities and it spread so much that a special court was established for it, which is known as “Diwan of Ihbas” or “Diwan of Awqaf” (Abdul Sattar Osmani, 1376: 83). In the turbulent years between the extinction of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of the Qajar dynasty, many properties were either taken over by the government or turned into private properties (Lambton, 1363: 128-124). In the traditional Qajar system, most of the civil institutions, even if the people involved in the government were the founders, functioned in the form of endowment and relied on a stable endowment system.
Question and Hypothesis: Considering the importance of endowment documents and the lack of attention to them, the present research seeks to answer this question: What process did the tradition and institution of endowment in Ardabil go through after the establishment of the Qajar period and the religious, social and economic functions of this institution within the scope of What were the developments during the period under investigation and what was the impact of current intellectual currents on endowments?
It seems that the functions of the endowment were influenced by social-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period, especially the constitutionalism movement. With the spread of new knowledge and the intellectual transformation of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as the endowment of a bath, the endowment of land for the construction ، expenses for the needy patients, and the establishment of schools in a new style and... new dimensions and It is applicable.
Research Documents: In this article, 84 dedication letters have been studied and analyzed The endowment letters were obtained from the document center of the General Department of Endowments and Charitable Affairs in Ardabil province, exclusively in Ardabil city, and their file numbers will be mentioned in the references. In the following, the endowment letters will be discussed and analyzed based on issues such as religious, economic, social functions, the gender of the waqfs, trustees, and the social status of the waqfs.

Analysis of Endowment Documents based on the Gender of the Benefactors
Explaining the role and social status of Ardabil women in the endowments of the Qajar era because it refers to the explanation of the presence of women in various political and social arenas in the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, which is important. Among the studied waqf letters, there are 11 waqf letters related to the waqf by Ardabil women According to Table 4, from the beginning of the Qajar period to the 1960s, we can see the expansion of the presence of women donors among the studied samples. It seems that in the process of the constitutional process, Iranian women also try to achieve their natural and social rights and engage in a wise and wide-ranging struggle in many ways and emphasize the realization of their demands in the social, cultural and political fields (Afari, 1377: 5). The process of describing women in the studied area has a forward tone, in accordance with the general trend of the country, and it indicates that the tradition of women’s endowments is gaining ground under the influence of the prevailing political, cultural and religious currents. Perhaps another reason for favoring and paying attention to endowment among women is related to the new political, social and cultural reasoning of Iranian society in the era of constitutionalism against the tradition and modernity of government and society and citizenship rights, and it has brought individual freedom for women. (Ajdani, 1386:7). In the deed of endowment on May 2, 1346, (file number: 3), a woman gives half of her dowry to her husband and donates the other half to a mosque in Ardabil. Ardabili women have given endowments such as agricultural land, land, house, yard, shop, village and residential building in numerous letters of endowment. The place where these endowments are spent is for building, repairing and spending the mosque, giving prayers, charity, and the expenses of the imam of the congregation, etc. In the deed of endowment on 20 Jumadi al-Thani 1326 AH, Khursheed bequeaths the profits from her endowment from the village of khoshkehRood (with a compromise with her niece) in Ardabil to be spent on charity and charity of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shahada, peace be upon him (file number: 1/ x) The proceeds from the waqf nameh of Jumadi al-Thani 1334 AH, Maryam the daughter of Muhammad Qoli, who owns a shop, should be spent on Imam Hossein’s funeral (case number: 16). In her letter of endowment dated 25 Jumadi al-Awwal 1341 A.H., Ruqiyeh Khanum Dokhtar Marhamat has assigned the income from her shops and residential building to carry her husband’s and daughter’s body to the highest honors (file number: 5/R).

Conclusion
Waqf is good and a valuable heritage with various religious, social and economic aspects, and the remaining waqf nameh are like valuable documents in order to explain the process and social system of their time. The importance of examining the dedication letters of the city of Ardabil, on the one hand, in terms of the social situation (the nature of Ardabil’s relationship with the Caucasus and the role of its market in the commercial relations of the region in the last century) has strategic value and political geography, and on the other hand, in terms of the role of Azerbaijan in the current of thought. Constitutionalism is very important as the center of the most important developments of the Qajar era at the macro level, this article explains the impact of the intellectual currents of an era on the cultural and social manifestations crystallized in the documents, and at the micro level, the results of this research showed that the new intellectual currents and the familiarity of endowments Ardabili with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have an impact on the type of endowments. It has made significant contributions, among them the expansion of endowments among women, the construction of hospitals, baths, and schools are among the clear examples of this issue. In other words, at the threshold of the society’s familiarity with new knowledge and the intellectual developments of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as: endowment of the bath, endowment of land for the construction of the bath, expenses for the needy patients and the establishment of schools to New style, etc finds a new and practical dimension the impact of new ideas and new health teachings on endowment can be seen by comparing these two timelines In the waqf nameh of 3 Muharram 1286 AH, the type of reception in the ritual ceremony on Thursdays is specified as tea, coffee and hookah (file number: 10/). In case, in the deed of endowment on 8 Dhul-Qaida 1332 lunar year, the donor has bequeathed all the objects and tools, except for the Sarqalians, to be used in ta’ziyeh and benevolence of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shoheda (case number: 5/k). In fact, it can be seen that in the Qajar period, due to the increasing influence of religious beliefs and beliefs in the society, the neediness and poverty of the people of Ardabil due to the occurrence of natural and social events and crises, as well as the new intellectual currents of various people from guilds, owners and From businessmen to ordinary people, social endowments have been placed alongside religious endowments as a priority. Throughout history, religious figures have taken the majority of donors and endowment affairs and had a special place in this matter, but after the beginning of the constitution and the beginning of the new century, family responsibilities and especially trust in the classes and personalities Social has prospered more than before Examining the social status of the donors shows that merchants and tradesmen account for the most frequency. In general, it should be acknowledged that somehow all benefactors were part of the business and market class it is interesting to pay attention to the expansion of the culture of endowment by Ardabil women after the intellectual currents after the constitutionalism, which seems that in the process of the constitutional current, women appear more and more in social arenas to achieve their natural and social in terms of the social status of the benefactors, who were generally from the merchant class, the endowment of commercial buildings is the second most abundant after real estate and farms. It should also be added that in addition to these mentioned cases, endowment in the field of health, treatment, drinking water, as well as in the field of education in the process of time and in terms of social issues, gradually occupies a larger part of endowments.

Behrouz Afkhami, Saeid Sattarnezhad,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract

Abstract
Due to the climatic conditions and cutable stones, the cultural landscape of Sablan Mountain is one of the main foci of the formation of Troglodytic Architecture spaces in the northwest region of Iran. In this region, various Troglodytic Architecture spaces have been carved in different cultural periods, one of the most well-known of which is the Troglodytic Architecture collection of Abazar Nair. This collection, in the previous studies of some researchers, generally belongs to the Parthian era with the use of “mehrabah”; or the Islamic era with the use of “Buddhist temples-tombs”. However, the cultural data in this collection rejects the Mehri and Buddhist monastery hypothesis with sufficient and archaeological evidence. This research is fundamental in terms of qualitative objective and it was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, comparative studies and data collection with the help of field studies and documents-library resources and seeks to answer the following two basic questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface data. Mande, the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar space belongs to which cultural period(s)? 2- What were the functions of Troglodytic Architecture spaces (number 7) of Abazar Nair collection? The results show that the Troglodytic Architecture space in question, like other spaces in this area, had a livelihood function in the Islamic era. Other results of the research determined that the set of enclosed spaces of Abazar is generally influenced by the climatic conditions of the region and is comparable to other cut rock villages in the Sablan and Sahand mountains. The recent archaeological activity of this collection can be useful and open the way in understanding the functional nature and chronology of other cut rock spaces on the slopes of Sablan Mountain.
Keywords: Sablan Mountain, Troglodytic Architecture, Abazar Nir, chronology, Function.

Introduction
Abazar area of Nair city is the first Troglodytic Architecture area in Ardabil province that has been noticed by researchers. However, the remaining cultural materials in this area have received less attention from researchers and the most focus has been on the rocky texture of the spaces (Mohammadi-Far and Hemti-Azandariani, 2015; Azad, 2015 and 2016). This factor has caused the chronology and function of this area not to be determined precisely, and one of the empty spaces of this complex (space no. 7), regardless of the architectural elements and cultural materials left in it, is known as Mehri temple belonging to the Parthian era (Shekari). niri, 2019) and Mughal-Temple (Moradi & Omrani, 2020) of the Islamic era. This is while the main differences between the usage and chronology presented for this collection in general and the space of Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 in particular are seen, on the basis of the need to review the chronology and usage presented for this Troglodytic Architecture collection. There is especially space number 7). By examining the surface of the site and studying its cultural findings, while reviewing its chronology and function, referring to the data of the site, the authors are looking for answers to the following questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface findings, what cultural period(s) does the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar spaces belong to? 2- Handy spaces (number 7). What functions did the Abazar collection have? Carrying out this research will be an important step in the architectural studies of Troglodytic Architecture in the Sablan Mountain range, so that in future studies, along with the careful examination of the sites and the study of the remaining cultural materials, the chronology and explanation of the function of the Troglodytic Architecture spaces of this area can be achieved.

Discussion
Based on the study of the authors, it was found that the Abazar area consisted of several subsurface manmade spaces (10 units) and surface manmade spaces. These spaces were closely related to each other and all of them formed the fabric of Abazar village. Over time, the man-made spaces on the surface were completely destroyed, and today the remains of the foundations and debris of these structures remain on the surface of the area. The texture of the villages in the mountainous areas of North-West Iran has a similar architectural structure. So that in the analysis of this area, what was obtained is that Abazar area in terms of location pattern (access to water sources, location on the mountainside, proximity to pastures), structure and architectural elements and plan of spaces are similar to many others. It is one of the villages on the slopes of Sablan and Sahand mountains.  These villages were formed in a hand-made way near the water sources and the slopes of the hills. Due to the cold seasons of the year, one of the common patterns in the villages of the Sardsir districts of Azerbaijan region is to have small underground spaces where the families lived next to their cattle during certain days of the year. Such a pattern of settlement has been in place until recent years in the village of Kandavan (Razani et al., 2015), Khatb Maragheh (Starnjad et al., 2016), Ganzeq Sarein (Khanali, 2017), Yai Shahri of Maragheh, Sur Bonab. In these villages, the living spaces are located under the surface man-made spaces. Due to their living use, the subsurface spaces generally lacked complex and special architectural and artistic elements common in ritual-memorial spaces (elements such as inscriptions, altars, artistic motifs). And it only has a long manger, niche and spaces for providing light. Such elements can also be seen in the spaces of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar, therefore Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 cannot be considered separate from other spaces from the point of view of architecture and even the nature of the function. The generality of this space is exactly the same as the other spaces of this collection.

Conclusion
What was discussed in the text of the article, the environment of Abazar, like the fabric of the villages in the mountainous regions of Azerbaijan, Iran, consists of hand-made spaces. Handicapped spaces are carved under the man-made spaces, and in terms of architectural structure, plan and practical elements, many similarities between these villages can be observed. The accuracy of the cultural materials and architectural elements remaining in the hand-built spaces of this collection showed that the spaces have many relative similarities to each other and have followed a single pattern. Based on this, a touch space (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space that is excluded from other spaces. All the architectural elements such as the manger, niche, skylight, porch and the way to access the spaces show that these spaces in general and the architectural space number 7 in particular are designed and carved according to human living, based on that. Due to the lack of decorative and practical elements specific to ritual-memorial spaces (such as inscriptions, artistic motifs, columns, luxurious carving style of spaces, etc.), this complex (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space related to He considered the shrine (mehrabah). On the other hand, the nature of the prayer spaces and Buddhist tombs was also very different from this complex, therefore this complex does not have the characteristics of Mehri and Buddhist temples. The chronology of the site was based on the cultural findings left on the surface of the site. Based on these data, evidences from the historical period (especially Parthian) were not identified. These data show the most important settlement period of the site, which coincides with the Middle Ages of Islam. During this period, a cemetery with prominent tombstones was formed in the vicinity of the village. In general, the comparative study of the texture of this complex with the similar areas of Sablan and Sahand mountain slopes shows many similarities between them. Due to the cold climate of the region and to protect their lives and property, the villages of these areas used to create residential spaces in two ways: hand-made - hand-made. 

Acknowlegment
All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.
 

Parisa Hashempour, Zahra Shahihagh, Farzaneh Salahimehr,
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
Abstract

Abstract
The architecture of mosques has undergone various changes in different periods and each historical period has shown its own characteristics. The Khwarazmshahi period is a historical period in which architectural history researchers, due to the shortness of this period and the Mongol invasion, sometimes include the buildings left over from this period as Seljuk or Ilkhanid works. By examining the examples of the two periods, it can be seen that although the architecture of the Khwarazmshahi period was formed in continuation of the Seljuk architecture, it did not follow it completely. The purpose of the research is to investigate features of Zavareh and Gonabad mosques as prominent buildings of the Seljuks and the Khwarazmshahi to pay at the architectural similarities of the two mosques in two successive periods and the architectural differences of the two mosques in two different climates. Zavareh mosque is located in Isfahan, the capital of Seljuk period, and Gonabad mosque is located in Khorasan region, like other mosques of Khwarazmshahi period. By studying the library sources, the theoretical foundations were obtained and the spatial and functional structure of the two mosques were analyzed using the analytical-descriptive strategy along with the comparative comparison method. The differences between the two mosques were analyzed by reference to library sources. According to the findings of the research, the architecture of the two mosques has common features such as the importance of the south front and its porches, the transmitter role of the yard from binding to receiving and the use of brick, which was followed in the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods. But these two mosques have differences in the number of porches, the placement of the entrance and the nave, and the presence or absence of the dome and minaret. In fact, the architecture of Gonabad Mosque has similarities with Zavareh Mosque in terms of space and function, but it has its own characteristics in the organization of the space and it has used the two-porch style without a dome, which is common in most mosques in Khorasan, While the Zavareh mosque has a unique grandeur with the use of a dome and vertical elements. 
Keywords: Zavareh Mosque, Gonabad Mosque, Spatial and Functional Structure, Comparative Comparison.

Introduction
The architecture of mosques has a special place in Islamic art and is a clear manifestation of art in a holy and blessed space and has long been the bed of historical, social, political, social and cultural events (Bemanian et al., 2010: 38). Examining the architectural art of different eras begins with the architecture of mosques, because the mosque, which was the first base and center of gathering of Muslims, in all eras and Islamic lands, its building is very important (Hatam, 2000).
The Seljuk period and the Khwarazmshahi period are considered as two consecutive historical periods in the current research, and the two mosques of Zavareh and Gonabad are representative examples of these two periods, which express their architectural characteristics. The mosques of each historical period are influenced by the features of their previous period, and it is expected that Gonabad Jame Mosque (Khwarazmshahi period) has been influenced by the architectural features of Zavareh Jame Mosque (Seljuk period). The reason for choosing these two examples is that these two mosques as a complete example express the characteristics of their periods and have more complete information than other works of these periods. For this reason, one of the samples was selected in Isfahan and the other in Khorasan, where the Khwarazmshahs ruled the Khwarazm region and the eastern provinces, and most of the known works of this period have the Khwarazmshahi (Khorasani) style. Therefore, it is expected that the difference in the region and climate, along with other factors, will cause differences in the spatial and functional structure of the two mosques. Based on this, the first question of the research is that Gonabad Jame Mosque as an indicator example of Khwarazmshahi period has been influenced to what extent by the spatial and functional features of Zavareh Mosque as an indicator example of its previous period? The second question of the research is, what factors have influenced the difference in the spatial and functional structure of the two mosques in addition to the regional characteristics?
In this research, with the aim of examining the architectural similarities and differences of the two mosques, it has been first pointed out to know the architectural structure of the mosques of the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods; Then, by looking at the spatial and functional features of the two mosques of Zavareh and Gonabad in three scales, macro, medium and micro, their comparative comparison and analysis of existing differences has been done.

Discussion
Order to explain the similarities and differences between the two mosques and to analyze the existing differences, the spatial and functional structure of the two mosques in Zavareh and Gonabad were investigated in three scales: macro, medium and micro. In the macro scale (city), the location of the mosque is defined by factors such as physical connection and continuity, spatial features and functional scale (local or city)، (Soltani Fard & Seyed Moradi, 2016: 108-109). Therefore, the relationship between comprehensive mosques and urban structure was analyzed as a macro scale in this research. As a physical element, the mosque is made up of defined elements such as the entrance, mezzanine, porch, Shabestan, dome, minaret, altar, etc. (Zahabi, 2018: 3-4). In this research, these elements are referred to as medium scale. These elements are mutually related and form the functional-spatial feature of the mosque complex (Soltanifard and Seyed Moradi, 2015: 108-109). According to the constituent elements of the mosques, variables are defined for the analysis of the two mosques at the medium level, which are based on the analysis of the physical pattern, spatial diagram, spatial diversity and spatial-movement hierarchy, as well as the examination of each of the constituent elements and spaces of the mosques (entrance, courtyard and pool), porches, Shabestan and dome). Considering the importance of decorations in Islamic architecture, variables such as decorations and materials used in the building were used as a micro scale.
After the initial description the mosques, based on its spatial and functional structure, a comparative comparison of the data obtained in three Scale has been carried out. The findings of the research show that the architecture of the two mosques of Zavareh and Gonabad have similarities with each other, which is due to the consecutive period of their construction; including the connection with the city, the number of entrances, the equal ratio of open and semi-open spaces, having a central courtyard and organizing the surrounding spaces for transfer and arrival to the final destination, the importance of the south front and its porches, observing the spatial and movement hierarchies, the number of Shabestan, the use of bricks, natural and geometric motifs. But, the regional diversity and the Physical pattern affected by it have caused differences in the two mosques; including the difference in the number of porches, the difference in the shape and size of the courtyard, the difference in the dominance of the central geometry, the difference in the height of the porches, the difference in the opening and depth of the south porch, the difference in the allocation of the space of the Shabestan and its placement, the difference in the hierarchy of movement towards Shabestan, the difference in the presence and absence of the dome and minaret, and the difference in the location of the altar. In addition to regional diversity, other factors affect the differences between the two mosques; among these differences, we can mention the difference in location in the city, the placement of the entrance spaces, the strength of the building and the type of decorations.
 
Conclusion
The results of the comparative comparison of the two mosques of Zavareh and Gonabad in three scales, micro, medium and macro, show that the major difference between the two mosques occurs in the middle scale of the spatial-functional structure of the mosques. In fact, all the differences mentioned in the medium scale, except for the placement of inputs, are caused by climatic, regional factors and the physical pattern affected by it. The differences mentioned in the macro and micro scale, as well as the difference in the placement of inputs in the medium scale caused by other factors, are mentioned. 
In general, Gonabad Mosque has similarities with Zavareh Mosque in its spatial and functional structure, but the organization of its spaces has unique features; So that it has used the style of two porches and without a dome, which was common in many mosques in the Khorasan region. In return, Zavareh Mosque, like many mosques of the Seljuk period, by using the dome and vertical elements and in the four-porch style, unparalleled grandeur has been found.

Ahad Variji, Hamid Khanali, Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract

Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.

Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.

Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.

Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.


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