Abstract
The special conditions of the Qajar period have made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian rugs took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop, and complete the assets of their rug collections in the best way. Familiarity with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and knowledge of European strategy regarding the acquisition of Iranian carpets in this period are among the important and contemporary issues and concerns of carpet studies and of course museum studies and can complete our knowledge in this field. Accordingly, this article intends to follow the most important methods and strategies of Europeans in acquiring and owning Iranian rugs to identify and introduce the factors affecting their access to these rugs and their storage. In fact, in this research, we want to know what factors were involved in the formation of the process of collecting Qajar rugs by Europeans. For this purpose and to find the answer to this question, in this article, we have used the descriptive-analytical research method. We also collected our data in a library method and used a qualitative method to analyze them. Findings and results of this study indicate that the tradition of offering rugs to ambassadors and European courts on the one hand and the rugs export industry of this period have been the most important traditional factors in collecting valuable Iranian rugs by Europeans. Also, due to the cultural changes and modernization of the Qajar kings, especially Nasser al-Din Shah, and the welcome to participate in the famous international exhibitions of the nineteenth century is also one of the newest methods and facilities of European carpet collecting in this period. 
Keywords: Persian carpets, Qajar period, Carpet Collection, European collections.

Introduction
The special conditions of the Qajar period had made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian carpets took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop and complete the assets of their carpet collections. Today, one of the topics of concern and contemporary concerns in carpet studies is getting acquainted with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and becoming aware of the facilities and methods used by Europeans about Iranian carpets on the other hand. Just as the quantity and quality of the presence of Iranian carpets in European collections and museums is important, so are the factors influencing the transfer of these carpets and the manner in which they were taken over by the Europeans.
Therefore, this article intends to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian carpets in the Qajar period to identify and introduce the effective factors in their acquisition and storage of these carpets. In order to achieve this goal, in order to explain this issue in principle, the contents of this article were organized under two general sections. At the beginning and in the first part of the article, the role of the court tradition of donating carpets to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in examining Iranian carpets to European collections, was examined. On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, the contribution of the carpet export industry to the prosperity of European collections was studied and analyzed. Here, the role of Iranian merchants in transporting carpets to Europe was mainly discussed. In the second part of the article, the effect of international exhibitions on increasing popularity and subsequently expanding the desire of Europeans to own Iranian carpets was discussed. International exhibitions are considered a relatively new phenomenon that the holding of these events facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian carpet collections in Europe even more than the previous factor.
This article has been written using descriptive-analytical research method and has collected its data by library method. The statistical population is based on books, articles, catalogs and some related documents that have been analyzed qualitatively.

Discussion
This article tried to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian rugs in the Qajar period, to identify and introduce the factors influencing their access to and storage of these rugs. To achieve this goal, and to explain the principles of this issue, we have organized the contents of this article under two general sections. First, and in the first part of the article, we examined the role of the court tradition of donating rugs to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in finding Iranian rugs to European collections. 
On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, we have studied and analyzed the contribution of the rug export industry to the prosperity of European collections. Here we have mainly dealt with the role of Iranian traders in transporting rugs to Europe. In the second part of the article, we have discussed the effect that international exhibitions have had on increasing popularity and, consequently, expanding Europeans’ desire to own Iranian carpets. International exhibitions are a relatively new phenomenon and are specific to the Qajar period. Holding these events has facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian rug collections in Europe even more than the previous factor. 

Conclusion
Numerous factors have paved the way for Europeans to embroider carpets during the Qajar period and their access to exquisite Iranian carpets. Items such as the tradition of offering carpets to European ambassadors and courts on the one hand, and the export of carpets by Iranian merchants on the other hand are among the most common and prevalent of these factors. Of course, during this period, in addition to embassies and European courts, their collections were also among the targets of these offerings. Museums such as Victoria and Albert have acquired excellent carpets in this way. Tabriz merchants have also played a special role in warming the Iranian carpet market in Europe. A significant part of Iranian carpet customers in Europe have been wealthy urban consumers. Although the carpets sent to these houses have in some cases been taken from private and public collections, the museum brokers have not neglected the Iranian carpet export markets and have started carpet weaving for their collections directly by purchasing these carpets. During this period, due to the development of exports, in addition to old and worn carpets, which were not originally woven for export purposes, new carpets were introduced that were woven specifically for presentation in European markets.
One of the unique ways of offering Iranian carpets in the Qajar period is attending international exhibitions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this period, exhibitions were held in Vienna, London, Paris and Munich, in which Iranian carpets were also able to participate. Many of the rugs on display at these exhibitions belonged to the Safavid period. These carpets were more popular than the carpets of the Qajar period. Nevertheless, the carpets of both periods have attracted European customers. Many rugs were identified by Europeans by attending these exhibitions and were able to enter European collections and museums.

Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.

Abstract
Numerous silver coins from the Samanid dynasty have been unearthed in Russia and various European regions, suggesting significant trade interactions between Asia and Europe during the 4th century AH, and illustrating the Samanid dynasty’s international relations with European merchants at that time. This study addresses a central question: How did the Samanid era’s trade expansion extend to Northern Europe? Utilizing Islamic historical documents and numismatic evidence, this research seeks to trace the Samanid dynasty’s trade routes across Western territories, with a particular focus on the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe. Employing historical-analytical methods through documentary and library research, the study explores the trade dynamics during the 3rd and 4th centuries AH/9th and 10th centuries AD. During these centuries, the Khazars served as a pivotal trading link between the West (Bulgaria, Russia, Byzantium, and the Baltic coasts) and the East (Iran and other Islamic regions). Ancient Islamic records reveal that the Samanid dynasty’s international commerce was highly developed during this period. One notable trade route ran from Samanid territories to Eastern Europe and the Baltic Sea shores. Key regions such as Khwarazm, the land of Oghuz, Volga, and the Baltic coasts were crucial to the trade activities along this route, which is examined in this study. The discovery of Dirhams from Samanid emirs, including Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe, serves as evidence of the extensive trade exchanges during this period.
Keywords: Samanid Dynasty, Coin, Islamic Era Texts, Exchanges, Northern Europe.

Introduction
Researchers have segmented the history of the Samanid dynasty into two primary phases: the pre-independence period (819-875 AD / 203-261 AH) and the post-independence period (875-1005 AD / 261-395 AH) (Jalolzoda, 2018: 15). While there is consensus on this chronological division, numismatic findings indicate that the origins of the pre-independence era may extend to as early as 191 AH. Coins serve as a dependable resource for exploring this subject, and it is recognized that during the dynasty’s initial phase in Transoxiana, local trade utilized Bukhar Khudahs coins, which were confined within the region (Ibid: 17). The discovery sites of Samanid coins suggest that in this early phase, the coins did not circulate beyond the borders of the Samanid realm at the time. In the subsequent period, known as the independence era of the Samanid dynasty, the regime operated under the “official endorsement of the Abbasid Caliphate” and received “authorization” to produce both gold and silver coins (Ibid: 18). This era saw the exportation of Samanid coins beyond their dominion. This study employs ancient Islamic manuscripts to investigate the Samanid dynasty’s trade interactions with territories outside their domain, and numismatic evidence from beyond the Samanid borders corroborates the expansion of their trade relations into broader European regions.
Research Objective: The aim is to explore the trade pathways utilized by the Samanid dynasty for international exchanges in Western territories and to analyze the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe.
Research Question: How did the Samanid dynasty’s trade activities extend to Northern Europe during their era?
Research Methodology: Utilizing a historical-analytical approach, this study leverages documentary and library research to assess the spread of Samanid coins outside the traditional boundaries of the Samanid dynasty. By examining numismatic evidence alongside historical and geo-historical documents, the extent of the Samanid dynasty’s financial interactions with Northern Europe is scrutinized. In this study, areas where coins have been discovered are treated as “primary data,” whereas “historical and geo-historical” documents are used as “secondary sources.” Through detailed analysis and classification of the collected data, conclusive results will be derived.

The Introduction and Decline of Samanid Dynasty Dirham Imports into Europe
 Starting from the late 9th century AD, the Samanid dynasty began exporting substantial amounts of silver coins to promote trade with other regions (Perrie, 2006: 54). Serving as a conduit, Russia facilitated the export of silver to Europe for approximately two centuries, a process through which Samanid Dirhams were introduced to Sweden (Kovalve, 2002: 3). Numerous caches have been unearthed along the Volga River, from western Russia to Kazan, revealing stocks of Samanid Dirhams. In the 10th century AD, these Dirhams made their way to Northern Europe and Scandinavia through the territories along the Volga and the Bulgars residing in the Middle Volga, as corroborated by texts from the Islamic era (Jonsson et al., 1989: 251; Kovalve, 2002: 1). Ibn Fadlan reports that the route from Transoxiana to Khwarazm, extending to Itil and the Bulgars, as well as the pathway from Bukhara through Khwarazm heading northwest directly towards the Kama River and the Bulgars, was heavily trafficked by traders (Ibn Fadlan, 1966, 98). He provides a detailed account of this road; in Bulgar, he noted the presence of Muslim groups, including those from Khwarezm. The principal trade route originated in Khwarazm and traversed the territory of the Khazars, situated on the northeastern coast of the Caspian Sea (Hudud al-’Alam, 1993: 122-123), reaching its capital, “Itil ,” at the Volga River’s mouth in Russia, and proceeded towards Eastern Europe. The Russians exchanged goods with the Bulgars for Samanid Dirhams, facilitating the introduction of these coins into the northern regions of Russia (Kovalve, 2002: 3). This trade eventually extended into Scandinavia‌, and the unearthing of Islamic coin hoards in Northern Europe substantiates this assertion (Heidemann, 2010: 9). Samanid-era coins that arrived in Russia were utilized as money for trading purposes and were locally circulated, gaining popularity in the 10th century AD (Grossman & Walker, 2013: 332). Over the course of the 10th and 11th centuries, these coins traveled from Central Asia to the Baltic area (William, 2016: 63). In the 10th century, Samanid Dirhams became extensively popular across Northern Europe, with numerous coins discovered in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden (Grossman and Walker, 2013: 332). The decline of the Samanid dynasty signaled the end of the influx of Samanid Dirhams into Europe, resulting in a reduced number of these coins reaching Scandinavia (Johan 1980, 4).

Conclusion
Geographical sources offer valuable insights into the trade routes connecting the Samanid dynasty’s territory with Europe, detailing the merchants active along these routes and the goods exported from European nations to the Samanid domain. The Samanid territory was linked to Europe via several pathways. The principal starting points were Transoxiana and Khwarazm, situated along the Amu Darya River. During this period, the link between Russia, Khwarazm, and Transoxiana was established through Itil  in the Volga Delta. Another starting point was the coastal cities along the Caspian Sea. Furthermore, an additional route connected the Samanid dynasty to regions along the Volga and Itil , beginning from Rey and extending to the Caspian Sea coastline. This route, traversing through Transoxiana and reaching Merv in Khorasan, enabled the substantial movement of commercial goods from Khorasan, Khazar, and Kama Bulgaria to Rey. Additionally, there was a path leading from Itil to the Russian territories, specifically to Kuyaba in the west and Tselinnoye in the northwest. Along these routes, merchants carried goods from the Samanid dynasty’s territory to various locations in Eastern and Central Europe, including areas around the Volga River in Russia, as well as Poland, Germany, and Hungary. In exchange, they imported products from these European regions, notably including Slavic and Finnish slaves. During this period, the coins initially utilized for purchasing goods in Russia, Bulgaria, the Qebchaq steppe, and other adjacent areas were traded for goods in the Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, and Denmark). Additionally, Khwarazm traders moved up the Volga River to acquire commercial products, thereby enabling the importation of goods from Eastern Europe into Kama Bulgaria, the capital of the Kama Bulgars, and subsequently to Khwarazm. Russian traders in Kama Bulgaria engaged with Khwarazm merchants and journeyed to the land of the Khazars to conduct trade. The Khazars played an active role in facilitating the transport of goods from the Samanid territory across the Ural and Volga regions and further into the Baltic, acting as effective intermediaries. In this period, traders from Russia, Iran, and Viking communities converged in the Bulgar region to trade goods. Additionally, Hungarian merchants transported slaves from Scandinavian areas to the markets in Bulgar. At the same time, goods from the East were being imported into Scandinavia. The Vikings moved their merchandise southward, engaging in exchanges or trades with Eastern goods in the Volga region. This trade primarily facilitated the influx of silver into Northern Europe, while Scandinavia exported furs and slaves, commodities that were attractive to the Samanid dynasty. Numismatic evidence along these trade routes reveals that, over the years, Samanid Dirhams made their way from Eastern Europe to Northern Europe. These coins have been discovered in various Northern European regions including Scandinavia, Scotland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, and the Baltic coasts. Typically, these Dirhams are linked to rulers such as Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I. The primary minting locations for these Dirham coins were largely in Samarkand, Al-Shash, Balkh, and Andarab.