Abstract
Qal’eh Ganj is situated on the south of Kerman province, on the border of Sistan & Baluchistan and Hormozgan provinces. The first season of archaeological survey of this area has been carried out in 2016. This survey resulted in discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. In the present article, we try to determine cultural connection of study area with surrounding regions and it is the reason that we can present a relative dating for the prehistoric sites (Chalcolithic and Bronze Age sites). Based on the comparative dating, chalcolithic sites encompass two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC that introduce cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively, Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad. The Study of surface data from Bronze Age sites indicate a cultural connection between southern Jazmurian to areas of Halilrud Basin (Konar Sandal south), Soghun valley (Tepe Yahya) and Eastern Jazmurian (Bampur Tepe) and include a time range from late fourth millennium to early second millennium BC. There were found various stone structures in Bronze Age sites which suggests different functions including graves, residential spaces and water management systems. Based on dispersal of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic location as a connection between Bampur area and Persian Gulf, It assumes that the seasonal rivers and straits have had a role in bridging the two mentioned areas. The results of this research introduce the study area as an intermediate area for cultural linking between the eastern regions of Jazmourian and Halilrud Basin at Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period.
Keywords: Jazmurian Basin, Qaleh Ganj, Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
Qal’eh Ganj is located on the most southern part of Kerman province. Chāh-e Khodādād is one of two districts of the present Qal’eh Ganj county, on the border of Sistan & Balouchestan and Hormozgan.
In 2016, the first season of archaeological survey and reconnaissance of county of Qal’eh Ganj has been carried out as a part of the Iranian National Archaeological Map Project in which the authors tried to clarify the cultural status of the region in different periods.
In addition to these purposes, the present research attempts to analyze the results of this research in order to identify regional and trans-regional connections and interactions with the neighboring areas. 
Geographically, this region has a strategic situation because it appears to link three significant cultural zones of southeast of Iran (Mokrān, Persian Gulf and Halīlrūd basin).
This survey resulted in the discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. The sites are morphologically influenced by the geographical factors of their places that can be categorized into two different types: plain areas and highlands (foothill and mountainous areas). 
Based on the surface data, 39 sites can be assigned to prehistoric times (Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period) matching the cultural sequence of southeastern Iran. Here, we aimed to answer two following questions: 1) what were the patterns of prehistoric settlements in this area? 2) How this area interacted with the other regions of southeastern Iran?   

Data and Materials
In southeastern Iran, our information about the prehistoric times is limited to the old excavations of Iblis and Yahya. Recent excavations in Jiroft (Konar Sandal sites and Varamin), Tepe Vakil Abad in Orzouiyeh, Tepe Dehno in Shahdad have revised our knowledge about the chronology of the region which made us able to form a chronological frame for relative dating of the study area materials.      
Based on this comparative dating, Chalcolithic sites include two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC including three cultural periods of southeastern Iran. 
In spite of chalcolithic site locating on both of plain and highlands, no Bronze Age site was found in the plain. Bronze Age sites only dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmurian to northern Persian Gulf shores.
The stone fences and platforms, graves and remains of great stone architectural complexes are the shared elements of all the Bronze Age sites. We can suggest different functions for theses structure including graves, residential spaces and water management systems.
Chronologically, Bronze Age in this area coincides to cultural periods of Yahya IVB and Bampur I-VI in south eastern Iran. Unlike the chalcolithic sites which are located on both plain and highlands, we found no Bronze Age site in the plain, they all were scattered in the highlands.
 
Conclusion 
Based on the relative dating, it is realized that the Chalcolithic settlements date back to fifth and fourth millennium BC presenting three cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad.
Bronze Age sites are dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmourian to northern Persian Gulf hinterlands.
 Regarding to dispersion of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic locations, the straits and seasonal rivers are considered as the natural corridors to link Jazmurian to the northern bank of Persian Gulf.
Based on the pottery evidence, a cultural continuation is evident from Bronze Age to early second millennium BC. 

Abstract
During the fourth millennium BCE similar wares used to produce and use in the extended area in Near East which is so-called Beveled rim bowls. Its importance is for high quantity and similarity in production techniques. Different studies on dating, function, and the main reason for the spread of this pottery style have been done. Although beveled rim bowls were found in many sites in west, south, south-eastern, and central plateau, hereby new finding from Kale Kub seems that this pottery style was spread in the more extended area than what we expect. Kale Kub is located in the eastern part of Iran, Southern Khorasan, and Sarayan county. In 2018, two trenches were opened in order to identify the stratigraphy of the high amount of beveled rim bowls in addition to other pottery styles belong to fourth millennium BCE which are already known in southwestern Iran. The current study would be clarifying the importance of the Kale Kub site for identifying the dispersal zone of Beveled rim bowl pottery style by an endeavor firstly foe the classification and typology of the potteries and then a comparison between the pottery style in this site with other sites related to this period. Also, we attempt to trace the possible routes for this pottery style to the East and the interaction between east and west of Iran. Pottery collection from the excavation in Kale Kub includes a high amount of beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and some other pottery styles which are well-known from fourth millennium BCE such as nose handle and spouted wares. Beveled rim bowls are over 15 percent of the pottery collection and other styles have a few quantities in the collection. In term of production techniques and style, Kale Kub finds are similar to those from southwest of Iran.
Keywords: Eastern Iran, Kaleh Kub II, Beveled Rim Bowls, Forth Millennium BCE.

Introduction
The first season of excavation at Kale Kub aimed to identify the stratigraphy sequence of this site, which has revealed the chronological sequence from fifth to late fourth millennium BCE. Cultivation and human activities in recent years resulted in disturbance in most parts of the site. Beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and other diagnostic pottery styles of fourth millennium BCE are the most important finds in this site. In addition to beveled rim bowls and Banesh tray, other diagnostic styles such as nose handle, spouted wares were found in Kale Kub that shows all styles belong to this millennium would have seen in the eastern part of the Iranian plateau. In modern Iran, these pottery styles are reported from the southwest, central Zagros, central plateau, and southeast, but from east and northeast just reported from Farhad Gerd which scholars believe that the reported pottery is not beveled rim bowl. Excavation in Kale Kub shows the extension of this culture to the east part of Iran. This site is located far from the well-known sites from this period in the west part of Iran and there are two deserts, Dasht-e Kavir and Lut desert, between this site and other known sites with similar pottery style increase the importance of finding the answer for this question that how this culture found its way to the east.

Conclusion
Inter-regional interactions had a significant effect on the movement of raw material and production in the extended area. Because of the geographical situation of Kale Kub at the east of Iran and the existence of metal mine in the region, this site possibly appeared as a supplier place in the interaction networks for the southwest of Iran during the fourth millennium BCE. The pottery culture which is prevalent in the southwest in this site shows clearly these interactions. To answer the question of how they were connected, we need more excavations and more information. The nearest sites with similar cultural features to the Kale Kub are Tepe Sofalin in Pishva, Varamin in central plateau; and in the southeast of Iran, Mahtout Abad in Jiroft, that both have about thousand kilometers are away from Kale Kub. This distance shows that there are highly probable some other sites between Sofalin and Kale Kub and also Mahtout Abad and Kale Kub that have not been identified yet. These two-direction routes (first, the southern boundary of Alborz mountain and north of Dasht-e Kavir; second, the southern part of Lut desert to the Sistan region and eastern parts of Iran), are the possible routes that connect the east to the fourth millennium BCE cultures of southwest in purpose of achieving the raw material. In the highlands around Kale Kub, copper mining evidence showing that these mines were used till late Islamic periods in the region as well. Also, this region has various types of opal. Kale Kub location between Afghanistan and inner part of Iranian plateau suggests that this site was formed on the way of lapis-lazuli movement routs from Afghanistan; also, the mines of turquoise at the Neishabur is near to the site. Although, finding the role of this site in the networks of fourth millennium BCE needs more information that will be revealed by more excavations but current evidence shows that this site had an exchange and production function in the trade in this period. It suggests that beveled rim bowls and other material culture from fourth millennium BCE (about 3600-3500 BCE) extended to the east from the central plateau and southern part of Alborz Mountain as well as northern side of Dasht-e Kavir.

Abstract
Bampur historical complex is located in Makran – Jazmourian Basin in a flat plain in the Northwest of Bampur city, the capital of the region and 4 km to the North of Bampur River (20 km to the east of Iranshar). Extensive firing and burnt vestiges are one of the most characteristics phenomena at Bampur Castel. The evidence of firing is scattered nearly all over the site and it is not limited just to spaces like pits or kitchens. The diversity and abundance of brunt materials (seed of cereals, fruit remains, woods, charcoals and mat-made shoes) allowed us to use them for archaeobotanical studies. Due to the limited archaeological excavations especially in prehistoric sites, Iranian Baluchestān has so far been less-known from archaeobotanical and history of vegetation point of view. This research present the results of studies on the plant remains obtained from some pits and firing debris belonged to the Qajar period’s layers. The purpose of the study was to recognize the vegetation around the site and the type of plants used by the inhabitants during that period. Microscopic observations and analyze of 2301 charcoal fragments, woods, seeds, rachis segments and fruit remains showed that the vegetation cover around the Castel included trees such as tamaris, willow, acacia, musquit bean and date palm. They used the wood of these trees to meet their fuel needs (especially tamaris) or as construction materials (willow, acacaia and mesquites). Given the current ecology and geographical distribution of these species, it is reasonable to assume that the identified trees are native to the area and have grown around the Castel. Also the remains of Cereals (wheat and barley), fruits (date palm) and Cucurbits (Watermelon and melon) found in the firing debris testify agricultural activities. In addition, further evidence is attested by the presence of burnt seeds of the wild plants or weedy such as rye, bermuda grass, brome, wild grass, vetch milk, vetch, medic, goosefoot family, knotweed, seepweed, cowherb, asphodel and sedge family (present in the fields along with agricultural products).
Keywords: Archaeobotany, Bampur Castle, Wood utilization, Qajar Period, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
The study of vegetal remains is not solely limited to climate change that occurs normaly over a long period of time. It could be used for reconstruction of vegetal cover, cultivation patterns or the introduction of non – native species compatible with the environment of a specific region. 
Bampur castel is located, in a flat plain on the northwest side of Bampur city, 4 km north of Bampur River and 20 km east of Iranshahr. The castel have a rectangular – oval shape in the northeast- southwest axis. Due to the best state of conservation at the site, large quantity of vegetal remains including seeds, fruit remains, woods, charcoals and reed mat and other artefcats were found in archaeological contexts. 
The present research will study plant data obtained from the excavated layers in the second season of excavations at Bampur castel conducted by Nozar Heydari in 2018 (heydari 2018). Here, we will try to answer to the following questions: 1. What was the vegetal cover around Bampur in the late Islamic period (Qajar period)? 2. Which kind of woods were used by the inhabitants of the region during that period? 3. What plants species were cultivated by the inhabitants as food resources?
Unfortunately archaeobotanical studies have not been realized in Iranian Baluchestān. Henece, for the first time archaeobotanical studies have been applied to identify the vegetation history of the area, the plant resources and the possible existence of non – native species. The Information on the agriculture and plant economy of Pakistani Baluchestān during the prehistoric times has been available (Tengberg, 1998; 1999; Tengberg & Thiebault, 2003; Costantini, 1981; 1990). However in the Iranian Baluchestān, no specialized study has been conducted in this field. In the southeasten part of the Iranian Plateau and in the Indo-Iranian Borderlands (Sistan, Baluchestān and Kerman) several long-term environmental studies have been carried out in some prehistoric sites by iranian and foreign experts resulted in obtaining valuable information on the history of agriculture and vegetal cover of the area (Costantini & Costantini-Biasini, 1985; Costantini, 1977a-b;  Costantini, 1979; Meadow, 1986; Shirazi & Shirazi, 2012; Tengberg, 2008; Mashkour et al., 2013 ; Vaezi et al., 2019; Hamzeh et al., 2016; Gurjazkaite et al., 2018; Shirazi 2019; Kavosh et al., 2020).

Material and Method
In the second season of excavations a total of six trenches were excavated including:  W1.T2, W1.T3, W1.T4, W1.T5, W1.T6, W1.T7. The archaeobotanical data were obtained from W1.T2, W1.T3, W1.T4, W1.T5. Extensive traces of fire and ashe were scattered all around the castel. Considering the diversity and large quantities of plant remains (grains, fruitstones, charcoals, woods and artefacts) it was decided to select them for archaeobotanical studies. In total, 10 samples from contexts such as pits and fire debris have been collected. From 153 litres of collected debris by water sieving, about 5690 ml. plant remains including seeds, fruitstones and rachis segments were obtainted. Laboratory studies of these data have been done in the Archaeobotanical Laboratory of the World Heritage Site of Shahr-i Sokhta.

Discussion
A total of 310 fragments of charcoal and woods and 1991 seeds, fruit stones and rachis segments were studies. Anthracological digramme indicates the presence of various trees and shrubs such as tamaris (Tamarix spp.), willow (Salix sp.), date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), acacia (Acacia sp.) and mesquites (Prosopis sp.). The relative abundance of tamaris and willow is higher (79%) than other plants. Tropical plants such as acacia and mesquites (15%) and fruits like date palm (6%) are in the second and third ranks respectively. This evidence shows that the inhabitants used the wood of tamaris as fule and willow, acacia and mesquites as construction materials. Given the habitat and geopraphical distribution of the actual vegetation, it is quite reasonable to assume that the identified trees are native to the area.
In addition to the identified trees, carpological digramme indicates the existence of various crops like cultivated cereals  (emmer wheat/Triticum dicoccum), bread wheat /T. aestivum, club wheat /T. compacteum and barley/Hordeum vulgare), fruits and cucurbits (date palm, melon and watermelon), wild grasses (rye, bermuda grass, brome), wild pulses (vetch milk, vetch, medic), and wild plant or weedy (goosefoot family, knotweed, seepweed, cowherb, asphodel and sedge family) that were present in the fields along with agricultural products.

Conclusion
According to our study, plant resources around Bampur includs trees such as tamaris, willow, acacia, date palm and mesquites. Tamaris is the main source of fuel in the region and willow, acacia and mesquites have been used as construction materials (beams for building strengthen). The remains of charcoal and wood of these trees in the explored contexts show that the inhabitants of the castel did not need to import wood from other areas to meet their needs and were completely self-sufficient in this regard. In addition to these tree, which grew naturally in the past as they do today, Baluchestān also enjoyed favorable conditions for cultivation of cereals (emmer wheat, bread wheat, club wheat and barley), cucurbits (melon and water melon) and other fruits especially date palm. 

Abstract
The concentration of activities and sites Iron Age excavations carried out in Iran in the quarter-northwest Iran. It covers the west, northwest, north of the center, and the west bank of the Caspian Sea. The important point is that the chronological basis of the Iron Age in Iran is also based on the excavation of several sites in a small part of the northwest and its extension to the whole of Iran. Thus we see the Iron Age archaeological activities at the eastern part of Iran and especially North East is very unknown. Iran has long been the entry point for people without a nomadic component steppes of northeastern North Asia region is the Iranian plateau. According to written sources the oldest nations that have entered the Iranian plateau, known as the Indo-Iranian or Aryan tribes from the steppes of northern Asia to the south and in the land of the Pamir Mountains to Anatolia widely dispersed. Many scholars consider the gradual movement of these tribes to be from the second millennium. A period that is almost synonymous with the Iron Age in the region. But our knowledge of the Iron Age northeastern Iran today virtually all North Khorasan Province and the northern part of Khorasan Razavi province involved is negligible. This paper is based on the latest research picture of the Iron Age northeastern part of the country, with emphasis on the upper basin Atrak be provided. According to the study and identification carried out in this basin, the Iron Age of the upper Atrak basin is part of the Yaz 1 culture.
Keywords: Northeastern Iran, Iron age, Upper Atrak basin, Yaz 1 Culture, Archaic Dehistan, Settlement Patterns.

Introduction
It has been less than a decade that steps have been taken to understand the Iron Age in Northeastern Iran through surface explorations and excavations. Based on this, it seems that some parts of northeastern Iran are in the cultural area of Archaic Dehistan and another part is in the cultural area of Yaz I (Basafa 2017, Dana & Hejebri Nobari 2019, 2021, Vahdati 2016, 2018). The upper Atrak basin is an almost rectangular valley with a length of 90 km and an average width of 20 km. This region is one of the most important regions of northeastern Iran in terms of population movement because it connects the north of Kopet-Dagh to the interior regions of Iran and the center of the Iranian Plateau (Fig.2). Northeastern Iran has long been the place of entry of nomads from the northern steppes to the inner regions of the Iranian plateau. Due to the geological feature, Kopet-Dagh act as a barrier between the Karakum desert in the north and the fertile areas in the south, which cannot be crossed except through a few natural passages. 
More than 500 sites were identified in the archaeological surveys of the upper Atrak basin, among which 23 sites were dated to the Iron Age (Fig.3).

Iron Age Sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
The 23 Early Iron Age sites identified in the upper Atrak basin are listed in Table 1. In the surface survey of these sites, the only available data was pottery. In all Iron Age sites of this basin, the dominant pottery is Yaz 1 hand-made pottery. These pottery are poorly made, rough and in the range of buff and bright red, and the motifs are usually drawn geometrically with ocher and jujube red colors, and most of them are mixed with grog. 9 of the identified sites can generally be attributed to the Iron Age, and traces of Yaz I painted pottery were not found in the surface surveys. The pottery of these 9 sites are similar in form to the pottery of the Archaic Dehistan culture, but unlike them, they are in the buff and red spectrum.

Location based on ٍlevation Factor
The Iron Age sites of the region are located at an altitude between 1007 and 1718 meters above sea level. The size of the smallest site is 0.01 and the largest is 10 hectares. Examining the Pearson correlation coefficient regarding the area of the enclosures with the height factor shows -/299 (Table 2), which indicates a negative but moderate correlation. This means that as the height above sea level increases, it is expected that the size of the enclosures will decrease due to the limitations of natural factors.

Water Resource Factor
The distance of the Iron Age sites in the region from permanent water sources, including rivers and other running water sources, ranges from 0 to 6395 meters, and their average distance is 1441 meters. Pearson correlation coefficient/313. (Table 2) states that this figure shows the relationship between the direct and average level of significance between the size of the sites of the region with the factor of distance from permanent water sources. 

Land Use Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the region with the soil type factor of the location of the sites shows -.054 (Table 2). This figure is weak and small. It is expected that there are large sites in the sedimentary plains and smaller sites on the edge of the plains and mountain slopes, and this is not the case in this area.

Slope Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the sizes of the sites of the region with the slope factor of the location of the areas is 0.72. (Table 2). The figure shows a very weak relationship between the size of the sites and the degree of slope of their location. 

Slope Direction Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the area with the slope direction factor of the location of the areas shows -240 (Table 2). This phenomenon shows that some of these sites have not been used for a long time or that the different slope directions were not so important for the residents of this site in different seasons.

Communication Routes Factor
The sites of the region are located at a distance between 0 and 15355 meters from the main communication routes today. The Pearson correlation coefficient shows -114 (Table 2), this figure shows a very weak and small and inverse relationship. In other words, as we move away from the main communication routes, we should expect the size of the enclosures to decrease and become smaller.

Distribution of Iron Age sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
In this research, in order to obtain the distribution pattern of settlements in the region and to better analyze and understand the distribution of archaeological sites in the region and to find a pattern that fits environmental variables, the statistical method of cluster analysis has been used. Based on statistical analysis and their clustering, three patterns were obtained (Table 3, Chart 1).
Settlement distribution pattern 1: Settlement distribution pattern 1 includes 6 enclosures (Chart 1, Table 3). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plain and the highlands, their small size, which is less than half a hectare, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as temporary and seasonal settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 2: There are 14 enclosures in this pattern (Chart 1). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plains and the highlands, their small size, which is less than two hectares, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as agricultural and livestock settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 3: There is only one site in this group, and the reason for their placement in a cluster or separate pattern is its very large area compared to other sites. The size of this site is 2.2 hectares. The characteristics of this site, especially being located at a high altitude and a long distance from water sources and communication routes, and other characteristics show that it is similar to model 1, and only because of the difference in the size of this site, it is placed in a separate group.

Conclusion
The largest sites in the upper Atrak basin (except the IUA03 site) are located almost in a vertical line and very close to each other, Tappe Yam with 10 hectares, Tappe Ja’far Abad with 2.8 hectares and Sofalgaran-e Zadak site with 3 hectares, for a total of about 16 hectares from the total 33 hectares, half of the size of the Iron Age sites cover this basin. Today, these sites are located around the city of Faruj and almost in the middle of the plain. This area can be considered as the crossroads center of important roads in the region.
The important point in the reconstruction of the roads is the mountainous conditions of the region, which does not allow passage anywhere. With these conditions, there is only one possible way in the south, and that is today’s Binalud-Shah Jahan road, which goes from Quchan to Sabzevar. Near this road, there is Tappe Golshan Abad, which is actually located in the entrance area of this mountain pass. 
However, it is a little difficult to determine the northern route to pass Kopet Dagh and go to its north due to the number of valleys and the connection of some valleys with each other. By carefully examining the existing routes in the area and their connection with the Iron Age sites, a route is suggested that includes the sites of Tappe Yam, Dalan Tappe Kukach, Dalan Tappe Bozorg and Unnamed Tappe of Milanlu.
The western road along Atrak River connects the upper basin to the middle Atrak basin.
The eastern road also continues to the Kashaf River basin and the Mashhad plain without any natural obstacles.
Today almost all researchers agree that the people had Yaz I culture, nomads. Since Yaz I remains in a wide area of Greater Khorasan and the southern parts of Transoxiana, the route of population migration will inevitably pass-through Greater Khorasan through the north-south routes that connect the steppe regions of North Asia to its inner regions in the Iranian plateau. In this view, the upper Atrak basin is located in the area of Yaz I pottery culture, and due to its strategic location, it plays a very important role in the arrival of people with Yaz I culture to the inner parts of the Iranian plateau.

Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.

Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn.  It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.

History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture.  Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.

The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.

Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.