Abstract
To balance the needs and actual or potential facilities, mankind has tried along with time. Water, ground, soil, road is from environmental factors forming a living place while one or more factors may play more important role depending on some situations. The culture is created due to people interactions and is progressing longitudinally and affects human activities. Ignoring the environment makes the debate impossible on cultural and behavioral conditions. Culture creates sites and phenomena around the spaces and places. Architecture is one of the main sites of culture in environment. Natural characteristics in the region of Ghahestan made the Ismailia – in the Islamic middle centuries - to establish defensive buildings due to cultural and religious conditions. The results made them to be in accordance with the political and natural conditions of the time. In spite of some environmental limitations, they provided their need in the environment and caused some sort of cultural and environmental accordance in the region. This study introduces the Kouh Zardan castle of Zirkouh city in South Khorasan. This castle has spent two different residence eras. The castle was used as a defensive place at the first era may be known as Saljooghi. Ilkhani’s were the second residents.The main question of the research is, what role has the natural geography of the area played in the castle of Castle Zardan Mountain architecture? The castle of Zardan Mountain has been built with regard to the environmental conditions of the area and the impact of the environment in the castle architecture space is not only in the use of native materials, but other factors such as climate, altitude, distance and proximity to water resources, geological structure and ... has played a key role in the formation of the castle. This paper is descriptive and analytical and its data has been through library resources and field surveys.
Keywords: Kouhzardan Castle, Architecture, Environment, Culture, Vegetation, Water resources.

Introduction
The breadth of the land of Iran, along with the diversity of its posterity, has created a situation in which the inhabitant should think in a special area of thought with creativity and sharpness in order to maintain, maintain and maintain their place of residence (Pazoki Tohruidi , 1376: 101). Environmental conditions, especially the climate, soil type, water resources, etc., can play a crucial role in the formation of a civilization (Wylie, 2007: 11). Among other factors that make use of these conditions in the environment, culture is. Culture is the result of an interpretation that humans themselves and their relationships with each other and nature (Abedi Sarvestani and Shah Vali, 1391: 2). If one looks at one of the applications of culture, then architecture as an outlook for human beings is one of the important aspects of culture that is studied in the geographic area as a perspective (Fayaz et al., 2011: 92). In many parts of Iran, there are works of old castles that have been constructed with the administrative and political conditions of their period and connect with their surroundings and create a solid structure. Quhistan is one of the places that has caused a favorable environment for the construction of the Ismaili dome in the Middle Ages due to its mountainousness due to the desert of central and loot, the plain called Afghanistan and the political and religious conditions. Castle Mountain Zadran One example of this type of castles, in South Khorasan province is located in the city Zirkouh the height of the mountain fortress Zadran on it and mastery of the environment, a perfect opportunity to the mountain’s topography around The fort is composed of mountainous and plain. In this article, the geographic conditions of the area and its impact on the architecture of Castle Zardan Mountain are discussed.

Castle Zardan Mountain
Castle Zardan Mountain is located in South Khorasan province, Zirkouh city and Zardan village, and is based on the point (UTM) at latitude and longitude 747004/3707960 with an average elevation of 1,770 meters above sea level. Castle Zardan Mountain is located above a single mountain (between 50 to 90 degrees) and overlooks the surrounding plains. The length of the castle is 100 meters and its width is 80 meters with an area of 8000 square meters and a height of 92 meters from the surrounding environment. The castle is based on a nearly square shape (Nasrabadi, 1391: 111). The architectural features of the castle include the remains of several towers, parts of the fence, the walls of the castle’s interior spaces, water cabinets, and several chamber-covered rooms. Citadel of the castle is located in the highest castle space. Some of the architectural spaces of the fortress are crafted in the rock form, so that rocks from the bed of this space can be used as building materials for the walls. In view of the architectural space of the castle building, it is seen that most of the residential spaces of the castle are opposite to the cold weather of the winter, so as to see some kind of compatibility with the winds of the area in this castle. For the construction of Ismaili castles, in addition to choosing it geographically, in the harsh areas, the villages near the fortress were chosen according to the Shiite religion, especially the Shiite Ismaili, as well as the environmental facilities including the water they had. Castle Zardan Mountain is located in a relatively blue area and today it is rich in agriculture. In the choice of castle, the environment was also considered vegetation, so that if materials such as bricks and pottery or melting metals were used for molding weapons, it was possible to make furnace with regard to vegetation.

Conclusion
Climatic factors have created buildings and spaces that are consistent with the environment, which is in fact the outlook for warm and dry regions, which expresses the complex relationships of man with its rough environment, so that architecture is the most obvious type of landscape (peasant, 1382: 68-67). Among these architectural views, it is possible to construct an Ismaili dome in most parts of Iran, especially in Qehistan. Castle Zardan Mountain is one of the Ismaili castles in Ghahistan, which is built according to the environmental conditions of the area and is related to some kind of architectural complexes of the castle with surrounding environment. Environmental factors were also very influential in the construction of the Castle Zardan Mountain due to cultural and historical factors, while how to form the fortress in order to adapt to natural conditions is more than anything else related to its surroundings. The influence of the environment in the castle architecture was not limited to the use of indigenous materials, but other factors such as climate, elevation, distance and proximity to water resources, geological structure, etc., also played a key role in the formation of the castle. In general, the most important factor is the formation of a water culture, access to water, and whether these water structures can be seen inside or outside the castle. But from other points of view, the castle landscape architecture is surrounded by the surrounding environment around the castle. The communication route is also seen in the perspective of the castle of Mount Zardan and other Isma’ili castles close by. The Castle Zardan Mountain is located on a single high mountain point with a steep pitch towards the surrounding area, for the sake of ease with the surrounding area and connecting with other Ismaili castles in the landscape.

Abstract
Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Mythic era (Pishdadians and Kayanids) and Historical era (Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner. The results of this research state that the upper and lower classes of the society had an important role in formation, transition and evolution of this art at the aforementioned time. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran. 
Keywords: Music, Historical Age, Dominant Class, Iranian Societies and Cultures.

Introduction
Music, art phenomena of human society from ancient times had an enormous impact on human life and the instruments used in each of the shapes and forms found. Some researchers, regardless of the place of music in ancient societies, conflicting views about the history and musical instruments proposed. Melody of emotions and human-induced internal interactions and represents sadness and joy, excitement and peace of mind of human beings. Clearly, music is a twin phenomenon and the essence of every nation in the world and part of the national identity and the culture of each society. Is that every nation and culture with its own music and is presented well and every nation has a special music from the distant past, a feature that the nation remained culturally distinct from the rest of the United Nations. Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Historical era (Elamites, Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. 

Discussion
This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner.
Elamite period, the religious aspect is more art (probably due to lack of awareness of the use of this type of art, not a fact issue) of music and musicians in different events such as prayer to God (s) and sacrifice is used, although in that evening treated to music for celebrations. Choghamish seals in pre-historic and close to the Elamite era boom in the art show. Another important point in this era, there are three types of instruments (wind, percussion and string) in relief Kul-farah, Nineveh and Choghamish is obvious. The Medes also continued the tradition of singing the prayer ceremony. The art of this period are still among the lower class of society was not room for growth. Apparently the enthronement ceremony of the kings of the Medes, and continued playing music with ancient traditional shows. Another important point is that in this era, more music and religious aspects of the court official. In the Achaemenid era, a variety of martial music, festive and popular religious and because they Achaemenid Empire, many ethnic groups and was brought under the umbrella of its sovereignty, it is natural that people and communities benefit from these experiences. For example, the relative effects of Elamite and Achaemenid Persians in Mesopotamia the art of music is evident. There are a variety of instruments such as bass drum, horn, trumpet, harp, and trumpet and so does the variety of music in the evening. Although most economic activity in the state and was Clergymen and music is also closely associated with the court and Clergymen, but the bards and minstrels in ceremonies such as weddings and parties, it is reported that the ceremony might have the class and the ruling of is. Women who are part of every society, at court, continuing a long tradition, at least since Elam shows. Of military music show which direction the signal should not ignore the start and end of the war was used. In the Seleucid era by combining the theory of joint Iranian Persian music and Greek - Greek arose that its effects can be seen in the Western and Arabic music communities. The Parthian era, social security and qualitative progress in the industry, the development of the art of music. At this time a singer by the name of the party “gossan” was formed and it was probably the kind of song street market quotes were chest to chest. The importance of music in the Sassanid era, forced the king to appoint a minister for relations such art. Rank them in court Bahram Gur was promoted to second grade classes of the community court. Due to the rising value of the musicians in the court, there are special procedures for the ceremony music. In Sassanid period like the past, different types of music can be seen. Including a festive and happy, when hunting was hunting that deception, as well as the religious ceremony of singing used to comply with previous periods. In the course of the past continued to use some of the instruments. Also at this time the instruments were invented, how notation arose and skilled musicians and great musicians like Barbad, Bamshad, rebellious, Nakisa and others emerged and certain sounds like Ravshn or “way” was coined during this era. Poetry and music together in this land, and poet and musician is often a people. The music of this era is also quite popular among ordinary people and continued to Islamic periods.

Conclusions
The results of this research state that the music, as a general, was a special art for dominant ruler in the society which professional artists used to gather in their courts. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran.

Abstract
The site of Narjuiyeh III is located on the eastern natural mounds of the Narjuiyeh village, from the west overlooking Halil River. Scattering of the fourth millennium BC, especially typical Aliabad type are visible on these mounds. Traces of illegal excavation are also available as pits and holes all over the site. Aliabad ceramics are pottery dating back to the fourth millennium BC (Chalcolithic) in the southeast of the Iranian plateau, first excavated and reported by Caldwell from Aliabad in Bardsir of Kerman, and then have been found and reported from fourth millennium layers of Tell Iblis (Iblis IV) which eventually became known as Aliabad Culture (Caldwell, 1967).      Ali-Abad culture potteries (Chalcolithic age) dates back to the 4th millennium BC in southeast of Iran which the distribution of its potteries include the regions of Kerman, Balouchistan and Pakistan. Aliabad pottery in the south-east of the Iranian plateau is one of the most important and prominent pottery types in the Chalcolithic period (Eskandari and Mollasalehi, 2017), which for more detail understanding about this culture in addition to archaeological studies, requires scientific archaeometric analysis and methods; therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate, study and further understand the fourth millennium BC pottery of Aliabad culture from Jiroft’s Narjuiyeh III site and understanding the expansion of this culture by using structural and technical studies of pottery of this period. At the same time, it has been attempted to use the method of mineralogy (petrography) to get information about how to process the paste, clay type and used temper, conditions, heating and temperature of baking in the furnace, as well as the understanding of the origin of pottery of this area. Archaeological studies show that Aliabad culture in the southeast of the Iranian plateau was the dominant culture of the region in the fourth millennium BC. In this study, it has been attempted to obtain mineralogical information regarding pottery (Aliabad pottery) using library and thin section petrography studies. The polarized binocular microscope JamesSwift made in the United Kingdom at the Petrographic Laboratory of the Institute for Restoration and Conservation was used for microscopic study of the studied pottery.
Keywords: Archaeometry, Petrography, Aliabad Culture, Narjuiyeh in Jiroft, Southeast of Iran.

Introduction
From the textural point of view, the pottery was divided into two main categories of fine-grained and coarse-grained specimens. In fine-grained specimens, the components are less than 0.5 mm in size, and the components are finely crystallized in the texture of pottery. A group of pottery has immature silty texture. In the texture of these potteries, there are fragments of different sizes next to each other, and there is some clutter and disarrangement to the size of the minerals in the pottery. In terms of composition, all available pottery has the same composition and their difference are in the percentage of pieces in the pottery texture and their size. In all available ceramics, there are several minerals, including quartz, in the form of monocrystalline (monocrystalline) and polycrystalline, which are more abundant in monocrystalline form. This mineral has angular to semicircular margins indicating that quartz fragments have been added as secondary to the primary source. In some samples, minor amounts of plagioclase, pyroxene and amphibole with mica are observed. Mica minerals are mostly muscovite grains that are orange-colored, but sometimes orange-yellow muscovite grains can also be seen in the samples. This reaction is due to the change in the optical properties of the grains at a temperature of approximately 1000 degrees Celsius, which can be partially detected the temperature the pottery tolerated on during the heating process. In some samples igneous rock, chert and quartz rock fragments were used as fillers. In some pottery, calcite minerals can also be observed and used to detect its temperature range. Therefore, it can be concluded that due to the geology of the region and the presence of calcium carbonate in the sedimentary deposits of the region, the absence of calcite mineralization in some samples indicates that the temperature of the ceramics is higher than 800 °C, and in calcite-clay ceramics, the baking temperature of the clay is less than 800 °C (Reedy 2008; Riederer 2004). The two N9 and N7 specimens differ in composition from the other specimens. In these two samples calcite minerals are associated with the clay texture, whereas in the other samples this is not the case.

Conclusion
Based on the petrographic study of the pottery, it can be deduced that the source of the pottery studied was identical and their source material was from the same region in Kerman. However, the origin of manufacture and extracting of soil mines cannot be determined definitely, because the geology of the Kerman region is very large and vast especially the studied areas are in volcanic formations, which, the mineralogical composition and sequence of some of them are granite, granodiorite to quartz. Metamorphic, plagioclases, clinopyroxenes, and mica minerals and igneous and metamorphic rocks are within the geological family of the area, which exactly similar compounds can be found with the minerals in the pottery. There are also three different groups for these pottery: 1) Pottery with homogeneous texture. In this type of pottery, fragments and minerals are seen floating and scattering in the texture. 2) Pottery in the texture in addition to clay and fine minerals, phyllosilicate minerals (mica) exist in combination with the texture. 3) In these ceramics the combination of the texture of mineral carbonate calcium (calcite) together with the clay texture is visible, a situation not seen in the other samples. This indicates that the pottery used has different manufacturing techniques, therefore, several pottery makers have been involved in preparation and procurement of early paste and clay of the pottery. Pottery samples N5, N6, N7, N8 and N9 contain calcite minerals. It can be suggesting that the baking temperature of these pottery was less than 800 degrees Celsius. In the samples containing muscovite minerals, some of the grains show changes from orange to yellow, indicating that these ceramics have been sustain a temperature of approximately 950-1000 °C. Based on the results and even the buff-orange color of the ceramics, it should be noted that the analyzed pottery were baked in an oxidation condition and in a closed furnace. The type of baking and precision used in baking the pottery in high quality, especially the 4th millennium BC pottery, is very high, indicating that the technique used in baking pottery was also very professional. Some ceramics, such as (N1, N8, N9) have porphyry texture and in their texture quartz mineral, chert stone and igneous rock have been used as filler and temper. In most cases, the edges of quartz minerals are edged and sharp, which, indicates the use of primary soil and its paste processing and resultant of grinding of core and ore extractive mining because all fragments and sherds have sharp and angular angles as well. It should also be noted that there is no evidence of the use of organic materials as temper in pottery making.

Abstract
The Bronze Age Greater Khorasan culture is one of the most important protohistoric cultures of the Western Asia. This culture is characterized with its architectural remains with a pre-designed plan, stamp seals, compartment seals, chlorite statues, combined figurines, precious jewelry of gold and silver and so on. For the first time, the remains of this cultural complex were obtained from the sites in the Bacteria and Margiana. For this reason, these lands were introduced as its origin and this cultural complex became known with this name. However, some researchers place the origin of this culture in Khorasan, Iran. However, due to the fact that until recently no site of this culture had been identified in Khorasan, it remains arguable. The primary purpose of this study is to study, summarize and classify the works on this culture in the Iranian Khorasan that have been published in the last two decades. The results of this study, along with other findings of this culture, will be taken in the wider area of West Asia until the cultural world of the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture became more widespread in the future. On this basis, it is necessary that the monographs and the small number of publications in this area be collected together and in the form of a collection and in this way, a new look will be taken at the issues related to this period. This research is based on the research of solid libraries. It has been assumed that the works obtained from the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan, have some deficiencies compared to other regions, such as: the south of Turkmenistan and the north of Afghanistan. 
Keywords: Greater Khorasan, Bronze Age, Bacteria and Margiana Archaeological Collection, Greater Khorasan Culture.

Introduction
The Bronze Age Greater Khorasan culture was first identified and introduced by Victor Sarianidi from the Dashli site in Bactria, northern Afghanistan (Sarianidi 1977). At about the same time, artifacts from this culture were found in the southern Turkmenistan from Margiana oasis (Hiebert 1994:165). The similarity of the material culture of these two regions has led some scholars of Bactria and Margiana to be considered as the nuclear of the formation of this culture. For this reason, the term Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex was given to this culture (Sarianidi 1990, Hiebert 1994). This culture is also known as the Oxus Civilization (Francfort 1989, Lamberg-Karlovsky 1994). Recently, artifacts of this culture have been obtained in Iranian Khorasan (Biscione & Vahdati 2020, Lunou 2018). Bactria, Margiana and Iranian Khorasan all are defined in the territory of a land that is close to two millennia known in historical sources as Greater Khorasan (Dana 2017). Cultural cohesion of Greater Khorasan is acknowledged by researchers (Yarshater 1997). Evidence of cultural integration in this land has been documented since pre-Achaemenid times (Vogelsang 1992); to the extent that D’yakonov believes in the existence of a kingdom in the eastern part of Iran, the center of bacteria in the pre-Achaemenid period (D’yakonov, 1954). 
Objectives and Necessity of Research: The objective is to study, summarize and classify the works done on the Bronze Age of Iranian Khorasan in the last two decades. On this basis, it is necessary to gather the monographs and the publications on this area and this period so we can have a better understanding of this specific period in this region.
Questions and Hypotheses: What image of this culture can be presented in Iranian Khorasan, compared to other regions of this culture? It has been assumed that the works obtained from the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan, have some shortcomings compared to other regions, such as: the south of Turkmenistan and the north of Afghanistan.

The Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan
Many sites in Khorasan Iran have been identified and a small number have been excavated. The excavated sites include Karim Abad of Neyshabur (Labbaf Khaniki 1381), Yusef Abad of Firuze town (Nishapur P) (Hiebert & Dyson, 2002; Lunou, 2018), Tappe Yam of Faruj (Venco Ricciardi 1980: 57-58), Shahrak- Firuze of Neyshabur (Basafa & Rahmati 2011), Tappe Damghani of Sabzevar (Francfort et al. 2014, Garazhian 2014), Ferizi site of Sabzevar was surveyed (Sabori et al. 1393), Challow Site of Jajarm (Biscione & Vahdati 2011, Vahdati et al. 2018), Tappe Eshgh of Bojnord (Vahdati 2014), Raze site of Darmian (Sorush & Yusefi 2014), Gavand site of Ferdows (Farjami 2014), Bakanda site of Tabas (Farjami 1394, Annani 1398). Also, many sites from this period were identified during the regional surveys including 15 sites in Atrak Basin (Venco Ricciardi 1980), 15 sites in Darregaz Plain (Kohl & Heskel 1980, Yusefi Zoshk & Baghizade 2012), 2 sites in Kal-e Shur Basin in Esfaryen (Vahdati 2015), 9 sites in Kal-e Salar Basin (Rezaei et al. 2018).

Conclusion 
Unfortunately, the sites related to the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan have been little explored. It is very difficult to get into the socio-political organization and the relationship between these sites, as the archeological excavations in this area have not been carried out on a large scale and only a few activities have been carried out. It is not even possible to answer the question whether the graves uncovered with the cultural materials of the Greater Khorasan civilization belong to nomads or to the sedentary societies. Some scholars consider the works related to this culture in Iranian Khorasan are rare. However, unlike Hiebert and Lamberg-Karlovsky (1992), it should be emphasized that these sites are not rare and Khorasan of Iran should be included in the world of culture of the Greater Khorasan. The sites in the Greater Khorasan introduced in this article, are different from in eachother based on their function. These areas were cemeteries (Shahrak-e Firuze, Challow, Tappe Eshgh, Raze), residential (Shahrak-e Firuze, Challow, Tappe Damghani, Ferizi) and workshop (Shahrak-e Firuze and Challow) and of course, the use of some of these areas is also unknown (Karim Abad, Gavand and Bekanda).
With an overview of the 14 sites and areas introduced in this article, it is possible to imagine a core of the sites of the culture of Greater Khorasan within the modern city of Neyshabur. The core includes the areas of Karim Abad, Shahrak-e Firuze and Yousef Abad. If the boundaries of this border extend, the existing areas within the city of Sabzevar (Tappe Damghani and Ferizi) can also be added to this complex. In this view, Neyshabur is not considered as a city, but a geographical area and a land known as Neyshabur. With such a view, the remarkable point is the formation of an image that later in the Islamic era is known as the four divisions of Greater Khorasan. These four parts (quarters) are Marv, Neyshabur, Balkh and Herat. Each of these sections was the cultural and sometimes political center of the Greater Khorasan during the Islamic era and played a very important role in the cultural unity of Khorasan. Other sites discovered such as Raze, Bakanda, Gavand and Tappe Eshgh are more indicative of cemeteries and trade stations. As a result, the Bronze Age culture of Greater Khorasan in Khorasan Iran is a combination of one of the main cores of this civilization and trading stations with the western regions (Mesopotamia). The Desert marginal areas such as Bakanda and Gavand are located on the main trade route north-south and east-west which connected the main cores of the culture of Greater Khorasan to the western regions of the Zagros and Mesopotamia through areas such as Shahdad and Tappe Hesar.

Abstract
Understanding the Synchronicity between the Shagha-Taimuran culture and the Elamite period in Fars province requires a close look at the mentioned culture. In the Elamite texts, Anshan is mentioned as the place of the name which is the main part of Elam. Anshan is located in the northwest of the Kur River Basin of Fars province. On the other hand, in compiling the prehistoric chronology of Fars, it is the main basis of technological changes. The cultures before the rise of the Achaemenids in Fars were classified according to the changes and developments of pottery. The mentioned issues raised the necessity of accurate dating of the Shagha Taimuran culture. Tol-e Taimuran is one of the main sites of the cultures of the 2nd millennium in Fars and focal in the east of the Kur River Basin, eighty kilometers southeast of Anshan. In this article, we first try to deal with the relative and absolute chronology of this region then, according to the absolute chronology of the given region and neighbors during 2nd  millennium of Fars, comparing cultural materials, and recognizing cultural features, to evaluate the cultural sequence of the 2nd millennium in this region and neighbors in 2nd millennium. Dating of Tol-e Taimuran, there are 3 samples of charcoal were sent to the laboratory of Campania University (INNOVA SCaRL),on which the results show the period in between 1550 to 1100 BCE.
Keywords: Kur River Basin, Elam, Shagha Taimuran Culture, Tol-e Taimuran, 14C Dating.

Introduction
The Anshan is definitively identified at Tol-e Malyan, which is situated at the Kur River Basin (Reiner, 1973), which is one of the main centers for the formation of prehistoric cultures in Fars province, and the importance of Anshan as one of the main location in Elam and on the other hand, the identity of Elam as a cultural and political concept that has played a significant role in the Middle East for a thousand years (Alvarez Mon, 2018); The main question is the role and position of Fars prehistoric cultures in the centuries parallel to Elam in Fars. Geographically, Elam covers large parts of the southwest of the Iranian plateau. Part of Elam is located in the south of the Zagros Mountain range with distinctive features. These Sites are often ideal for pastoralism; and a limited number of areas were suitable for extensive and intensive settlement, which have an irregular distribution (Petrie 2013: 4).

Fars during the Second Millennium BCE
A plethora of chronological periodization has been proposed for Fars over the past 60 years, each with its strengths, weaknesses and terminological idiosyncrasies (Vanden Berghe, 1954; Sumner, 1972; Hole, 1987; Voigt and Dyson, 1992; Miroschedji, 2003). Vanden Berghe is the first researcher who, based on his extensive studies and speculations, has compiled a relative chronology of Fars cultures from the 7th millennium B.C to the Achaemenid period (Vanden Berghe, 1954). The Darvazeh Tepe is one of the main sites of Shagha Taimuran culture; 32 cases of radiocarbon dating in 1976 by Nicole on the charcoal samples of the Darvazeh Tepe show the time between 2140 to 640-500 BCE (Jacobs, 1980: 54). The chronological sequence of castle cultures, Shagha Taimuran in the VI chronological periods of the Kur River Basin in the Sumner study includes the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium and the beginning of the 1st millennium BCE (Sumner, 1974). In Tol-e Nurabad, absolute Chronology indicates the sequence of prehistoric Fars cultures from the Neolithic to the first half of the 2nd millennium of Fras. Tol-e Spid has a sequence from the Bakun period to the end of the Kaftari period. In these two Sites, we see a gap from the middle of the second millennium to the Achaemenid period (Potts and Roustai, 2009). Concerning the Tappeh Qasrdasht in the north of Marvdasht plain, the absolute dating of the area has been done by thermoluminescence and radiocarbon dates methods. Among the 16 samples tested by thermoluminescence method, 3 samples are completely related to the period of the second millennium, 1 sample shows the date of 2025± 250 BCE and 1 sample shows 965 ± 170 BCE (Atayi et al, 2019).

Absolute Chronology of Tol-e Taimuran
Tol-e Taimuran (Timaran) consists of two ridges at a distance of 90 meters from each other. The main oval Site with an area of 7 hectares with a west-east slope (Emadi et al, 2020), is located in the southwest of the Koushk-e Tavabeh village neighborhood and 100 km northeast of the center of Fars province, with geographical coordinates 39 R  X: 0718341, Y:3292841 and 1579 m ASL. During the excavation in Tol-e Taimuran, 10 samples of charcoal were found from different phases, of which 3 samples were sent to the dating laboratory for C14. The results are based on the depth of the sample in the table (Table, 1). According to the experiment, the sample of Taimuran 1 shows the time between 1271-1450 BCE, Taimuran 3 shows 1746-1891 BCE, Taimuran 5 shows 1434-1620 BCE (Fig, 1). Important findings in the site excavation process include ivory cylindrical seals, bronze vessels, and stone weights. Tol-e Taimuran including a large corpus of pottery and well-defined architecture. This is clear evidence for a settled community in Fars, most of the findings of Tol-e Taimuran are common in the areas of the second millennium of Fars. 

Conclusion
From the beginning of archaeological research in Fars, the presented chronologies have always faced challenges; Here, an attempt has been made to first express the chronological challenges of the Shagha Taimuran period of Fars, then to evaluate the presented chronologies using the results of the absolute chronology of the Tol-e Taimuran obtained by accelerating mass spectrometry with other areas of the Shagha Taimuran Fars. The results of radiocarbon dates of 3 charcoal samples in the Tol-e Taimuran show a date between 1550 to 1100 BCE. Comparing the dates obtained from radiocarbon dates in the Darvazeh Tepe area, the results of chronology by absolute thermoluminescence method of Tappeh Qasrdasht , and the materials found from this area in the 2nd millennium with Tol-e Taimuran and summarizing the results of 3 absolute chronological samples of radiocarbon dates at the Tol-e Taimuran suggest that the beginning of a culture that Vanden Berghe called the Shagha Taimuran is older than previously thought by researchers; It is noteworthy that the Shagha Taimuran can be considered as a continuation of the process of prehistoric cultures, apart from the political changes of the lowlands or the arrival of new tribes. However, the end of this culture in Tol-e Taimuran, 1100 BCE.
 

Abstract
Due to the existence of fertile alluvial soil and more than one hundred aqueducts (Qanats), agriculture and horticulture were prosperous in the Borkhar plain, north of Isfahan during the Qajar period. Furthermore, its location on the Isfahan highway to the capital of government made it easy to export products to other regions. Accordingly, livelihood in the Borkhar plain was affected by agriculture and horticulture. The questions are: how was the exploitation and management of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar? Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Based on the archaeological data such as gardens with the irregular plan and vast gardens with the designed and regular plan, it can be concluded that the type of agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar plain was subsistence agriculture and agribusiness. In the early Qajar era, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore, the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture in this plain, such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.
Keywords: Strategies of Livelihood, Agriculture During Qajar Period, Architecture of Qajar Period, Borkhar in Isfahan, Khan’s Gardens.

Introduction
Livelihood means human assets, behaviors, and activities that determine the standard of living of an individual, family, or community (Ellis, 2000: 10). According to Chambers and Conway, livelihood also means the capabilities and necessary activities to survive and determine lifestyle (Chambers and Conway, 1992: I-II). The strategies of livelihood were developed in different communities to increase social welfare and public health (Gaillard et al., 2009: 120). These strategies were included agricultural and horticultural livelihood, animal husbandry, fisheries, industrial activities, road services, and trade. In this article, the architectural features of gardens and buildings related to agriculture in the Borkhar plain were explained. Then, the strategies of livelihood in this plain during the Qajar period were analyzed.
As the entrance passage of Isfahan from the north, Borkhar plain was a strategic area on the north-south communication route of the country. This plain was considered an agricultural and horticultural area on the periphery of Isfahan.
The questions are how was the exploitation of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar?
The importance of this research is that it recognizes the systems of management and exploitation of natural resources in the past, especially with an emphasis on the methods of achieving sustainable livelihoods based on the capabilities of the region. While today, some cities and villages in the region are facing serious risks in terms of conservation of natural resources and livelihood, due to incorrect policies in local and regional development and lack of attention to local capabilities.
Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Analyzes were performed by “content analysis” of historical sources and “spatial analysis” of architectural monuments related to horticulture and agriculture.

Exploitation and Resource Management in Borkhar 
Geologically, the Borkhar plain is an alluvial plain and its settlements were developed in these alluviums (Shafaqi, 2002: 97). These alluvial soils cause fertility in this plain. The fertility of the Borkhar plain on the one hand, and the rise of the landowners class in the Qajar period on the other, led to the division of ownership of agricultural lands and gardens between lords and large landowners. Accordingly, the number of lords increased and they gained higher social prestige during the Qajar period. In addition to building residential castles on their agricultural lands and gardens, the lords and employers hired several farmers and settled them to increase the production and use of the land (Amirhajloo et al., 2012b: 115). 
Despite the fertile soil, the amount of rainfall in Borkhar plain was low. Therefore, groundwater extraction methods were important and aqueducts were created in the plain for this reason. The remains of “Pang-khaneh” buildings as a place for the distribution of aqueduct water in the Borkhar plain are important. Factors affecting the water distribution of aqueducts in Borkhar plain were: the features of the place, the amount of water of aqueducts, the number of households using water resources, type of cultivation, and laws governing the region. Exceptionally, for private aqueducts located on lord’s farms, all aqueduct water belonged only to the landowner.

The Strategies of Horticulture and Agriculture Livelihood in Borkhar
If we want to analyze the livelihood strategies of horticulture and agriculture in the Borkhar plain, we must pay attention to “subsistence agriculture” and “Agribusiness”. Subsistence agriculture is a type of agriculture that aims to produce as much as the needs of the family, tribe, or village and does not pay attention to foreign markets and earnings (Mosher, 2008: 6). While Agribusiness means specialized cultivation, production over subsistence needs, and product sales in the various markets (Amini, 2016: 549). While from the middle of the Qajar era, especially from the time of Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, “Agribusiness” also became popular (Mansour Bakht, 2009: 123, 147). 
Archaeological evidence of the Qajar era in the Borkhar plain indicates both of the above farming strategies. Archaeological remains show the subsistence agriculture strategy in this period; For example, small enclosed gardens, scattered and irregular gardens with an organic plan on the periphery of the villages of Morchekhort, Gaz, Gorgab, Sin, Dormian, Zaman Abad, Dastgerd, Dolatabad, Dombi, and Margh. While there is other evidence that shows the strategy of Agribusiness in Borkhar in the Qajar era, such as regular lordly gardens with a pre-designed plan and residential spaces for lords and farmers, as well as castles of landlords.
The content analysis of Qajar sources also confirms the existence of the above two livelihood strategies in Borkhar. For example, crops such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, summer vegetables, turmeric, and beets were grown for local consumption. But crops such as melons and cotton were grown commercially and then exported.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological data and historical sources, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain during the early Qajar era. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture of wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets in this plain, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.

Abstract
Despite obvious differences which we know on subjects, sights, methods and results of Development Projects and Archaeological Research, It appear that there are evident similarities among them: theoretical debates, field investigations, team-works, order and organization, planning, provisions, supporting, discussions and judgment, governmental beginnings, national rules, foreign patterns, management progresses, specialty approaches, expert obligations and public utilizations. Also, when we add “sustainable” to development our discourse will be extent and we however confront with cultural phenomena. It seems evaluating of distinctions and comparison of similarities between «Development» and «Archaeology» will be background for systemic survey their interactions especially in the counter together time. Establishment of laws and communication of circulars are solutions to problems and reach to coordination among development projects and archaeology. But satisfaction and persuasion are a supplement factors for taking decisions. In this article after a review on meaning, concept and implications of Development and explanation contents and aims of Archaeology we Assess importance and relations them in cultural and developmental realms from intertextually view.
Keywords: Comparative Survey, Archaeology, Sustainable Development, Material Culture, Reductionism, Intertextuality Approach, Hermeneutics.

Introduction
Despite the thematic, approach and strategic differences between “archeology” and “development”, it seems to have a similar basis in terms of the beginning of changing ideas and perspectives and changing methods and traits of “development” in the post-World War II. Also, we can find some temporal-spatial symmetries in the evolution of practices and norms and sometimes consistencies in the context of the dynamics and intellectual challenges of the “archeology” and “development”. 
This article discusses the importance of providing a comprehensive, concise, and effective scenario for arranging plans and directing common scenes between “development” and “archaeology” rather than turning scenes into the meaningful sequences. Thus, interactivity of coherent and effective narratives replaces broken, incoherent, tense, and failed examples.
Most of the views, the most visible scenes, the most controversial encounters, the most newsworthy intersections, the most difficult relations and the most acute conditions between “archeology” and “development” are usually in the “field” and with the beginning and continuation of the various small and large improvement projects. Therefore, to find a way to prevent such unintended events or to reduce the cultural and civilizational damage, one must “cure the incident before it occurs.” According to the author, the most important context, the most effective possibility and the most efficient approach in concluding evaluations of what we have said, is to pay attention to the “theoretical realm” - that is, the precondition of every rational action and the precondition of every thoughtful will - among “archeology” and “development”. In this way, common principles and perspectives can be raise in the framework of comprehensive intertextual and interpretation-oriented strategies.
Method: This article is based on both theoretical and practical experience contexts. Considering the constant confrontation of developmental projects with ancient sites and historical monuments, the author, based on his administrative and experimental backgrounds and his research responsibilities too,   Analytical and explain his analysis and inference from the two areas of “archeology” and “development”. The strategic theme of this paper is the reduction of “archeology” and “development” to their roots and foundations, in-text reviews, and out-of-text comparisons from an intertextual perspective.
Aim: What has been discussed so far from developmental approaches - both “ improvement” and “sustainable” - in the field of cultural heritage issues hadn’t have systematics relations or efficient interpretation between the two and the neglected theme was the processing of “plan” for “action”. Therefore, the present article can be considered as the first example in terms of intertextual and interpretive approaches in the area of “archeology and sustainable development” in Iran

Discussion
Antiquities and historical monuments are one of the challenging areas in development policies and research planning, organized or restoration interventions or orbital protection plans of the Iranian cultural heritage. Archeology in terms of research materials, the focus of topics, the source of discussions, the field of functions and the source of ideas based on static phenomena, in situ remains, in place evidence, closed contexts, suspended systems, elapsed periods and historical moments. Such a context is being elucidated in the light of field research, scientific exploration, technical documentation, comparative evaluations, laboratory research, repeated insights, and rational-empirical discoveries, and gradually the content, its dimensions and aspects become meaningful.
But “development” in content, in form and in its implementation or process is based on views that seek to reconstruct attitudes and approaches, to design actions and patterns, to prepare directions, to build institutions and to establish structures. “Development” is the hope of achieving desires beyond what is possessed, and the pursuit of desires is ahead of what is. “Development” is looking for unintentional intentions and asking for unfulfilled wishes. The output of such an arrangement of features in the field of development is “endeavor” and in a word “dynamic”.
Geographical diversity and ecological capabilities in the land of Iran make the identification and location of each of the natural phenomena and human phenomena in order to develop and provide the most optimal social life a priority in planning and goal setting. Such a basis is the clearest argument for gaining the necessary foresight - or what is called “inquiry” - from geographical areas.

Findings
In general, and in normal circumstances, the three “threat factors”, “danger sign” and “cause of destruction” of ancient sites and historical monuments can be found in the “design, implementation and operation of construction projects”. “Continuation of agricultural activities and increase of cultivated area” and “Illegal excavations and looting of cultural-historical property” were summarized.
Despite some inherent similarities and functional similarities, each of these phenomena in different territories and climates of administrative levels, social issues, legal regulations, legal rules and solutions. Expertise in the prevention, remediation, remediation of injuries, mitigation of damages, preservation and introduction of samples and the presentation of samples and their own reference and practical examples. But in a conceptual interpretation of the above-mentioned three, development projects should be considered the “most inevitable”, agriculture and farming the “most common and continuous”, and looting of historical sites and cultural property “the most unfortunate” phenomenon. - influences on archeological remains.

Conclusion
It seems that the reduction of the body, branch and fruit of the product of both phenomena (archeology and sustainable development) to the foundations and roots, if not from the organic links between them, at least reveals some origins or some similar relationships and transit routes. Visualizing, drawing, and explaining such similarities will show the causes and contexts of the distances, and will make it possible to return to the position or process the interactive scenes.
With such a view, it can be said that “development”, especially in its sustainable form, in the sense of a strategy for the comprehensive provision of human present and future affairs, and “archeology” in the sense of an approach to recognizing and preserving its past are essentially human phenomena. One of the needs, approaches and examples of sustainable development to be aware of the nature of man, to know his identity and to know what his needs is “archeology”. For this reason, actions must be overlapping and methods must be convergent, except by extending the “cognitive” aspect of archeology to issues beyond its body and structure, and including the “sustainability” of development into contexts. And more comprehensive components will not be possible than changing the status quo.

Abstract
The concentration of activities and sites Iron Age excavations carried out in Iran in the quarter-northwest Iran. It covers the west, northwest, north of the center, and the west bank of the Caspian Sea. The important point is that the chronological basis of the Iron Age in Iran is also based on the excavation of several sites in a small part of the northwest and its extension to the whole of Iran. Thus we see the Iron Age archaeological activities at the eastern part of Iran and especially North East is very unknown. Iran has long been the entry point for people without a nomadic component steppes of northeastern North Asia region is the Iranian plateau. According to written sources the oldest nations that have entered the Iranian plateau, known as the Indo-Iranian or Aryan tribes from the steppes of northern Asia to the south and in the land of the Pamir Mountains to Anatolia widely dispersed. Many scholars consider the gradual movement of these tribes to be from the second millennium. A period that is almost synonymous with the Iron Age in the region. But our knowledge of the Iron Age northeastern Iran today virtually all North Khorasan Province and the northern part of Khorasan Razavi province involved is negligible. This paper is based on the latest research picture of the Iron Age northeastern part of the country, with emphasis on the upper basin Atrak be provided. According to the study and identification carried out in this basin, the Iron Age of the upper Atrak basin is part of the Yaz 1 culture.
Keywords: Northeastern Iran, Iron age, Upper Atrak basin, Yaz 1 Culture, Archaic Dehistan, Settlement Patterns.

Introduction
It has been less than a decade that steps have been taken to understand the Iron Age in Northeastern Iran through surface explorations and excavations. Based on this, it seems that some parts of northeastern Iran are in the cultural area of Archaic Dehistan and another part is in the cultural area of Yaz I (Basafa 2017, Dana & Hejebri Nobari 2019, 2021, Vahdati 2016, 2018). The upper Atrak basin is an almost rectangular valley with a length of 90 km and an average width of 20 km. This region is one of the most important regions of northeastern Iran in terms of population movement because it connects the north of Kopet-Dagh to the interior regions of Iran and the center of the Iranian Plateau (Fig.2). Northeastern Iran has long been the place of entry of nomads from the northern steppes to the inner regions of the Iranian plateau. Due to the geological feature, Kopet-Dagh act as a barrier between the Karakum desert in the north and the fertile areas in the south, which cannot be crossed except through a few natural passages. 
More than 500 sites were identified in the archaeological surveys of the upper Atrak basin, among which 23 sites were dated to the Iron Age (Fig.3).

Iron Age Sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
The 23 Early Iron Age sites identified in the upper Atrak basin are listed in Table 1. In the surface survey of these sites, the only available data was pottery. In all Iron Age sites of this basin, the dominant pottery is Yaz 1 hand-made pottery. These pottery are poorly made, rough and in the range of buff and bright red, and the motifs are usually drawn geometrically with ocher and jujube red colors, and most of them are mixed with grog. 9 of the identified sites can generally be attributed to the Iron Age, and traces of Yaz I painted pottery were not found in the surface surveys. The pottery of these 9 sites are similar in form to the pottery of the Archaic Dehistan culture, but unlike them, they are in the buff and red spectrum.

Location based on ٍlevation Factor
The Iron Age sites of the region are located at an altitude between 1007 and 1718 meters above sea level. The size of the smallest site is 0.01 and the largest is 10 hectares. Examining the Pearson correlation coefficient regarding the area of the enclosures with the height factor shows -/299 (Table 2), which indicates a negative but moderate correlation. This means that as the height above sea level increases, it is expected that the size of the enclosures will decrease due to the limitations of natural factors.

Water Resource Factor
The distance of the Iron Age sites in the region from permanent water sources, including rivers and other running water sources, ranges from 0 to 6395 meters, and their average distance is 1441 meters. Pearson correlation coefficient/313. (Table 2) states that this figure shows the relationship between the direct and average level of significance between the size of the sites of the region with the factor of distance from permanent water sources. 

Land Use Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the region with the soil type factor of the location of the sites shows -.054 (Table 2). This figure is weak and small. It is expected that there are large sites in the sedimentary plains and smaller sites on the edge of the plains and mountain slopes, and this is not the case in this area.

Slope Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the sizes of the sites of the region with the slope factor of the location of the areas is 0.72. (Table 2). The figure shows a very weak relationship between the size of the sites and the degree of slope of their location. 

Slope Direction Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the area with the slope direction factor of the location of the areas shows -240 (Table 2). This phenomenon shows that some of these sites have not been used for a long time or that the different slope directions were not so important for the residents of this site in different seasons.

Communication Routes Factor
The sites of the region are located at a distance between 0 and 15355 meters from the main communication routes today. The Pearson correlation coefficient shows -114 (Table 2), this figure shows a very weak and small and inverse relationship. In other words, as we move away from the main communication routes, we should expect the size of the enclosures to decrease and become smaller.

Distribution of Iron Age sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
In this research, in order to obtain the distribution pattern of settlements in the region and to better analyze and understand the distribution of archaeological sites in the region and to find a pattern that fits environmental variables, the statistical method of cluster analysis has been used. Based on statistical analysis and their clustering, three patterns were obtained (Table 3, Chart 1).
Settlement distribution pattern 1: Settlement distribution pattern 1 includes 6 enclosures (Chart 1, Table 3). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plain and the highlands, their small size, which is less than half a hectare, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as temporary and seasonal settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 2: There are 14 enclosures in this pattern (Chart 1). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plains and the highlands, their small size, which is less than two hectares, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as agricultural and livestock settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 3: There is only one site in this group, and the reason for their placement in a cluster or separate pattern is its very large area compared to other sites. The size of this site is 2.2 hectares. The characteristics of this site, especially being located at a high altitude and a long distance from water sources and communication routes, and other characteristics show that it is similar to model 1, and only because of the difference in the size of this site, it is placed in a separate group.

Conclusion
The largest sites in the upper Atrak basin (except the IUA03 site) are located almost in a vertical line and very close to each other, Tappe Yam with 10 hectares, Tappe Ja’far Abad with 2.8 hectares and Sofalgaran-e Zadak site with 3 hectares, for a total of about 16 hectares from the total 33 hectares, half of the size of the Iron Age sites cover this basin. Today, these sites are located around the city of Faruj and almost in the middle of the plain. This area can be considered as the crossroads center of important roads in the region.
The important point in the reconstruction of the roads is the mountainous conditions of the region, which does not allow passage anywhere. With these conditions, there is only one possible way in the south, and that is today’s Binalud-Shah Jahan road, which goes from Quchan to Sabzevar. Near this road, there is Tappe Golshan Abad, which is actually located in the entrance area of this mountain pass. 
However, it is a little difficult to determine the northern route to pass Kopet Dagh and go to its north due to the number of valleys and the connection of some valleys with each other. By carefully examining the existing routes in the area and their connection with the Iron Age sites, a route is suggested that includes the sites of Tappe Yam, Dalan Tappe Kukach, Dalan Tappe Bozorg and Unnamed Tappe of Milanlu.
The western road along Atrak River connects the upper basin to the middle Atrak basin.
The eastern road also continues to the Kashaf River basin and the Mashhad plain without any natural obstacles.
Today almost all researchers agree that the people had Yaz I culture, nomads. Since Yaz I remains in a wide area of Greater Khorasan and the southern parts of Transoxiana, the route of population migration will inevitably pass-through Greater Khorasan through the north-south routes that connect the steppe regions of North Asia to its inner regions in the Iranian plateau. In this view, the upper Atrak basin is located in the area of Yaz I pottery culture, and due to its strategic location, it plays a very important role in the arrival of people with Yaz I culture to the inner parts of the Iranian plateau.

The article reviews chivalry traditions, developed in ancient Iran, and their transition and transformation to the country’s post-Islamic history. The author analyses the cultural mechanisms, which provided this movement, and argues that its roots and prerequisites should have taken place in Great Khorāsān at the very turn of the ‘Abbāsid revolt in the middle of the century CE. This was a period when an external call activated forces and facilities, preserved in the stratum of Iranian knights, to become the basis for the later military evolution within the new circumstances. The cultural importance of Khorāsān for the Iranian state and rule at the turn of the Muslim era is reflected in written texts. The early muslim period in Great Khorāsān was a special time as Iranian predominance mingled with multicultural traditions in the boundary region. The topic is presented in a wide context including Irasnian literary, artistic, and artisanal sources, helping to visualize the historical backdround of Iran. This is based on philosophical doctrines for Iranian cultural developement proposed by contemporary scholars.

Abstract
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.

Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.

Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.

Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.

Abstract
The Kur River basin, located in the Northwest of Fars province, is considered one of the main centers of the formation of the Achaemenid Empire. In terms of geographical landscape and climatic characteristics, the mentioned region includes vast intermountain plains (including Marvdasht and Korbal), rivers with deep beds (Kur and Sivand) and semi-arid climate. According to these conditions, the managers of Achaemenid economic-political institutions intelligently used the environmental capabilities of the region by building dams, weirs, Pool, reservoirs/catchments and canals to control surface waters and direct them to the ground. Agriculture and human settlements have paid. The dams and Weirs, while playing the aforementioned role, also prevented the damage to the agricultural lands located downstream by controlling the floods. The method of construction and selection of materials in the construction of structures has been different depending on the environment and their function. Dams and Weirs are mainly formed with an earthen core and a stone wall. The canals are also created in two ways: earthen and stone, or a combination of these two methods. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. The present study tries to introduce the Hydraulic Structures of the Kur River basin, its functional nature and morphological characteristics by using the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the evidences resulting from archaeological excavations and surveys. 
Keywords: Achaemenians, Kur River Basin, Hydraulic Structures, Canal, Agriculture.

Introduction
Central Fars region/Kur basin has a semi-arid climate with a Mediterranean rainfall pattern, most of which occurs in the winter season. New geological research and climate data show that during the Achaemenid period, the weather conditions of the Kur River basin were very similar to today (Djamali et al., 2009; Kehl et al., 2009; Rigot, 2010). Therefore, water control and management in a semi-arid environment with irregular rainfall patterns and rivers with deep beds has been vital and inevitable. According to these conditions, the managers of the political and economic institutions of the region have invested in the construction of structures such as dams, Weirs, reservoirs, and canals, whose works and evidence have been proven as a result of research and investigation. These Structures were built in different areas of the Kur River and with different purposes. The discussed structures in terms of dimensions and size, the amount of work and the materials used show the support and investment of the government. Therefore, the existence of various water structures, conducting targeted research in order to find out the functional nature of the structures, their physical structure and the reasons for assigning them to the Achaemenid period seems necessary. The main and important question of the current research is what was the function and performance of Hydraulic Structures in the Kur River basin during the Achaemenid period? What was the basis of the chronology and assignment of the studied water structures to the Achaemenid period? The structure, the environmental study and the geographical background of the formation of the structures have shown their various functions, such as supplying water to human settlements and agricultural lands, controlling and directing floods. Also, the discussed structures have been dated to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar Structures.

Identified Traces 
As it was mentioned before, as a result of Archaeological investigations and researches, several important Hydraulic structures from the Achaemenid period have been identified and studied in the Kur river basin. In terms of morphological characteristics, the mentioned structures are divided into groups such as Dams, Weirs, Canals and Reservoirs. Among them, we can mention Band-e- Dokhtar, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Rahmat Mountain Canal, Asiyab Dam, Qondashloo Mountain Canal, etc. For the accurate dating of some of these structures (such as the band Dokhtar and the Bard Burideh), there is enough evidence, including the use of carved stone blocks and Dovetail Clamps. But some others can be attributed to the Achaemenid period based on possible evidence, including comparative comparison with similar structures and the connection with the surrounding sites. Band-e- Bas II and identified channels are included in this group. The precision and skill used in the construction of these structures indicate the existence of advanced engineering in the Achaemenid period. The chosen place for the implementation of Hydraulic projects reflects their functional nature. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Hydraulic Structures can be defined in connection with water supply and irrigation projects. The reason for the existence of Channels makes sense in this connection. Band-e- Dokhtar, Band-e- Bas and Asiyab Dam probably had a multifaceted function (irrigation, water supply and flood control). The Persepolis Tablets refer to a large amount of Agricultural and horticultural products in the Kur River basin. According to the texts of Persepolis, the diet of the people of this area in the Achaemenid period was mainly based on Agricultural products (barley and wine). Some of these crops can only be cultivated if irrigated. In addition, the implementation of irrigation projects has made it possible to plant nurseries and fruit gardens (mentioned in the Tablets).

Conclusion 
As the heart of the Achaemenid Empire, the Kur River basin has diverse environmental and geographical capabilities, including vast and fertile plains and permanent rivers. These natural characteristics have prompted the economic policy makers of the Achaemenid Empire to implement the economic programs of the Kur region according to its potential. The use and exploitation of surface water (rivers and springs) for the economic prosperity of the region by building structures such as dams, Weirs, canals and reservoirs is one of these measures. In this context, Band-e- Dokhtar and the canal branching from it, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Koh-e- Rahmat Canal, Koh-e- Qondashloo Canal, Koh-e- Ayyub Canal, Dezhabad-Amir Aqueduct are worth mentioning. The environmental study of the formation of structures and their placement in the landscape of the region shows that the main purpose of creating structures was to supply water to human settlements and Agricultural lands. The Persepolis Archive implicitly indicate the expansion and prosperity of agriculture/Gardening activities and diet based on agricultural products in the Kur river basin. Also, the reference of the Tablets to the cultivation of water crops (cotton, flax and rice) and various fruits can be considered as clear evidence of the role of water supply structures. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding Sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. In terms of size and dimensions, the above structures show the amount of work and materials used for government support and investment.

The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks.  The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.

The earliest evidence of human exploitation of the wild date palm in the Middle East dates back to the sixth and fifth millennia BCE. Despite the scarcity of archaeological data, it is commonly assumed that by the end of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3300–3100 BCE), the Sumerians founded the earliest date palm orchards. However, this hypothesis has thus far not been substantiated by scientifically verified and documented evidence, rendering the matter a subject of scholarly controversy. To date, since the Proto-Elamite script has not yet been fully deciphered, our knowledge of agricultural activities within Proto-Elamite society remains considerably limited. What has been learned so far regarding the structure of this society’s economic system is derived mainly from comparisons between signs found on Proto-Elamite clay tablets and comparable examples in Late Uruk Mesopotamian Proto-cuneiform tablets from the late fourth millennium BCE; signs that primarily pertain to labor activities, animal husbandry, and livestock products. This study outlines the phenotypic characteristics of the date palm that can be identified, and examines their similarities to known Proto-Elamite examples. The authors suggest signs representing date palms in the Proto-Elamite script and consider them as key resources for a better understanding of the subsistence economy of the Proto-Elamite period, an issue previously absent from the scholarly literature on this era. Employing a comparative approach, the article correlates the signs for palms in Proto-Elamite texts with contemporaneous and later Iranian, as well as Mesopotamian, visual motifs. By introducing these signs into the archaeological discourse of the Proto-Elamite period, the research enables a more accurate reconstruction of the economic system and assessment of the level of date-palm horticultural knowledge in southwestern Iran during the late fourth millennium BCE.