Abstract
The bronze coins of Antiochus III that are dated to the time of his great expedition to the East come from a mint in Ecbatana. The obverse depicts the diademed head of the king, whereas the reverse shows a grazing horse or a mare with a foal. Both motifs were absent from Seleucid coinage, but direct analogies can be found in Achaemenid seals. By placing these motifs on his coins, Antiochus III was likely attempting to portray himself as the rightful king of Iran. 
Keywords: Antiochus III, Coins, Horse Motives, Grazing Horse and a Mare, Iran, Greece. 

The coinage of Antiochus III, the Great (223-187 BC) featured various kinds of the horse motif. Whereas some depictions portrayed the king as a charging cavalryman with a spear,II others presented horses by themselves. The obverse of the bronze coins minted in Ecbatana show the diademed head of the king. The reverse depicts a grazing horse with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1264-1967; Newell, 1938: 213-214, cat. no. 618-621, Pl. XLVI, 13-18). The same mint produced bronze coins with an identical obverse and a different depiction on the reverse, although with the same legend. The reverse features a mare with a foal (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1268-1971; Mørkholm, 2001: 118, Pl. XXIV, 367; Newell, 1938: 214, Pl. XLVII, 1-8) (Fig. 1). The horses on the reverses seem to be naturally connected with the place where the coins where minted; Ecbatana, the capital of Media.III The presence of these animals on Antiochus III’s coins is currently interpreted as a reference to the role the Median cavalry played in the royal army. It is difficult, however, to directly link these depictions with battle.  
In accordance with T.E. Newell’s classification (Newell 1918: 6-10), the way Antiochus III’s head is depicted on the aforementioned coins with a grazing horse belongs to the B type, which is analogous to the coins that present the king as a rider. On the coins with a mare and a foal, the face of Antiochus seems to be younger; it should therefore be concluded that they were most likely struck earlier. However, taking their theme, the depiction of horses, into account along with the fact that the coins were struck at the same mint in Ecbatana, it is assumed that they were issued roughly at the same time (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462). The B-type coin is likely from the time period of ca. 211-209/8 BC (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 358-359) or 209/8-207/6 BC (Newell 1938: 216).
While acknowledging the above-mentioned differences, it seems that the issues featuring horses on the reverses should be associated with Antiochus III’s expedition to the East in 212-205 BC,IV which was also indicated by the place of their minting. Media directly bordered the country of the Arsacids and constituted a significant point during Antiochus III’s expedition. The king was in Ecbatana in 211-210 BC, which was memorialized on bronze coins struck at uncertain mint 73, a military mint associated with Ecbatana. The coins, dated to 210 BC, depicted the diademed head of the king on the obverse and an elephant with a mahout and a tripod (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 463-464 cat. no. 1272-1274; Newell, 1938: 220-221, cat. no. 632-637, Pl. XLVIII, 6-11.), or an elephant with an anchor, on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 464 cat. no. 1275-1277; Newell, 1938: 224-225, cat. no. 648-651, 654, Pl. XLIX, 4-6). The depictions of the king’s face on those issues are also recognized as B-type, which suggests that coins with various types of horse images can be dated to a similar time. 
It seems by all means plausible that the horse motif has an association with Media. In ancient times, this country was renowned for its excellent cavalry (Bar-Kochva, 1976: 44) and famed Nisean horses.V Horses played a tremendous role in the culture of Iran (Schmitt 2002). Achaemenid seals have been found to depict a grazing horse (de Clercq 1903: 38, Pl. VII, 102 bis) and a mare with a foal (Tuplin, 2010: 105) similar to the ones on Antiochus III’s coins. The motif of a grazing horse was earlier featured on Seleucus II’s bronze coins from Antioch (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, cat. no. 710; Newell 1941: 168, cat. no. 1163-1166, Pl. XXXVI, 4-8), from where it was most likely borrowed by Antiochus III. Equivalents of this motif as well can be found on Achaemenid seals. A mare and a foal in Seleucid coinage cannot be found in the existing sources, it has to be assumed that this was not a coincidence, but a conscious reference to Achaemenid iconography. 
The objective of Antiochus III’s expedition to the East was the restoration of Seleucid rule over the provinces that had been separated from the empire during the reign of his father, Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226 BC). The successful rebellions of Adragoras the satrap of Parthia (Iust. 41.4.7; Bickerman, 1983: 19; Wolski, 1969b; 1975) and Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria (Iust. 41.4.5; Strab. 11.11.1; Wolski, 1960; 1969a; 1982), together with the Parni invasion under Arsaces I’s command (Iust. 41.4.7; Trog. Prol. 41; Strab. 11.9.2), led to a considerable reduction of the Seleucid territory in the East. The emergence of the countries of the Arsacids and Diodotids significantly weakened the dynasty’s authority and demonstrated that not only the Seleucids were able to rule in the East. This was also vivid proof of the empire’s helplessness, which could encourage other rebellions,- as was indicated by the example of Molon, the satrap of Media and the governor of the Upper SatrapiesVI.
By placing Iranian motifs known from the Achaemenid period on his coins, Antiochus was able to portray himself as the only king of Iran, as opposed to the Parni invaders or Greco-Bactrian usurpers. Neither of the motifs (the grazing horse and the mare with a foal) had military connotations, and their peaceful nature could additionally emphasize the rightfulness of Antiochus III’s rule. From the Achaemenid period came the depictions of a mare with a foal together with a winged disc (Collon, 1987: cat. no 923), which might suggest that this motif had religious connotations. Considering the significance of the horse in Iranian religion, such connotations should not be deemed strange (Briant, 2002: 248-252; Simons, 1994: 170;  Shahbazi, 1987). The accounts of Herodotus (Hdt. 7.40.4), Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.. 8.3.12), and Quintus Curtius Rufus (Curt. An. 3.3.11) suggest the horse was connected with Ahura Mazda, who they referred to as Zeus/Jupiter (Boyc,e 1984; Hoover, 1996: 48; Lorber & Iossif, 2009: 32l; Sherwin-White & Kuhrt, 1993: 76; Olbrycht, 2016: 100). The Avesta described both Tishtrya (Yt. 8.18) and Verethragna (Yt. 14.9) as a white horse, which seems to indicate that the horse was not so much linked to a specific deity but rather represented the idea of the divine. Mare’s milk was used in religious rituals, such as the initiation of Achaemenid kings (Lewis & Llewellyn-Jones 2018: 133). If we are to accept the religious significance of the horse depictions on Antiochus III’s coins, the horse should be construed as a sign of divine support for the Seleucid ruler, which was an important from the perspective of the iconography of power. In fact, Antiochus’ coins had carried references to local cults in the pas as well.VII Reviving old motifs was an important move from the perspective of the iconography of power
Seleucid coinage also featured depictions of horned horses, including the horned horse heads known from the coins of Seleucus  I’VIII and Antiochus IIX Their meaning is interpreted in the context of military strength (Erickson, 2019: 138), although the presence of horns, a symbol of divinity in the Middle East (Erickson, 2013: 124; Troncoso, 2014: 61-62, Svenson, 1995: 40) that, the Seleucids most likely borrowed from Babylon (Anagnostou-Laoutides, 2012: 3-5; 2017: 155-156; Hoover, 1996: 28-29.), suggests that horses had a religious significance. It cannot be excluded that the horned horse symbolized the legitimacy and rightfulness of royal power (Hoover, 1996: 97; Troncoso, 2014: 64).
A horse head, though without horns, is present on Antiochus III’s bronze coin from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The coin, minted after Molon’s rebellion, features the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. Its obverse depicts a young male bust facing three-quarters right in an elephant headdress. The bust is identified with Alexander the Great, although it is also thought to be an idealized depiction of Antiochus III (Houghton & Lorber 2002: 444 cat. no. 1182; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  412A, Pl. XXI, 18; Le Rider, 1965: 25, cat.no. 27, Pl. i, 12). The horse head from the reverse, although it does not feature horns, seems to refer to the coins of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The male bust in an elephant headdress, a symbol or royal power (Troncoso, 2013: 256), has a direct analogy in the coinage of the first Seleucid king, who borrowed this motif from the coins of Ptolemy I (323-283 BC) (Dahmen, 2007: 15, Erickson, 2011: 111; Hadley, 1974: 53).X In his coinage, Antiochus III often used older motifs, which was a conscious reference to the period of the empire’s greatness. The most famous example is the restoration of Apollo with a bow seated on an omphalos in place of the figure of standing Apollo, which had been put on coins by Seleucus II (Erickson, 2009: 195 2019: 125-126). Such a restoration was an obvious reference to the times before the crisis of the monarchy and the loss of provinces in the East.

Conclusion
Antiochus III strove to portray himself as the one rightful ruler of the empire. In the face of rebellions and usurpation not only in the East, but also in the West (Achaeus’ rebellion), the actions he undertook stopped the country’s decomposition and restored the dynasty’s authority. In the East, the king attempted to consistently subdue independent countries, through actions such as fighting a war against Media Atropatene after his victory over Molon or making an expedition to Armenia, which began his great eastern expedition. His goal was to eliminate each center of power that could rival the Seleucids in the East and restore the borders to their status from before the period of his father’s reign. Whether Antiochus III was able to carry out those plans is another issue,XI but they offer context that makes it is easier to interpret the presence of the motifs of a grazing horse and a mare with a foal on his coins from Ecbatana. By using these motifs, Antiochus III made a reference to the Iranian tradition, which enabled him to present himself as the rightful ruler of all of Iran. It cannot be excluded that horses symbolized the divine legitimization of royal power. The sole image of these animals, which were so important in Iranian culture, constituted a clear sign that emphasized the king’s connection with Iran, as well as with the provinces that were separated from the empire and ruled by foreign dynasties. 

Endnote
I. The present article was financed by the National Science Centre in Poland (FUGA 5 scholarship program me, UMO-2016/20/S/HS3/00079). 
II. Bronze coins that feature the king as a rider with a spear come from Ecbatana (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 461, cat. no. 1259-1963). An analogous image is present on the bronze coins of Seleucus II from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (Erickson 2019: 136-138, Fig. 3.11-12; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, 274-275, cat. no. 709, 767-768; Newell 1941: 167, cat. no. 1162, Pl. XXXVI, 1-2). This motif, in the form of a horned rider on a horned horse featured on the drachmas, hemidrachms and tetradrachms struck in Ecbatana, also appeared in the Seleucid coinage of Seleucus I Nicator (Erickson 2019: 43-46, Fig. 1.8; Houghton & Steward, 1999: Pl. P.5.1, 1A; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: cat. no. 203; Newell, 1938: cat. no. 481, Pl. XXXVI, 9, 10). 
III. In his description of Media, Polybius highlighted its unique location in the center of Asia, as well as the country’s wealth and military significance. According to him, there were many cities and villages in Media, and Ecbatana itself was surrounded by Greek cities (Plb 5.44; 10.27.1-3). When describing Media, Strabo mentions the earthquakes that were to destroy numerous cities and two thousand villages (Strab. 11.9.1). Even if those figures are exaggerated, this account indicates the wealth of the country. When Strabo moves on to describe the country under the Parthian dominion, he mentions multiple Greek cities founded by the Macedonians, which demonstrates the degree of Media’s urbanization (Strab. 11.13.6). Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was an important administrative center during the Seleucid period (Aperghis, 2004: 42).
IV. Antiochus III took over Armenia in the first place (Plb. 8.23.1-5, but his real target was the country of the Parni (Plb. 10.28-31), and Bactrian Greeks Plb 10.49; 11.34) . For Antiochus III’s eastern anabasis, see Grainger, 2015: 55-79; Kuhrt & Sherwin-White, 1993: 190-200; Lerner, 1999: 45-62; Wolski, 1996: 87-88; 1999, 75-78
V. The most famous horses of antiquity were named after the Nisaean plain in Media (Azzaroli, 1985: 89; Herzfeld, 1968: 8; Schmitt, 2002). In the New Assyrian Period, these horses were part of the tribute the Medes had to pay to the Assyrians (Shabani, 2005: 8). Herodotus wrote about Nisean horses taking note of their presence in the army of Xerxes I during the period of war against Greece (Hdt. 3.106.2; 7.40. 2-4). According to Strabo, these horses were used by the Persian kings (Strab.11.13.7; 11.14.9). When describing the parade of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daphne, Syria, Polybius lists Νισαῖοι as one of the horse units present (Plb. 30.25.6). The name, which clearly refers to Nisean horses, suggests that the unit was comprised of Iranian riders who came from Media (Sekunda, 1994: 22). According to another interpretation, they may not have been from Media, but were armed in a similar manner as the Medes (Bar-Kochva, 1979: 74). 
VI. The causes and course of Molon’s rebellion were described by Polybius (Plb 5.43-54).
VII. In order to memorialize his victory over Molon, Antiochus III struck coins at Susa featuring a female head in an elephant headdress on the obverse and the goddess Artemis with a bow on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 454 cat. no. 1224-1225; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  410-411). Nanaia from Susa and Anahita from Iran, who were identified with Artemis during the Hellenistic period, were probably also portrayed as the Greek goddess (de Jong, 1997: 273; Martinez-Sève, 2015; Le Rider, 1965: 293-296; Tarn, 1966: 69). The image of the goddess can be interpreted as an expression of the local deities’ support for Antiochus, similarly to an analogous image known from a coin of Seleucus II that wad also struck in Susa (Iossif & Lorber, 2009 109).
VIII. The image of a horned horse head is known from the obverse of silver tetradrachms that feature an elephant and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ on the obverse were struck at Pergamon (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 1.2.) and an uncertain mint likely located y in Asia Minor (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 2). A half of a horned horse appears on coins minted in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 474, add. 16, 18).
IX. A Syrian mint in Europos (Dura) struck bronze coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and a bow on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 115, 136-137, cat. no. 367-368; Newell, 1941: 80, cat. 882-883, Pl. XIII 9-10). In Bactria (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 161, cat. no. 469, 471; Wright, 2010: 117-118, Fig. 67) and in Carrhae (Newell, 1941: 47-48, cat. no. 784-787), coins were struck with a horned horse head on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ as well as the head of Seleucus I in a horned diadem. An identical set of images is featured on the coins from Sardes (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 124, cat. no. 322; Wright 2010: 117, Fig. 66) and, Europos (Dura) (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 136-137, cat. no. 363, Newell, 1941: 79, cat. no. 878-879), but with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. From Aï Khanoum (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 151-153, cat. no. 426-434) and an uncertain mint also located in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton, Lorber 2002: 475, add. 21) came coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ with the head of Antiochus I in a hornless diadem on the obverse.
X. For information on the motif of Alexander in an elephant headdress with ram horns in Lagid coinage see: Dahmen, 2007: 42; Mørkholm, 2001: 63-64; Meeus, 2009: 248.
XI. J. Wolski, when indicating the actual failure of Antiochus III’s expedition, referred to his activities in India and comeback to Seleucia through southern Iran as “a military parade”; in fact, Antiochus did not manage to dismantle the country of the Parni or the Bactrian Greeks (Wolski, 1999, 78).

Abstract
Coin minting is basically a symbol of the formation and confirmation of a political sovereignty. The Shiite rulers of al-Boyeh were among the local and regional governments of the geographical area of Iran, that  after the establishment of a political government in the year 322 AH and in imitation of the previous governments, according to the usual practice, coins were minted after the formation and stability of the political government. It seems that in the early days of the rule, the Al-Buyeh family used some of the symbols of the Abbasid dynasty and before it in their coins to validate and legitimize their political rule. that with the passage of time and the entry of this Shia political rule into the middle and final period; All the symbols of other local and regional governments have been removed from the front and back of the coins and replaced by symbols that show Shiite vision and thinking, and gradually with the passage of time, these symbols have reached a stage of maturity and complete guidance . It is one of the very important topics that the current research has aimed at, in addition to searching and analysing historical sources and new researches, to explain the reasons, motivations, and existing platforms for this change and transformation in the coins of Al Boyeh. to do and the nature of using these symbols and why not using another symbol as well as their growth and excellence from 322 to 454 Hijri, a period of 123 years with this question; What are the indicators of the minting of the coins of the Shiite Albuyeh rulers in Iran? How to challenge its adaptations, innovations and differences to other coins? Preliminary studies show that the Albuyeh ruling family, like other ruling families of their time, had to first legitimize the newly established system. They use the symbols of Bani-Abbas and before that in their coins and with the passage of time and the establishment of political rule, they tried to include Shia and Iranian symbols on their coins and their rule by minting dinar coins. (gold) and dirhams (silver) to everyone.
Keywords: Coin, Al-Buyeh Coins, Symbols of Shiite Coins, Symbols of Al-Buyeh Coins, Abbasid Coins.

Introduction
Al Boyeh rulers are the first Shiite rulers who were able to make a name for themselves in the history of Iran for 132 years from 322 to 454 AH and devote some pages of historical texts to their history. Investigating the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history requires knowing and knowing the sources that explain the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history (Faqihi, 1378: 16-17- Boseh, 1363: 220-221- Bahmanyar Kermani, Beta: 18- Ibn Athir 1373/11: 4825). Coins are one of the many important sources that can provide valuable information in all political-military-economic-social-cultural-artistic-literary-religious fields. Coins are actually the most truthful narrators of history, who have left valuable information in their hearts, which cannot be found in any of the historical texts or other surviving works of the past ages with complete accuracy and certainty. From the study of numismatic data of a historical period such as gender, metal, weight, carat, lines and motifs and slogans contained in the coins as well as the place of their minting from the intellectual, religious, cultural, political and social approach of each of the dynasties. Historically obtained useful information. From the study of the numismatic works of the Al-Buyeh period from the beginning to the year 322 (A.H.) until the fall of this government in the year 454 (A.H.) it can be seen that the coins of this period underwent many changes and many ups and downs, has gone through. So that these changes can be clearly seen in all political, social, administrative, economic, religious and cultural fields and even in architecture and coins. Research shows that the rulers and founders of the first new Al-Buyeh rule at the beginning of their work to formalize and legitimize their power structure in their efforts to benefit and adapt the civilizational, administrative, political, military and economic stages from others such as the Umayyads. They are the Abbasids, After adapting this index, they maintained it until the middle period of their 132-year rule, and after the changes and developments in the civilized, administrative, political, military, and economic fields, they replaced it with new indices, so this process continued until the fall of the rule. Albuyeh’s politics is quite tangible. In works such as Sarafraz: Avrzamani (2010); Pakzadian: 1380, Rezaee Baghabidi, (1393), Quchani, (1374); Eshraq, (1389), Quchani, (1383), Tridville (2001), George Miles (1938) The ups and downs of Al Boyeh coins developments from 322 AH to 454 AH, the end of the political rule of Al Boyeh Iran in metal, Weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans... can be seen. Al Boyeh Shiite rulers in the very beginning of their work from the symbols of the Umayyad and Abbasid governments such as; The image of the Sassanid king (Khosro II or Yazdgerd III) was inserted on the coin (Ishraq, 1385: 3) The appearance of the name of the caliph or ruler in Pahlavi script - The appearance of inscriptions with Pahlavi script on the coin - The face of the Sassanid kings, half-faced and full-faced, appeared Appearance in the coins (Ishraq, 2015: 2) - the entry of the Islamic slogan into the Kufic script in the margin - the presence of Zoroastrian fire pits on the back of the coins - the presence of two fire guardians on the back of the coins - the appearance of inscriptions on the sides of the coins - Entering the date and place of production in Pahlavi or Kufi script- The appearance of inscriptions on the back of the coins usually used Pahlavi or Kufic script (Miles, 1363: 318-319- Sasanian Arab coins before Bani Umayyad 1-2). From the evidence and historical documents, it appears that the rulers of Buya, like the Umayyads and the Abbasids, minted gold (dinar), silver (dirham), scales or copper coins. It seems like this, when the rulers were in a good political, economic, and military situation, they minted gold or silver coins, and basically, gold and silver coins were minted in the main center of government. Later, with the gradual disappearance of the political, economic, and military influence, as well as the political rule of Al-Buyeh approaching the end of their rule, gold (dinar) and silver (dirham) coins were gradually replaced by gold coins Due to the distance from the centre of government - the reduction of central power - the lack of concentration and supervision over other states - the coins became popular in the political sphere of Al-Buyeh. From the historical and archaeological evidence and documents, it appears that the Shia rulers of Buyeh used to mint coins in many canters, and many titles and titles were used in their coins - from different styles, such as the Iraqi-Jabal-North-Shirazi style They used- Unlike the coins of the contemporary periods (Abbasians, Samanids, Ghaznavids, Seljuqs), they use the inscription script - the names of local emirs appear on the coins - they imitated the Sassanid coins and put the name of the emperor on the coin - from poems Shiites have not used it in the minting of coins - at first the grade and purity of the coins was at a high level (98%) - with the passage of time, the grade and purity of the coins gradually decreased and decreased to 50% - the name of Caliph Abbasi is on the back of the coin It was minted continuously - words such as Muhammad Rasulullah, La ilaha ila Allah, Wahadh Lashrik Leh, etc. are seen in most of the coins. So that these indicators and characteristics can be seen from the coins obtained in fifty mint centers of Al-Buye such as Qoms, Bastam, Damghan, Semnan, Gorgan, Estrabad, Amol, Sari, Frame, Hossam, Isfahan, Helwan, Dinur, Shapurkhashat, Saveh, Sinjabad, Qarmisin, Qazvin, Mah Al Kufa, Mohammadiyeh, Nayin, Hamadan, Armenia, Bardsir, Bam, Jiraft, Sijan, Arjan, Ardashir, Khoh, Janaba, Darabgerd, Shapur, Siraf , Shiraz, Fasa, Kazeroon, Kordfana Khosrow, Ibadan, Ahvaz, Izhaj, Shushtar, Jundishapur, Ramhormoz, Souq Al Ahvaz, Askar Makram, Baghdad (an overview of the distribution of minting centers in the political territory of Al Boyeh (cf. Miles, 1363: 326- Mitchiner, 1977: 121-126).

Conclusion
Al-Buye’s numismatic studies show that the coins of the political rulers of this Shiite family have experienced many ups and downs over time based on their geographical location, distance and proximity to the canters of power, followed by political, economic, cultural and social issues. In order to formalize their political rule, the Shiite rulers of al-Buyeh first followed the plan of their predecessors and after the political, economic and military changes and developments; they separated their administrative structure from the previous rule and announced the coinage of their independence to others. The minting of dinar (gold) and dirham (silver) coins is a sign of this approach, following the emergence of signs of weakness and weakness as well as the reduction of political and economic power; Coins were gradually reduced from gold to silver and with the passage of time to copper coins, and numerous changes in color, shape, inscriptions and distinguishing signs were evident in them. According to the practice of their predecessors, the first rulers of the Boyeh ruling dynasty have taken models from the coins of others, and like other contemporary ruling families, by imitating the Abbasid coins, they gradually removed their symbols and replaced them with Islamic and Shia symbols, and by adapting some of the initial coins of the regime. With the coins of the middle and final period of this dynasty, it can be seen that there are fundamental differences in the coins of this period (Baha al-Dawlah Deilmi coin - cf. http: // malekmuseum.org). This symbol has fundamental differences compared to other coins of the previous era due to the approach of the Al-Boyeh family in assigning it to the family of innocence and purity and on the other hand to Iranian’s. Although the essence of the work of the coins of this period is exactly imitation and adaptation of the Abbasid coins; But in some aspects such as color, shape, inscriptions and recognition marks, it is associated with a new approach that separates it from other coins, which can be seen in the use of many titles and titles; and also the use of styles such as Iraqi, Jabal and North, and Shirazi; It made them more distinct compared to their contemporary coins. The coins of the first period of Al-Buyeh are used with the names of local rulers and the names of Sassanid kings appear on the early coins of the rulers of Buyeh. They had a mind. In addition to this issue, to confirm their political sovereignty, the Buya emirs had to include the name of their contemporary Abbasid caliph in their coins. This symbol is less visible in the early coins of Al-Buyeh and more in the middle and final period of their rule, and later this symbol was added to it along with the symbol of nationalism and Shia rituals, so that the emirs of Al-Buyeh appointed themselves to the Zaidi and Shiite family show. In addition to this issue, except for the initial period, the Shiite ruler . in their coins. Al-Buyeh rulers dominated parts of Iran and Iraq from 322 to 454 (AH) for 132 years and made great efforts to expand their political rule over other cities in the region; But like other governments, after a period of ups and downs and the decline of their political, military, economic-social power, as well as the emergence of new powers and the court of Al-Buye being caught up in internal conflicts and family rivalries - political-economic similarities - caused it to decline in front of other powerful and coherent powers of the region such as the Seljuqs, and with the decrease of their power, the material, metal, weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans, etc., of the final coins of this period changed A lot appeared.

Sasanian Empire was one of the most powerful periods in ancient Iran. Archaeological evidence and traces, and Sasanian and Post-Sasanian texts show cultural and artistic relations of the Sasanian Empire from the East to the West. However, official Sasanian methods of warfare are one of the most important legacies of the period that have been less studied. These offensive and defensive arms and armor can be analyzed by looking at remaining evidence left by kings and officials within the national borders to the lands abroad. Sasanian swords are depicted on rock reliefs, silver dishes, and coins (drachmas and dinars). Although studies have been done on the classification of Sasanian swords shown on rock reliefs, no systematic study on the depiction of Sasanian swords on Sasanian drachms has been done so far. The following paper tries to restudy the subject by comparing the swords depicted on Sasanian coins and compare them to the swords shown on rock reliefs and dishes. Sasanian swords are depicted on different Sasanian royal arts such as Sasanian coins, Sasanian silver dishes, and Sasanian rock reliefs. Different elements will be taken into consideration such as the shape of swords in general and their method of hanging from the belt in particular. A closer look shows that Sasanian drachmas and dinars show two major types of hanging Sasanian swords via a scabbard slide system: A. hanging the sword in front of the body. B. hanging the sword on the left or the right hip. Additionally, the following paper will compare them to some extant examples of Sasanian swords that are kept in museums and private collections. 

Abstract
The historical city of Ujan, located in in East Azerbaijan northwest Iran, has been one of the most important cities of the Ilkhanid dynasty (1256 to 1335 AD). A number of coins were found during the excavation and study of the site by Tehran University’s Archaeological Board in 2017-2020. In this article, 13 coins have been analyzed and reported. The coins were cleaned as much as possible so that the inscriptions and designs were examined and read, whose results are presented in this paper. All of the 13 coins are minted in the styles attributed to the Abu Sa’id period, the last powerful Mongol Ilkhanid ruler born in Ujan. Based on elemental analysis, most coins are copper. Two of them are made of bronze alloy (copper-tin) and the other is made of brass alloy (copper-zinc). The use of lead has been reported in the composition of all alloyed coins. All the coins unearthed from Ujan excavations have been minted in the city of Tabriz. This is probably due to the commercial and economic importance of Tabriz in the Ilkhanid period, because no evidence of minting coins has been found or reported in the Ujan area so far. The analyses of the coins are indicative of important historical, cultural and political facts about the Ilkhanid dynasty.
Keywords: Ujan, Ilkhanid Period, Alloy, Mint, Ujan Coins.

Introduction
Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, was an important city during the Ilkhanid period, serving as a summer residence for the royal family.  It was rebuilt during the Ghazan Khan Ilkhanid period but lost its importance due to earthquakes and wars. Ujan is an example of an Ilkhanid city with Islamic architecture and urban planning (Velayati et al. 2020).
Coins from Abu Sa’id, were found in Ujan and minted in Soltanieh and Tabriz. In archaeological studies, coins indicate civilization, prosperity, and decline of a territory or monarchy. The study of coins can provide insights into nations’ pasts, as well as their artistic, religious, political, and social development (Sarafrazi 2010). Ilkhanid coins are categorized into three groups: (1) early Ilkhanid period with Quranic verses and no Uighur inscriptions, (2) period of stability with Uighur inscriptions and Mongolian titles, and (3) time of Oljaitu with Persian inscriptions including Islamic testimonies, Shiite mottos, and names of Rashidin Khalifs (Avarzamani & Sarfaraz 2009).

Identification of Ilkhanid City of Ujan Based on Archaeological Finds
The Mongols’ recorded history dates back to the late 12th and early 13th centuries AD, with information from “the mysterious history of the Mongols” and Persian and Chinese records (Bosworth,1988:243). The Ilkhanid khans was elected in Qoriltay, with Maragheh, Ujan, Tabriz, and Soltanieh as capitals(Atwood 2004: 231, 233). After four seasons of study, the University of Tehran’s Archeology department discovered the historical city of Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, north of Sahand Mountains, East Azerbaijan. Figure 1 shows the historical map of Ujan City (Velayati, 2016).

Historical Context of Ujan
The name of Ujan was first mentioned in the book “Masalak-al-Mamalak Istakhri” and later by other Arab geographers. In 698 AH, Ilkhan ordered the construction of the Islamic city, which was built quickly with bazaars, baths, and land divided among his relatives. Ghazan Khan rebuilt a mansion in Ujan and called it the city of Islam. Many events occurred in Ujan between 740 to 806 AH, including Amir Teymour resting in the Ghazani Palace. An Ottoman tourist reported that Ujan was once a large city but was destroyed during Holakokhan’s reign and people migrated to Tabriz. Ghazan Khan later repaired the castle of the city.

Ujan Coins
Studying the chemical composition of coins offers valuable insights into various aspects including politics, society, economics, and production methods. The origins of raw materials in different periods can indicate religion, art, culture, traditions, or architecture (Fierascu et al., 2009). Numerous coins were excavated from the historical city of Ujan and a comprehensive analysis was conducted on thirteen selected coins after thorough cleaning to ensure precise results (Figure 2).

Method 
In this study, 13 coins were imaged using Rigaku’s Radioflex-100CSB X-ray radiographic method to examine the metal core and legible motifs and inscriptions. After cleansing, the coins were imaged using a Leika / Wild M8 stereo microscope. A small part of the coins was cleaned and imaged using a FEI ESEM QUANTA 200 microscope to study the alloy composition. Elemental analysis was performed by the EDAX EDS Silicon Drift 2017 detector connected to the microscope.

Results and Discussion
The results of the elemental analysis of Ujan coins in Table 1 show that the base metal for making all coins is copper and a large number of samples have the same composition with small amounts of lead.
The thickness and lead content of coins affect their X-ray images (Figure 3). Coins with higher lead content and thickness emit fewer X-rays. The uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix creates a distinction between the background and lead globules in X-ray images. This suggests that Ujan coins were cast horizontally using an open mold. Most coins have low amounts of lead, which is likely an impurity in the metal composition, associated with tin and sulfur. The lead impurities may be related to the smelting and extraction method used to mint the coins.

Inscription Reading and Minting Analysis  
Ilkhanid coins are divided into three periods based on their inscriptions, representing the cultural attitudes of Ilkhans. In the early years, they incorporated aspects of Iranian culture onto their coins, possibly influenced by advisors like Khajeh Nasir al-Din Toosi. In the second period, some Ilkhans tried to embrace their Mongolian heritage by minting coins in Uyghur script, but this failed when Al-Jaito converted to Islam and developed Islamic and Iranian culture (Yar Ahmadi, 2010: 40). Mongolian culture was marginalized, and only a few political dissidents used the second method of minting coins.
The analysis showed that corrosion and previous interventions have caused the disappearance or distortion of designs and inscriptions on some coins. Only some coins were examined and read after clearing based on evidence in X-ray radiographic images. Analysis of coins in this study indicates that they belonged to the period of Abu Sa’id, the last and greatest Ilkhan king. During his reign, coins did not follow a special formal pattern, but had limited use of geometrical and non-geometrical patterns with the king’s name, Islamic testimonies, and the name of Rashidun Khaliphs. Lion and sun motifs were prevalent, rooted in Roman Seljuq coin minting. Five, six or seven-pointed stars appeared on coins, possibly imitated from Seljuqs. Abu Sa’id also used Mihrab (altar) motif with Quranic verses on his coins (Salehi 2014: 61).
Coin UJ-01 features several motifs on one side, with the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” on the other (Figure 4). Coin UJ-06 has an engraving depicting a rider racing on horseback, in the style of Ilkhani coins, with the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” inscribed along the edge (Figure 5). Coin UJ-07 is well-preserved, with the ruler’s name written as “Al-Sultan Azam Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Khaldullah Malika” and the mint name as “Tabriz Mint”. Inside a six-pointed star are the names of Rashidun Khaliphs and Hazrat Ali (AS), representing Abu Sa’id’s Sunni faith. Outside the star is the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” (Figure 6).
During the Ilkhanid period, mints had a lot of freedom in choosing and writing inscriptions on coins, as long as they remained loyal to the Ilkhanid system and its religious policies. This allowed each sultan or ruler to change the coins according to their own taste. For example, in Amol, coins were minted with the names of the Twelve Imams even during the Timurid period. Studies show that during the time of Abu Sa’id, nearly a hundred cities and districts minted coins in his name. However, it seems that Ujan did not have a mint, possibly due to its proximity to Tabriz. Further excavation may reveal coins minted in Ujan.

Conclusion
Ujan is a city of great economic importance due to its location on the Silk Road and its role in trade. Historical sources suggest the city had many caravanserais and economic prosperity. Coins minted in Ujan, mostly from the period of Sultan Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Ilkhani, have been found. In this research, 13 coins were examined, 10 made of copper and 3 of copper alloys. The copper used in minting is associated with lead, with uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix of all Ujan coins. The horizontal minting method was used in casting alloys. Many coins have corroded or distorted designs and inscriptions, but three (UJ-01, UJ-06, and UJ-07) have almost complete Islamic inscriptions and designs in the style of Ilkhanoid coins.
The examinations show that during the early Ilkhanid period, rulers used religious inscriptions in minting coins to propagate their ideology and gain legitimacy among the people. The use of Quranic verses and inscriptions on coins from this period suggests that the Mongols, who lacked religious legitimacy to rule Islamic lands, sought to attribute their ruling to divine destiny by circulating coins among ordinary people.

The rise and migration of the Hephthalites left a significant impact on the exchange of East-West civilizations, and the empire they established was one of the inevitable problems in the study of Silk Road. The period from the end of 5th century to the early 6th century was the zenith of Hephthalite Empire when the alliance between Hephthalites and Sasanians was established and the Hephthalites expanded to Tarim Basin and southward to North-West India. The Hephthalite Empire played an important intermediary role in the interaction of East-West civilizations, ensuring the stable development of the Silk Road in the 5th and 6th centuries and laying the foundation for the prosperity of the Silk Road during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The Chinese Northern and Southern Dynasties observed the Hephthalites in China and noted their interactions with different ethnic groups, such as the Han Chinese, Sogdians and Persians. Chinese written sources such as the Book of Wei, the Book of Zhou (Zhoushu 周书), the Book of Liang (Liangshu, 梁书), the History of Northern Dynasties (Beishi, 北史), the Book of Sui (Suishu, 隋书), the New Book of Tang (Xintangshu, 新唐书) as well as Comprehensive Statutes (Tongdian, 通典), provide substantial information about the Hephthalites. With the advancement of archaeological discoveries in recent years, the Hephthalite coins and Persian coins have also become crucial numismatic evidence for understanding the Hephthalite activities in medieval China and their relations with different ethnic groups in China and along the Silk Road.

Timurid coinage functions as a material repository, mirroring the significant economic and political shifts characterizing the era, thereby offering crucial insights into the socio-economic structure of the Timurid Empire. This investigation critically examines a collection of Timurid numismatic artifacts housed in the Avicenna tomb Museum utilizing X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy. The meticulous re-evaluation of preliminary XRF spectroscopic data is paramount, particularly within the discipline of numismatics, as it constitutes a foundational requisite for mitigating analytical errors and augmenting the precision of interdisciplinary assessments. While XRF technology provides a non-destructive means for the precise determination of elemental composition within the coinage, a failure to implement rigorous monitoring and comprehensive data scrutiny risks introducing substantial historical misinterpretation and analytical uncertainty. This study addresses core research questions concerning the substantive value of re-analyzing and interpreting XRF spectral outputs, specifically concerning their utility in authenticity verification (counterfeit identification) and the delineation of underlying economic and cultural characteristics. The central hypothesis asserts that unprocessed XRF spectral data lacks inherent accuracy and necessitates expert-driven, in-depth analysis for conclusive artifact examination. Furthermore, the research underscores the necessity of detailed spectral profiling, acknowledges inherent technical complexities in data interpretation, and advocates for interdisciplinary methodologies to substantially enhance result validity. The findings conclusively demonstrate that a profound reinterpretation of XRF analytical data significantly advances the comprehension of material provenance, safeguards cultural heritage assets, and yields more nuanced understandings of Timurid economic governance.

Fars Province has been the cradle of two great Persian empires—the Achaemenid and the Sasanian—throughout Iranian history. The presence of significant historical monuments from these two periods clearly demonstrates the importance of this province. One such region within Fars is Darab, which was home to the city of Darabgerd during the Sasanian period. Despite the historical and archaeological significance of this area within Iran, the amount of research conducted there remains limited. Given the importance of this city in the Sasanian era, this article seeks to clarify the position of the city and the khurrah (or kūra, “administrative district”) of Darabgerd and to reconstruct its defensive structure. Based on recent archaeological surveys in the Darab Plain, the study aims to determine the role Darabgerd played within the Sasanian administrative and political structure and to assess the duration of its importance. Furthermore, considering the fortresses and military fortifications surrounding the city of Darabgerd, the study examines how the defensive and monitoring system of the city and the Darab Plain functioned. At first glance, the ruins of Darabgerd—which testify to its former grandeur—along with the presence of a rock relief, a large and significant mint that remained active beyond the Sasanian period into the early Islamic centuries, and the discovery of seals and clay sealings, all attest to the importance of this geographical area during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. For this reason, the existence of a coherent defensive structure for both the city of Darabgerd and the Darab Plain was essential. Based on the identification of fourteen fortresses during archaeological surveys of the Darab Plain, this research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, integrating archaeological evidence with historical sources in order to provide a clearer understanding of the defensive structure of the Darab Plain during the Sasanian period. The results indicate that the geography of the Darab Plain played a decisive role in the formation of the city of Darabgerd and its defensive system.