Abstract
This site is located 60 km southwest of Khalkhal, in Shahrood plane, in Khalkhal city and 180 km south of Ardabil city. In May 2006, during the implementation of the road construction project in Khanghah village, the remains of several graves were revealed. From this date onwards, four seasons of Archaeological studies were conducted on this site. The first season was carried out in the same year, and graves 12, 19 and 25 were explored, among them a grave to the Iron Age I and the other graves belonged to the Iron Age II. The trench B was also explored in order to identify of more tombs. Following the excavation, graves 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 24 were discovered in this trench. According to studies on these graves, 2 graves belonged to the middle Bronze Age, 1 grave to the Iron Age I, 9 graves to the Iron Age II, and 4 graves belonged to the Parthian period. The second season was explored in 2007. In this season, the trench C with dimensions 10 x 10 m on the west side of the trench A and trench D with dimensions of 5 × 5 m along the trench B was explored. As a result, in this season, the remains of the 5 ancient graves were obtained; one of them belonged to the Parthian period, 1 grave to the Middle Bronze Age and three other graves to the Iron Age I. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. So, the main hypothesis of this study, it is: Theory of cultural dynamism in Iron Age I, in this area isn’t correct. 
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Ardabil Province, Gilavan Cemetery, Iron Age Burials.

Introduction
Gilavan cemetery is located northwest of Khanghah village and adjoined to it. In terms of archaeological findings, this cemetery is one of the most prominent sites in the north-west of Iran, because of the burial of the three archaeological periods of the middle Ages, the Iron Age and the Parthian period. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. During this season, 5 ancient graves were explored, identified by numbers 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31. Grave No. 29 dated to the middle bronze age, graves 26, 28, and 31 dates to the Iron Age I and 27 to the Parthian period. The graves of this cemetery were in the form of a hole in which burials were carried out in single and double burials. In the present study, gravels of the Iron Age of second season were qualitatively, descriptively-analytic and comparative approach, and compared with the effects of other burial grounds of the north-west and neighboring areas. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. The studies of Gilavan cemetery are important because in this area, in the burial findings of the graves, we witness a cultural sequence from the middle Bronze Age to the Iron Age II. Such results are of particular importance to the studies of the Iron Age, as well as the theory of cultural dynamism in the late period of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, which some researchers believe it to be.

The tombs of Gilavan cemetery in this study
Tomb No. 26: This tomb is located in trench D, and in the northeast it, in a depth of -107 cm from bench mark. This tomb is from type of grave pit that after the burial from the rock has been used to highlighting the grave. This tomb has been belongs to man25 to 30 years old.
Tomb No. 28: This tomb is located in northwest corner of trench C, and highest level this tomb from the ground -149 cm. This tomb is from type of grave pit, and single burial. Tomb No. 28 has been belongs to female 25 to 30 years old. 
Tomb No. 31: This tomb is located in the northern part of trench C, and to form of double burial. Tomb No. 31 is from type of grave pit. 

Conclusion
The study of the graves of the Iron Age of this site indicates that there are many similarities in the burial findings of the northern-western areas of Iran during the bronze and iron period. In other words, the findings of this cemetery can be compared with the burial objects of many sites of the middle bronze, the late bronze and Iron Age I and II, and this represents a cultural sequence during a period to a period Another is in the north-west of Iran and even neighboring areas. It seems that many of the developments in the Iron Age region of Iran are rooted in the earlier period. Many of the forms and techniques of constructing objects represent a kind of evolved designs, and the subject matter that implies the emergence or sudden appearance of them is not visible.

Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical study and its findings are based on field and document studies, and examines and analyzes the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz, and tries to study and understand the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, their symbolic themes, and their traces of mythical and religious beliefs of each historical or cultural period. Studies on tombstones related to the Qajar era of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz prove that these tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscriptions. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content.
Keywords: Shiraz, Daral-Salam Cemetery, Tombstone, Nationalism, Achaemenid, Sassanian.

Introduction
Fars province, like other regions of the Iranian plateau, has been inhabited by various groups and ethnic groups since ancient times, and in this regard, several cemeteries have been established to bury their dead. Dar al-Salam Shiraz is one of the seven old cemeteries in Shiraz that Moinuddin Abolghasem Junaid Shirazi mentioned in his book. There are tombstones from the early Islamic centuries to recent times, which indicate the importance of this cemetery. There are several designs on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam cemetery. Including human motifs, animal motifs, plant motifs, geometric motifs, calligraphy, and inscriptions. In general, discovering the meaning and concept of the designs created on tombstones and their symbolic nature can unify many of the forgotten secrets and points of regional and national history, art, and culture with more unity and meaning. In this regard, the present study examines and analyzes the tombstone motifs of Shiraz Dar al-Salam Cemetery, especially the tombstones of the Qajar period, and by examining them, in addition to identifying the created motifs and their symbolism, seeks to trace the motifs through periods and among the mythical beliefs and religions of past periods.
Research & Hypotheses Questions: 1- What are the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and what are their symbolic themes? 2- The designs created on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz shows which traces of mythical and religious beliefs of the historical or cultural period of Iran?
1. These tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscription images. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. 2. Considering the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show the continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which was created with a relatively different form and content.

Classification of Tombstones of the Qajar Period of Dar al-Salam Shiraz
In general, the images engraved on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, except lines and inscriptions, can be divided into a general category into the following groups: 1- Plant motifs, 2- Human motifs, 3- Animals and birds Motif, 4- Patterns of objects and geometric and abstract shapes

Conclusion
The study of the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz proves that these tombstones have various designs, including anthropogenic images, animal, plant, geometric, calligraphy, and inscription. Studying the motifs of this group of works and examining the social, political, and religious situation of the Qajar era, shows that most of these motifs are symbolic and rooted in the history and culture of Iran and are influenced by the region’s culture, beliefs, and temporal and spatial position. Also, the images of these tombstones are a kind of continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which have been created with a relatively different form and content. The motifs of cypress trees and lotus flowers are among the main paintings of Persepolis and the human images with lotus flowers in his hands, in a way reminiscent of the role of the Achaemenid kings in Persepolis and palace paintings. Sassanid monuments such as Bishapour Palace, which are among the first examples of images in Iran with a flower in hand. Horsemen and hunting scenes of animals such as lions, which are often seen on the tombstones of the Qajar period Dar al-Salam Dar al-Salam Shiraz; It has its roots in the history and culture of Iran, especially in the Persian region; Such patterns can be seen on Achaemenid seals found in Persepolis and other places, as well as on Sassanid gold and silver vessels. Finally, it should be acknowledged that among the reasons for creating these common themes between the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and the remnants of ancient civilizations of Iran such as the Achaemenids and Sassanians, in addition to the rule of nationalist thought in the Qajar period and the influence of the Persian climate (from The cypress tree, which is one of the special trees and vegetation of the region and is found in abundance in the region (especially Shiraz), is the location of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in a place that was once the center of the rule of the Achaemenid and Sassanid states, which itself is the main The most influential factors on the thoughts of the people of the Qajar period and the continuity of the designs of the past.

Abstract
Among the collection of findings from the archeological excavations of the Iron Age cemetery of Lefour, in Savadkuh, there is an engraved a two-humped camel on a bronze belt buckle, skillfully made through molding method. According to the studies of physical anthropology, in terms of morphology of the skulls, it shows that the excavated dead bodies were different from the previous inhabitants, and the grave goods also indicate they were cattle breeders and nomads. The most prominent object found is a bronze belt buckle with the engraving of a western two-humped camel on it; this animal is definitely not native to the southern region of the Caspian Sea, and may belong to the plains of Central Asia; the southernmost habitat of this type of camel is in the north of Gorgan plain and in the south of Turkmenistan. In the Achaemenid period, two-humped camel is also shown with groups of gift givers who came from Central Asia and the east of the Caspian Sea. In the memorial stone carvings of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyrians, there are also people carrying two-humped camels, along with the inscriptions seem to be belonged to a far distant country in the east. The most important questions in this study are: Were the human remains found in this cemetery are native or migrated from other areas? Whether the obtained grave inputs were made on site or imported, and to what extent were they influenced by the artistic and industrial techniques from near or far areas? And is it possible to reconstruct the migration route of these groups in the fertile and foothill areas of Mazandaran by studying the findings of this research? In this article, in addition to comparing the form and nature of the bronze belt buckle with other findings of Lefour Cemetery, the authors analyze and interpret it regarding historical documents and sources to provide more accurate answer to the questions. The result of the research reveals that this object was produced in another place and entered the region through immigrants.
Keywords: Iron Age, Bronze Belt Buckle, Lefour Cemetery, Savadkuh.

Introduction
The study and interpretation of the cultural characteristics of past societies and the study of the evolution of cultures based on the cultural relics left by these societies constitute the main framework of archaeological studies, the most important evidence in this regard is material and tangible effects. It is complex and difficult to know more accurately the cultural relics of past societies by relying on purely material evidence. The deep connection of religious beliefs with social customs and economic activities is one of the characteristics of past cultures. Therefore, one of the most important sources for understanding the religions, culture and functions of its predecessors is the study of ancient formulations and cultural materials. In this method, researchers usually consider one or more formative features such as objects placed inside the grave, adaptation of the grave or the general plan and location of the cemetery, and then, based on that class or social status of the buried people, adapt to the form, and compare the nature of objects. Despite the importance of accurate and scientific analysis of objects and graves from the Iron Age to explain religious beliefs, no independent research has been done so far. 
Research Question: The most important question that arise as a result of the two chapters of excavation of Lefour Cemetery is that according to anthropological studies  and comparison of ancient date, the graves of the deceased were relatives who migrated to this place from other areas and due to the similarity of form and was the nature of the particular object in question imported? And to what extent has it been industrial practices from near and far?
Research Method: In archaeological research, in addition to printing and disseminating data from field activities of an area, it is possible to analyze and compare the form and nature of an object with the data of regional and supra-regional sites to analyze the origin of a culture. In this article, focusing on the role of the bipedal camel on the bronze belt discovered from data from the Iron Age, Lefour and the similarity of this or that with the role of the western camel of the Persepolis donors, as well as the memorial stone of Shalmanser III it reinforces the hypothesis that it was intended to be imported and that its origin was in east and north of the Gorgan and Turkmenistan plains. 

Belt buckle with the Motiv of Balkhi Camel
The most prominent object of this burial was a unique Bronze belt buckle with the image of a Balkhi bipedal camel, and it is made by casting and embossing method and is reminiscent of desert and arid regions of the east of the Caspian Sea and the steppes of Central Asia

Conclusion
The plain and mountainous regions of the south of the Caspian Sea due to their suitable biological and climatic conditions are very important in studying the settlements of the Bronze and Iron Ages, but unfortunately no independent and complete research has been done on the origin and end of this period. It is done on a case-by-case basis and separately from each other in terms of time and place. Leford Savadkuh Cemetery is no exception. Regarding Leford Cemetery, it should be noted that according to the knowledge of cemeteries and settlements in the center of Mazandaran, it is clear that the cemeteries of nomads in mountainous area, unlike the plains, are often small and limited, and each cemetery probably belonged to a specific group or tribe. The nomads, whose main occupation was herding, spent most of their time in the highlands, migrating animals from one place to another in search of pastures throughout the year and the works obtained also show that in this sense it is economics and small works have on animal husbandry.

Abstract
In premodern societies, cemeteries were formed next to human settlements. The distribution of graves in these cemeteries depended on the size of the population and the use of these settlements. One of the difficulties in modern archaeological research in identifying cemeteries is determining their core and buffer zones. Due to the dispersion of graves, the density of graves in cemeteries can sometimes vary considerably. Determining the core and buffer zone in these areas is therefore always done with great caution. With the advancement of science and various new methods in archaeological fieldwork, the core and buffer zones of archaeological sites can now be done more precisely. One of the more efficient and effective methods in identifying, and consequently, determining the core and buffer zone of sites, is the geophysical survey. A geophysical survey with the magnetic method in the archeological site of Mehdiabad-e Olia in the cultural landscape of Bam was carried out to determine the distribution of archaeological graves and determine the core zone of this ancient cemetery in 2018.
Keywords: Archaeological Cemetery, Geophysical Survey, Core Zone, Buffer Zone, Mehdiabad-e Olia Cultural Landscape of Bam.

Introduction
Archaeological sites are spaces where physical and material artifacts of past human life entangle. These sites can be investigated by various types of archaeological fieldwork. Archaeologists identify the ancient sites by using remote sensing studies, aerial photography and satellite imagery, and pedestrian surveys. Most of the time, when we move from the center to the outside of the sites, the density of cultural finds such as sherds of pottery, artifacts, stone tools, bones, or architectural remains decreases. Sometimes, around the ancient sites, the topography, geomorphology, and landform, as well as sediments during different periods, cause cultural materials and artifacts to remain under these sediments and be hidden from view. Therefore, archaeologists often need to excavate to determine the presence or absence of materials below the surface. Areas, where the remains of ancient materials are present and can be reached with confidence by survey and excavation, are called the core zones of an archaeological site. From a legal point of view, it is forbidden to do any modern changes in the core zone of an archaeological site. A buffer zone is often added to protect ancient sites. The buffer zone is defined concerning the core zone and depends on the topography, geomorphology, environmental conditions, and elements related to the site. One field where the density of artifacts is very uncertain is the ancient cemeteries, which were generally built next to the settlements. The graves were mostly solitary and sometimes included secondary burial or mass burials.
Sometimes, due to the lack of obvious evidence of these graves, it is difficult and impossible to identify them, and determining their density and dispersion and the core zone of the cemetery. Determining the core zone and suggestion of the buffer zone traditionally is by using archaeological surveys and digging experimental sondages around the ancient site with special methods. Sometimes in ancient cemeteries, determine the core zone is not accurate, because maybe the archaeologist dig the experimental sondages between two graves and he doesn’t identify the graves, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, he doesn’t put this sections in the core zone, and this part should be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, this section not be included in the core zone of the site and will be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site. But by geophysical methods, archaeologists can identify the location of all the graves and determine exactly the core zone of the ancient cemetery.
 

The ancient cemetery of Mehdiabad-e Olia is located 3 km south of the village of Mehdiabad-e Olia. The cemetery expands on both sides of a branch of the seasonal River of Bandenesa, 90 km from the city of Bam. In winter 2016, after a flood event, several pits with ancient pottery fragments were found. Based on a preliminary analysis of the ceramics by the archaeologists of the research center of the citadel of Bam they were able to identify these to be of Achaemenid or Parthian date. Most of the graves are rectangular and they are only about 90 to 120 cm below the surface. The large extent of the site is ideal for geophysical studies to determine the distribution of graves and identify the core zone of this ancient cemetery. A magnetic survey is a fast and efficient method for the first approach of an archaeological site. The principle of the magnetic method is to measure the local variations of the Earth magnetic field due to the presence of iron oxides in the soils and the archeological structures. Surface soil is magnetically stronger than underground soils. Its properties are further enhanced by human activities. This makes identification of different archaeological structures possible: graves, pits, and holes prove a higher magnetic record after they were filled with soil and surface sediments. The difference in the intensity of the magnetic field causes graves and pits can be identified as point anomalies with the surrounding context on magnetic maps.
The magnetic survey on the site was carried out with a cesium gradiometer G858 with a mesh grid of 1 m x 0.10 m interpolated at 0.50 m. Our survey covered an area of 8 hectares and focused on both sides of the road and the river by which several graves had been found. The magnetic map showed several anomalies: linear anomalies and positive and bipolar point anomalies. The strong linear anomaly on the south of the map was linked to the recently made modern canal. Another linear anomaly corresponding to the road in the southwestern part of this area. Other linear anomalies were related to artificial water passages. The majority of point anomalies are related to the graves, however. Our magnetic map identified approximately 800 graves. Some of these point anomalies are located on the surface graves that were found in the flood. 

Conclusion
According to the magnetic map, the density of point anomalies decreases in the east, south, and southeast of the area surveyed. This means that the limit of the cemetery is specified in this section and the core zone line of the site can be well defined here. The highest density of cemetery graves is in the central part of the studied area. The anomalies of graves continue in the north and west of the section, but the density of these anomalies decreases, and the line of the core zone of the cemetery can be identified in this part of the area. Our magnetic survey shows that the core zone of the ancient cemetery is well recognizable without actual excavation. Any excavation and opening of sondages in this region are dangerous and would pave the way for the looting of these sites. A geophysical survey, however, will protect this ancient cemetery. After our survey, an Iranian archaeological mission directed by Shahram Zare found a large Achaemenid building near 650 m west of the cemetery. Archaeological research on this site is continuing.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
The Bisotun bridge was built across the Dinavar Ab River, flowing on the eastern outskirts of the present-day town of Bisotun. The construction of the bridge’s substructure was initiated in the late Sasanian period, but the program was abruptly terminated, as is the case with other Sasanian projects in Bisotun. Subsequently, the Ḥasanwayhids, a local Kurdish dynasty in western Iran, completed the construction of the bridge. High traffic and natural hazards such as floods and earthquakes have inflicted damage upon the bridge in subsequent periods, i.e., from the Saljuq era to the first Pahlavi period. Consequently, governments made considerable efforts to restore or reconstruct various parts of the bridge. Workshops were established at a short distance northeast of the bridge to provide construction materials for the restoration and reconstruction of the damaged parts. To the northeast of the bridge, there exists a low mound measuring 50 m in length and 40 m in width. The mound was excavated in 2002 under the direction of the present author, revealing four distinct archaeological strata. The earliest layer (I) includes a seasonal settlement from the Qajar period. Layer II contains a cemetery from the same period. Layer III encompasses several brick and lime kilns, dating back to the Ilkhanid and Qajar periods. Layer IV yielded parts of a stone-cutting workshop from the late Sasanian/ Ḥasanwayhid period. This article aims to provide the first comprehensive description of the findings within each archaeological stratum, using historical and descriptive-analytical research methods. We will also propose a chronological framework for the excavated materials based on archaeological evidence and thermoluminescence dating analysis. Furthermore, the article will delve into the production processes of brick and lime produced in the excavated kilns. Moreover, we will provide insights into the process by which the stone blocks were produced in the stone-cutting workshop.
Keywords: Bisotun Bridge, Stone Workshop, Brick, Lime, Kiln, Cemetery.

Introduction
The Bisotun Bridge is located on the eastern outskirts of the present-day town of Bisotun, on the “Great Khorasan” highway to Baghdad, spanning the Dinavar Ab River (Fig. 1). The bridge is 145 m long and consists of six spans. The bridge piers are constructed of well-dressed stone blocks, while the walls, buttresses, and vaults are made of bricks. Archaeological excavations and architectural studies have revealed that the bridge has been constructed, reconstructed, and repaired in eight distinct stages, occurring at different times ranging from the late Sasanian period to the first Pahlavi era.
On the northeast side of the bridge, there was a low-laying mound measuring 50 m in length and 40 m in width (Figs. 2–3). This mound was covered with a considerable amount of kiln slag, fragments of baked bricks in various sizes, and stone blocks. These findings indicated the presence of workshops related to the production of building materials for the initial construction and/or repair of the bridge. In 2002, the mound was partially excavated under the direction of the present author. The archaeological deposits of the mound had an approximate thickness of 3.50 m. The excavation was carried out with two objectives. First, to identify the potential workshops involved in the production of building materials used in the construction of the bridge. Second, to shed light on the processes by which the building materials were produced in these workshops.
This article aims to first provide a detailed description of the findings from each archaeological stratum, employing historical and descriptive-analytical research methods. Subsequently, by utilizing archaeological evidence and thermoluminescence dating analysis, we will determine the dates of the architectural structures under investigation. Furthermore, we will endeavor to explain the processes and techniques employed in the production of brick and lime production based on the layout and architectural characteristics of each kiln. Moreover, we will discuss the process by which finely cut stone blocks were produced in the stone-cutting workshop. We intend to address  the following questions, drawing on historical documents and archaeological evidence:
1. During which period were the excavated workshops actively in operation?
2. What were the production processes of building materials in these workshops?
3. Can we establish a chronological framework for the excavated cemetery?
4. Are the graves associated with one religious group, or do different groups of graves represent diverse religious affiliations?

The site
During the excavation of the mound, a stone-cutting workshop from the late Sasanian or Hasanwayhid period was discovered. In this workshop, stone blocks for the construction of the bridge piers were skillfully dressed (Fig. 4). The workshop suffered damage due to the subsequent construction of brick and lime kilns (Figs. 5, 7, and 17). Nonethless, twelve cut stone blocks of varying sizes and shapes were found in the excavated area. Furthermore, the excavation revealed three kilns (Figs. 5-6) engaged in the production of bricks and lime. 

Kiln 1 
This kiln is oriented in a north-south direction, and only its furnace has survived. The furnace represents three construction phases. In Phase I, it had a rectangular plan with external dimensions of 7.50 m in length and 4.80 m in width (Figs. 7–8). The relatively modest size of the furnace indicates that it was likely not intended for extensive brick production but rather for the supply of bricks for the reconstruction and repair of the bridge during the Ilkhanid period. In Phase II, the furnace’s plan turned to a circular shape, with a diameter of 3.30 m and a height of 2.10 m (Figs. 7 and 16). In Phase III, another air flue was built upon the one from Phase II. During Phases II and III, this kiln was used for lime production. Originally functioned as a brick-manufacturing kiln during the Ilkhanid period, it was transformed into a lime kiln in the Qajar period.

Kiln 2
This kiln has an approximately circular plan (Figs. 17–18). The inner diameter of the kiln ranges from 2.50 to 2.60 m, while the remaining height of its walls stands at 3.30 m (Figs. 19–21). Within the kiln, there is a channel oriented in a north-south direction, allowing the inflow of air for the combustion of fire inside the kiln. The presence of substantial quantities of lime inside the kiln strongly suggests its use in the production of lime for the repair of bridge piers.

Kiln 3
This kiln has a circular plan with a varying inner diameter. The kiln’s dimensions include a diameter of 1.80 m from the floor up to a height of 55 cm, a diameter of 2.40 m from there to a height of 1.20 m, and a diameter of 2.70 m from that point to the highest part of the wall (Figs. 24–27). The channel on the floor of the kiln is designed to facilitate air circulation. Three additional channels, sharing similar characteristics, have been built on top of this primary channel. Similar to kiln 2, the presence of substantial quantities of lime inside the kiln indicates that it was used to produce lime for the repair of bridge piers.

Conclusion
The excavation of the mound has yielded four distinct archaeological strata. Layer I represents a seasonal nomadic settlement dating back to the Qajar period. Layer II consists of a graveyard from the Qajar period. Layer III contains three kilns used for brickmaking and lime production, which can be dated back to the Ilkhanid and Qajar periods. Layer IV reveals a stone-cutting workshop, likely dating back to the Sasanian or Ḥasanwayhid period. The proximity of these kilns and the stone-cutting workshop to the bridge indicates that these workshops were established nearby to facilitate the construction process and ensure a readily available supply of building materials.
The brick-manufacturing kiln discovered in the excavation is an extensive open kiln with fixed bricks and a stationary fire. It appears to lack an upper chamber or enclosed walls. In this kiln, the brick-making process involved stacking mud bricks on top of the kiln’s furnace to form cylindrical, square, or polygonal brick towers. These bricks were arranged with gaps between them to allow for the circulation of air, hot gases, and flames. Openings in the lower rows connected to the kiln’s fire vents, facilitating heat transfer. After the initial firing, the baked bricks were removed, and fresh bricks were placed for the next firing. The design and operation of this kiln closely resemble those from the Sasanian period, suggesting little change in brick production technology over time.
The lime kilns are of the pit type with a circular layout. These kilns relied on limestone and a fixed fire, resulting in uneven temperature distribution and variable lime quality. Often, stones remained either uncalcined or partially burned. Lime production involved two methods: arranging limestone around the kiln’s circumference, with heat generated in the central empty space, or stacking alternating layers of charcoal and limestone inside the kiln. The top of the kiln was sealed with mud mortar. These kilns were used during the Qajar period to produce lime for bridge pier repairs.
Within the stone-cutting workshop, stone blocks were meticulously shaped for use in constructing bridge piers. Initially, stone cutters extracted stones from the quarry and cut them into geometric shapes and approximate sizes. Subsequently, the blocks were transported to the workshop, where they underwent further cutting, shaping, and surface polishing. One block bears a stone-cutting mark on its smooth surface, indicating that these stone-cutting marks were made in the workshop.

Acknowledgments
I am indebted to the Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research (ICAR) for generously granting the excavation permits, and to the Bisotun World Heritage Base for its financial support, unfailing administrative cooperation, and logistical assistance.
I would also like to express my sincere appreciation to the following individuals for their invaluable contributions. Zeinab Valizadeh for proofreading the text; Hamed Rezae for producing the architectural plans and cross sections; Sara Mahbobi for redrawing and revising the plans and cross sections; Dariush Afkari for supplying the countor map of the site; and Elham Afkari for her photography of the coin and seal. 

Conflict of Interest
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the Author(s).

Abstract
Liarsang-bon ancient complex is located in Shirchak village, Rankuh section of Amlash city of Gilan province. This cemetery is located on the eastern side of the ancient complex of Liarsang-bon and at the foot of Mount Ahinbartaleh. Over 100 graves were identified and excavated in this cemetery. Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, the longevity of this cemetery has been determined simultaneously with the Parthian and Sassanid periods between the years 38 BC-123 AD and 45 BC-80 AD. The purpose of this study was to study the structure of Parthian burials in Liarsang-bon Cemetery. What has justified the necessity of the present study; Documenting and disseminating the most important achievements of the excavation is in recognizing the burial structures of the Parthian period in this region, and it is also an attempt to document the results of the excavations before the destruction of the site by natural and human factors. The authors tried to answer the following questions in the present article: What burial structures were most considered by the activists of the time in Lyarsang-bun Cemetery? Another is that these burial structures are comparable to which all-day burial structures in the region and outside the region? The result is that among the various burial methods in the Parthian era, only three types of crypts, pits and jars were identified in Liarsang-bun cemetery, which are the frequency of crypts, pits and finally jars, respectively. O indicates the variety of burials in this cemetery, which, while similar to regional burials, is reminiscent of and similar to trans-regional examples. The data of this study have been collected through information obtained from six chapters of field excavations in Liarsang-bon Cemetery and have been evaluated historically by historical descriptive analysis as well as comparison with other similar cemeteries.
Keywords: Guilan, Amlash, Cemetery, Liarsang-Bon, Parthian.

Introduction
During the six excavation seasons of Liarsang-Bon ancient cemetery between 2014, 2016, 2017, 2018 ,2019, and 2021 under the supervision of Vali Jahani a total of 130 graves were identified and excavated. In a number of pit graves and crypts, two burials have been performed simultaneously (Jahani, 2014; 2015; 2016; 2017; 2018; 2021). Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, which was extracted from the dentine collagen of two burials during the excavation of 2016 and 2017, the date of this cemetery coincides with the Parthian period between 123-38 BC and 80-45 BC. (Soltysiak & Jahani, 2019: 49). It is worth mentioning that cultural works similar to Sasanian period art have also been identified from some graves in this cemetery. It seems that this ancient site was used as a cemetery from the Parthian era to the early Islamic period. The result of five seasons of excavation of the ancient cemetery of Liarsang-Bon, many grave goods including all kinds of clay, metal and glass containers, iron and bronze weapons, personal items and accessories and a diverse number of ornaments including various types of beads, pendants, rings, bracelets, Earrings, brooches and medallions are made of various materials such as glass paste, glass, bronze, silver, gold and natural bitumen. In this research, the authors have tried to chronologically examine the frequency of burial structures and grave goods and compare these structures with contemporary examples in nearby and distant sites. Research data; It is the result of five chapters of field research in Liarsang-Bon cemetery that the authors have tried to evaluate these data by the method of historical description analysis as well as comparison with other cemeteries of the same horizon in terms of history. In the Parthian era, due to the multiplicity of religions, we see diverse and numerous ways of burial (Mohammadifar, 2014: 48). Traditionally, burial methods in this 475-year period have been considered as follows: burial in clay and stone coffins; Pithos burials; pit graves; Cellar Burials; basement graves; Well graves and temple graves.

Burial methods in Liarsang-Bon cemetery
We wrote before that about 130 graves attributable to the Parthian and Sasanian periods were excavated in this cemetery. These excavated graves have presented three types of grave structures, which included Cellar Burials, pit graves, and pit graves. Along with the dead, burial gifts such as glass, clay and metal containers (lead, bronze, gold-plated silver, etc.), metal weapons such as swords, daggers, knives and bayonets, decorative beads, bronze ornaments and seals were found. 

Cellar Burials
Among the burial methods of Liarsang-Bon cemetery, Cellar Burials have had the highest frequency. Tombs with a catacomb structure and similar to Liarsang-Bon in areas such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966:4-8), Hosni Mahaleh (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) located in Dilman, Vestemin area in Kiasar, Sari city (Sharifi, 2014) and also in the sites located in the steppes of southeastern Europe, Central Asia, and North Caucasus, which contain the cultural materials of the Sarmatian, Scythian, and Alani peoples. (For example, see: Moshkova, 1983: 24).

Pit Burials
The number of pit graves excavated in Liarsang-Bon cemetery is almost equal to the number of Cellar Burials. These graves were found in most of the Parthian sites, and the reasons for their creation and use are different in each site.

Pithos- Burials
14 Pithos burials for the burial of children and young people were found in the area of Liarsang-Bon. There are evidences of burials in clay Pithos in Gilan at the same time as the Parthian period, from sites such as Dilaman Qal-e Kuti (Sono and Fukai, 1968:38) and Kaloraz (Khalatbari, 2005: 35-40), Germi (Kambakhshfard, 1967) and Cheshmeh Sar Cemetery of Persepolis (Schmidt, 1953: 117-160), and Valiran Damavand cemetery (Nemati and Sadraei, 2012: 110) has been reported.

Discussion and analysis
Liarsang-Bon cemetery in Amlash region, due to its location at an important point between Marlik and Kaloraz cemeteries in the Iron Age, as well as the continuation of the burial traditions of other contemporary cemeteries such as Qal-e Kuti and Hosni Mahaleh, can indicate the total prevalence and all the methods of Burials as well as homogeneous cultures were in progress in this region from the end of the Iron Age to the end of the Sassanid period (Jahani and Babayev, 2017: 58-59). This homogeneity in the structure of graves, including Cellar Burials, which was seen in large numbers in Liarsang-Bon cemetery, was previously also observed in regional cemeteries such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966: 4-8), Hosni Mohaleh cemetery (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) Westmin Kiasar cemetery (Sharifi, 2014) was observed. Also, structures known as catacombs were identified in the discovered extra-regional graves, including in areas of the south and southwest of Iran, which, as a rule, due to the influence of the climate on the process of building tombs and burials, the differences between these two parts of Iran’s geography in terms of burial structures in the Parthian era, it should be assumed.
 Regarding the origin of this method of burial in the Parthian era, in addition to the cultures within the administrative geography of the Parthian era and its relatively rich background, attention is also paid to the Indo-Iranian and Indo-European peoples of the steppes of Central Asia to the northern parts of Europe (Zadenprovsky, 1997: 327 -340). The number of Cellar Burials and pit graves can be cautiously attributed to a relatively bipolar society. Economic and social conditions and the time of burial (including the urgency of battle, looting, unexpected natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, etc.) have also been influential in creating such a burial style. Based on the type of grave goods, this type of graves has been attributed to the Parthian period to the beginning of the Sassanid period (Jahani, 2017-2021).

Conclusion
As a result of the field research conducted in Liarsang-Bon area, graves including crypt, simple pit and Pithos types were identified in the cemetery section. The absolute chronology and typology researches conducted on the grave goods from these graves show the artistic features of the Parthian and early Sasanian periods. Most of the graves are dug in the east-west direction and the bodies are often buried on the left side. Most of the burials obtained from these graves are of the squatting type and most of the bodies are on the left side. Simple pit graves and Cellar Burials have the largest number of burial structures. Burial structures known as crypts as well as their grave goods are similar to the samples discovered in the northern region of Iran, such as in Khorramroud, Westmin Kiasar and Hosni Mahaleh cemetery, and also with areas of the south and southwest of Iran and even the northern steppes in Europe is also comparable. Pit graves can also be compared with other similar burials of the Parthian era in general and only through grave goods. Graves with a Pithos structure in Liarsang-Bon cemetery are comparable to other similar burials that were identified in several cemeteries of the Parthian period, such as Sang Shir Hamadan, Germi Moghan, Cheshme Sar, Persepolis. In this way, with caution and according to the amount of data and the analysis of the four Styles tombs resulting from the excavation of the Liarsang-Bon cemetery, the burial culture related to the Parthian era and the period after that, i.e. the Sassanid era; It indicates a two-way and even direct connection with different regions, including the lands located in the northern regions of Iran and more remote lands in the south and west, which has led to the expansion of diverse burial cultures, which pay attention to the climatic conditions, customs and traditions as well reflects.

Abstract
The Mersin Chal cemetery lies to the east of Telajim village, situated in the Poshtkouh district of Mehdi Shahr city. This site is located in the north of Semnan province, within Iran’s central plateau. The Telajim region offers significant biological diversity and livelihood potentials, providing the Mersin Chal people access to a diverse range of flora and fauna. Studying the skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery serves as an important resource for understanding various aspects, including paleodiet, dietary habits, and human behaviors. They provide insights into the levels of adaptation and environmental compatibility, and offer a basis for modeling economic conditions. The focus of this research was to investigate the biological and subsistence strategies employed by the individuals buried in this cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing bioarchaeological methods. To achieve the stated objective, a key question emerges: how can the dietary patterns of the population from the study area be identified through stable isotope analysis conducted on biological samples obtained from archaeological excavations at the Mersin Cal cemetery? To address the question, this study employs a laboratory-analytical approach, specifically stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis, conducted on dental collagen samples. Statistical methods were applied to analyze and interpret the results from the isotope analysis. The investigation focuses on the human skeletal remains from 12 graves among 49 excavated burials at the Mersin Cal cemetery. Physical anthropological research indicates that the examined skeletal remains are of adults, encompassing both male and female individuals. Considering the biological potentials of the studied area, this research concluded that the Mersin Chal community had a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants. Their protein intake was derived predominantly from herbivores (a diet based on C3 and C4 plants), with a smaller portion coming from carnivores.
Keywords: Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Biological Strategies, Dental Collagen, Carbon Isotope, Nitrogen Isotope.

Introduction
“Human skeletal remains serve as the foundation for shaping both individual and collective experiences of the world throughout our lifetime. The dual nature of skeletal remains, viewed both as biological and cultural entities, serves as a basis for theoretical research in bioarchaeology, which studies the biological remains left by past peoples in their cultural contexts (ancient sites)” (Afshar, 2018:82). Chemical analysis of bones and teeth has become a fundamental tool in bioarchaeology, offering insights into human migration and movement, livelihoods, biological strategies, paleodiet, gender differences, etc (Basu et al., 2015; Bogaard & Outram, 2013:333, Lewis et al., 2017:45, Makarewicz & Sealy, 2015:146-14). The isotopic composition of a diet can be assessed by analyzing the ratio of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes found in the collagen of bones and teeth (Agarwal & Glencross, 2011: 413-414). The isotopic values (δ13C and δ15N) derived from the food consumed by animals and humans are incorporated into their tissues. By analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen in the dental collagen of human remains, it is possible to determine the proteins consumed by each individual in the last years of their life due to tissue regeneration processes (Bocherens et al., 2005:10; Budd et al., 2013:862). Therefore, it is essential to identify the main components of the diet, including C3 and C4 plants, marine-based proteins, and non-protein sources (Price, 2015: 74). The stable carbon isotope ratio (δ13C) serves as an indicator for estimating the proportional intake of C3 and C4 plants in both human and animal diets. C3 plants have more negative δ13C values (-20 to -35%), and C4 plants have more positive δ13C values (-9 to -14%) in human skeletal collagen (Agarwal and Glencross, 2011:414, Ambrose, 1986:711, Ambrose and Lynette, 1993:2-3, Price, 2015:73, Katzenberg, 2008:423-424). The proportion of the stable carbon isotope is influenced by dietary intake, whereas the proportion of the stable nitrogen isotope is affected by both diet and habitat conditions (Katzenberg, 2008: 430-431). Nitrogen isotope (δ15N) levels are influenced not only by trophic level but also by environmental variables like rainfall and agricultural management practices, including fertilization methods (Budd et al., 2017:5; Sołtysiak, 2020:117; Sołtysiak and Schutkowski, 2018:1). In this regard, this research focuses on reconstructing the livelihood patterns and biological strategies of the people buried in the Mersin Chal cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing an analysis of the stable isotopes δ13C and δ15N.

Discussion 
Analyzing carbon and nitrogen isotopes in skeletal remains, including bones and teeth, provides valuable insights into palaeodiet, biological strategies, and dietary habits. The isotope values (δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N) found in the food consumed by animals and humans are retained within the tissues of the individual consumer. By analyzing stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in the dental/bone collagen of human or animal remains, it is possible to identify the diet consumed during the last years of the individual’s life (Bocherens et al., 2005: 10; Budd et al., 2013: 862). In the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery in 2021, 49 pit grave burials dating back to the second half of the first millennium BC were identified (Nemati, 2021). Skeletal remains, much like other archaeological evidence, have significant value in reconstructing the past. This research examined the remains obtained from this cemetery using a bioarchaeological approach. A total of 12 skeletal remains with third molars were chosen for laboratory isotopic analysis.  The samples consisted entirely of adult skeletons, comprising a mix of both male and female individuals. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses were conducted at the Center for Physical Science and Technology in Vilnius, Lithuania, utilizing an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. These analyses revealed that the δ¹³C ratios varied between -16.33% and -17.86%, while δ¹⁵N ranged from 11.12% to 8.61%. These isotopic values indicate a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants, as well as protein sources such as herbivores and carnivores. Sołtysiak & Schutkowski (2018) noted, “The isotopic values of domesticated ungulates (goats, sheep, and camels) overlap with humans. However, certain instances reveal slightly more positive δ¹³C values. Conversely, wild ungulates (gazelles and horses) show higher δ¹³C values and lower δ¹⁵N values compared to humans and domesticated animals. The presence of more positive δ¹³C values in wild ungulates suggests that these ungulates (gazelles, equines) occasionally grazed on C4 plants” (Sołtysiak & Schutkowski, 2018: 7). The δ¹³C isotope values provide insight into dietary habits: higher positive values suggest a likelihood of consuming C4 plants, while lower negative values point to the consumption of C3 plants. It highlights that the primary source of fodder for the herbivores contributing to their diet came from both C3 and C4 plants. The geographical position of Mersin Chal cemetery, situated in a region rich in environmental assets and diverse flora and fauna, has granted the community convenient access to food resources.

Conclusion 
The carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery holds significant value as a key aspect of archaeological research, offering crucial insights and serving as a vital source of information for reconstructing past cultures and studying the social and economic conditions of past societies. Research on paleo-nutrition has predominantly centered on the examination of skeletal remains. Collagen found in biological remains, such as teeth and bones, serves as the foundation for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. Consequently, ensuring the presence of collagen in optimal condition is one of the most important criteria for selecting a skeleton for isotopic research. If the amount of collagen in the sample is insufficient, the sample becomes unsuitable for analysis. Thus, to reliably reconstruct dietary patterns, it is crucial to use samples with intact and well-preserved collagen. The tooth samples from the Mersin Chal skeletal remains exhibit favorable collagen quality indicators, including collagen concentration, collagen yield ranging between 16.12% and 7.67%, carbon concentration between 40.16% and 36.38%, nitrogen concentration from 14.60% to 13.28%, and a C/N atomic ratio spanning 3.25 to 3.18, confirming their well-preserved condition. Analysis of stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes in the dental collagen extracted from skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery revealed that the isotopic values for the region fall within the ranges of δ13C (-16.33% to -17.86%) and δ15N (11.12% to 8.61%). These isotopic values indicate a diet composed of C3 plants, including cultivated cereals such as wheat and barley, as well as rice, legumes, vegetables, and fruits, and also C4 plants. The people of this region primarily derived their protein from herbivores that fed on C3 plants, such as goats, sheep, and camels, as well as from herbivores with a mixed diet of C3 and C4 plants, including cattle, gazelles, and equines. Based on isotopic evidence, the inhabitants of this region incorporated carnivores such as Felidae indet into their diet, albeit in limited amounts. carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses have revealed no evidence of aquatic-based dietary contributions, indicating that the Mersin Chal community relied entirely on terrestrial animals as their primary protein source. Considering the rich biological diversity of the research field, it is clear that the Mersin Chal community has direct access to both plant and animal food resources. These environmental potentials have played a crucial role in shaping the most suitable biological strategies for the residents of this region.

The site of Velem is located approximately 500m from the village of Velem, about 36km from Behshahr in the east of Mazandaran province. In 2020 during the construction of a road near the village, this cemetery site was accidentally discovered. In the following year, the rescue excavations were conducted, and burials from pre-Parthian and Parthian period were uncovered. In the first season of excavations twenty-six shaft burials from Parthian period were revealed. This study focuses on the Parthian burials. Since there is limited knowledge about the historical era of northern Iran, especially Mazandaran, the results of excavation at Velem are particularly significant. Furthermore, only a few Parthian sites have been identified in Mazandaran, and the historical knowledge of northern Iran during this period is also limited. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, we try to study the findings from Velem in the first season of excavations to answer the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the graves and the burial methods at Velem? 2) Considering the prevalence of shaft burials in northern Iran, what is the origin and cause of the spread of this burial practice in this region? The field study results show that the Parthian funerary type identified at this site is shaft burial including a corridor, entrance, and burial space. Additionally, a comparative analysis of the graves at this site with similar examples in northern Iran and beyond suggests that this type of burial was common among nomadic peoples. Given the geographical location of northern Iran, it is very likely that this funerary tradition was penetrated to region by north-eastern nomadic population as the movement of a group of nomadic people of Dahae, or it was appeared as a result of the close interactions between nomadic and settled peoples. 

Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.