Abstract
This site is located 60 km southwest of Khalkhal, in Shahrood plane, in Khalkhal city and 180 km south of Ardabil city. In May 2006, during the implementation of the road construction project in Khanghah village, the remains of several graves were revealed. From this date onwards, four seasons of Archaeological studies were conducted on this site. The first season was carried out in the same year, and graves 12, 19 and 25 were explored, among them a grave to the Iron Age I and the other graves belonged to the Iron Age II. The trench B was also explored in order to identify of more tombs. Following the excavation, graves 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 24 were discovered in this trench. According to studies on these graves, 2 graves belonged to the middle Bronze Age, 1 grave to the Iron Age I, 9 graves to the Iron Age II, and 4 graves belonged to the Parthian period. The second season was explored in 2007. In this season, the trench C with dimensions 10 x 10 m on the west side of the trench A and trench D with dimensions of 5 × 5 m along the trench B was explored. As a result, in this season, the remains of the 5 ancient graves were obtained; one of them belonged to the Parthian period, 1 grave to the Middle Bronze Age and three other graves to the Iron Age I. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. So, the main hypothesis of this study, it is: Theory of cultural dynamism in Iron Age I, in this area isn’t correct. 
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Ardabil Province, Gilavan Cemetery, Iron Age Burials.

Introduction
Gilavan cemetery is located northwest of Khanghah village and adjoined to it. In terms of archaeological findings, this cemetery is one of the most prominent sites in the north-west of Iran, because of the burial of the three archaeological periods of the middle Ages, the Iron Age and the Parthian period. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. During this season, 5 ancient graves were explored, identified by numbers 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31. Grave No. 29 dated to the middle bronze age, graves 26, 28, and 31 dates to the Iron Age I and 27 to the Parthian period. The graves of this cemetery were in the form of a hole in which burials were carried out in single and double burials. In the present study, gravels of the Iron Age of second season were qualitatively, descriptively-analytic and comparative approach, and compared with the effects of other burial grounds of the north-west and neighboring areas. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. The studies of Gilavan cemetery are important because in this area, in the burial findings of the graves, we witness a cultural sequence from the middle Bronze Age to the Iron Age II. Such results are of particular importance to the studies of the Iron Age, as well as the theory of cultural dynamism in the late period of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, which some researchers believe it to be.

The tombs of Gilavan cemetery in this study
Tomb No. 26: This tomb is located in trench D, and in the northeast it, in a depth of -107 cm from bench mark. This tomb is from type of grave pit that after the burial from the rock has been used to highlighting the grave. This tomb has been belongs to man25 to 30 years old.
Tomb No. 28: This tomb is located in northwest corner of trench C, and highest level this tomb from the ground -149 cm. This tomb is from type of grave pit, and single burial. Tomb No. 28 has been belongs to female 25 to 30 years old. 
Tomb No. 31: This tomb is located in the northern part of trench C, and to form of double burial. Tomb No. 31 is from type of grave pit. 

Conclusion
The study of the graves of the Iron Age of this site indicates that there are many similarities in the burial findings of the northern-western areas of Iran during the bronze and iron period. In other words, the findings of this cemetery can be compared with the burial objects of many sites of the middle bronze, the late bronze and Iron Age I and II, and this represents a cultural sequence during a period to a period Another is in the north-west of Iran and even neighboring areas. It seems that many of the developments in the Iron Age region of Iran are rooted in the earlier period. Many of the forms and techniques of constructing objects represent a kind of evolved designs, and the subject matter that implies the emergence or sudden appearance of them is not visible.

Abstract
Migrant Scythian tribes were occupied many parts of the Eurasia following a move to the West in the first millennium B.C. The Scythian people were among the last Aryan tribes who, after the migration of other indo-European tribes, emerged from their mainland (Southern Russia) at the end of the Eighth century, and dispersed in Northern Central and Southern Siberia, the North of the Caspian Sea and its Western boundary, in the vast plains of the Caucasus Mountains. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence area and cultural interactions of these ethnic groups in sixteen geographical zones of the Eurasia, from east to West. The present study in a historical method, with a qualitative approach and based on archaeological reports have studied dispersion of the Scythian type artifacts in the West Mongolia, Tuva region, the Altai region, Central Asia, Iran, South Caucasus, North Caucasus, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Crimea, southern Ukraine and South-East Europe, Egypt, Greece, West Mediterranean, Central and Western Europe. Because of the extent of the study area, in this research has been tried to be mentioned to the main of the Scythian areas in the each zone and its materials, so that be shown a detailed view of the extent of this culture in Eurasia. The present research has been carried out according to these main questions: How is the extent area of the Scythian culture? What is the type of their materials in each of these areas? The results point to the vastness of this culture in a wide area of geography. The culture has been able to influence many cultural and geographical areas and attract the cultures of many tribes, in the short time. In many of the areas studied, there are similar findings from this culture.
Keywords: Eurasia, Scythian Tribes, Scythian Cultural, Scythian Burial.

Intrudoction
When a tribe enter to an alien land as an immigrant or an invader, it develops its culture as an effective factor over time. Although immigrant or invading peoples may not pursue such a goal, undeniable impacts and cultural relations, as a factor in stimulating such processes, will accelerate. They seek to dominate human resources in the every part of the world, and change the cultural, political, and social equations of the conquered regions and, after consolidating their presence, propagate purposely their culture. In the meantime, due to cultural interactions, the art of these immigrant or invading generations also affects. This impact has been associated with war in most cases, and the outcome of such a struggle is the creation of a cohesive culture in a wide range. The more these wars continue and wider, the greater the culture of dominant folk; in this process, the power of the invading force is a major factor. The generators of homogeneity in this area act in the most common and similar cases. In other words, the cultural attributes of a people in two distant geographic districts show similar characteristics. The development of the culture of the Scychian peoples in a widespread zone, and in a short time, has almost followed such a mechanism. Scythian people at the beginning of the first millennium B.C in their movement were to the west, Central Asia, North and South Caucasus, the north of the Black Sea, East Europe, Northwest of Iran, East Anatolia, Mesopotamia and the vicinity of Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea and they left their cultural features in these areas. In these movement they, they left many traces such as unique burials, special techniques for decorating ornamental objects. The course of the movement and how they deal with the ruling powers in these regions, including Urartu, Med, Mana and Asshur, in historical sources have been described.

Discussion
Basically, what is attributed to the Scythian people, is specific cultural material that specific to them. In terms of burial data, the horse has been a special place in the sacred burial ground, so that this can be seen in most of the ancient Scythian sites. In terms of burial data, the existence of objects such as triangular and flat iron and bronze arrowheads (often with a reverse barb) interesting cheekpieces with three holes in the middle of them for passage of rope that in most cases they end up with animals such as horses, eagles and rams, iron and bronze bits for harness, special styles for decorating objects (that known as animal styles, stickers and Other war material specifically) are show the art and culture of the Scythian peoples in Eurasia. The materials of the Scythian tripes have been found in the west of Mongolia from Beiram Kurgan: In Tuva region from Aimyrlig, Arglykty and Shurmak-Tei Kurgans; in Altai zone from Pazirik, Ust-Kuyum, Kurtu II and Katanda Kurgans; in central Asia the Scythian material have been found from Tasmola, Chilikta valley, Irtysh, Alakul, Uigarak and Tagisken Kurgans. in Iran have been found from Khoram Abad cemetery, in the south of Caucasus from Kar Mirblur, Musa Yeri, Chitan Dagh, in the north of Caucasus from Kelermess, Kostromaskaya, Ulski, Voronezhskaya, Ust-Labinskaya and Elizavetovskaya, in Mesopotamia from Assur, Musel, Karkmish and Al Mina. Also, the materials of the Scythian tripes have been in Asia Minor from Alaja Huyuk, Kernes dagh, Pazarli, Yazili Kaya, Gurdion and Hesarlik, in Krimeh from Temir-Gora, Perekop Isthmus, Talayevskii, Bosporus, Zolotoi, in the south of Ukrain and southeast of Europ from Elizavetinskaya, Chertomlyk, Solokha, Melitopol and Gaimanova mogila Kurgans, in Egypt from Tel Defaneh, Nakratis, Elfantin, Teps, in Greece from Aten, Atika, Delfi and Missen, in central Europ from Zwolaki, Zakrzow, Chelm, Morawy, Miyniec and Villach sites, in the west of Mediterranean from Megara Hibela, Katania and Motye sites and in the west of Europ from Brussels and France.

Conclosion
The remarkable expansion of the culture of the Scythian peoples over a wide geographical range during the few hundred years has made it one of the rarest ancient cultures. These nomadic peoples (wherever they could) have been left their cultural influence. In the areas where they entered, the most important work of their ancestors, the magnificent burials, is reminiscent, and in other areas, under their influence, the Scythian culture in the artistic objects of manifestation has been transported from the land to another country. So, the extent of damage to the their culture have been in east area Mongolia, in west with France in Europe, in north with Russia, and the southernmost part in Shush and Marvdasht.

Abstract
Tapeh Giyan in Western Iran, which is well known to the archaeological academia, is one of the most important prehistoric mounds in Central Zagros which has always been noticed by both Iranian and foreign archaeologists. The last season of field works at Tapeh Giyan was done under Ali Khaksar in the spring and summer of 2012 in order to determine its boundaries. For this purpose, 27 test pits were dug all over the mound, and in trench no. 12, a distinctive burial was discovered. Since none of the 122 graves excavated by the French expedition over the years 1931 and 1932 were documented, the excavation continued on this newfound grave; it was entitled no. 123. Its burial’s corpse’s position is a combination of bent and supine position, and its mouth is abnormally wide open; also, there are 19 funerary objects buried with it. In the present study, we are going to discuss the very unique burial position of this grave together with its historic and comparative aspects.
Keywords: Iran, Central Zagros, Tapeh Giyan, Burial, Bronze Age.

Introduction
Tapeh Giyan is a well-known archaeological site located 12 km from the west of Nahavand and 70 km from the south of Hamadan city, in the marginal parts of a small town with the same name. As it was mentioned above Tapeh Giyan is situated in the Northern peripheral parts of the town, and it meets residential units in the south. This mound is 350 m long and 150 m wide, and it is also 17 m higher than the surface of the adjacent lands. Lastly, the average height of the mound is 1600 m above the sea level. This archaeological site was excavated by French archaeologists (Contenau and Ghirshman) over the years 1931-1932 and its results were published in 1935. Giyan became less important till it was once again excavated in 27 test pits in 2012 in a research program for delimitating the mound and determining its boundaries. In the course of conducting this research program, the true area of the mound was determined. The mound spreads towards the south, east and also southeast, and it continues to the beds beneath streets and houses; this was confirmed by an in-situ burial located in the outer parts of mound’s boundaries dating back to the middle Bronze Age. The burial was to excavated and studied owing to the fact that the other 122 burials were not completely/fully documented by the French expedition. 

Discussion 
Tapeh Giyan is one of the most prominent archaeological sites in Central Zagros from which artifacts from 5th to 1st millennia have been reported in the course of archaeological excavations. This mound’s excavations could undoubtedly bridge the gap between non-scientific/unsystematic and scientific/systematic archaeological excavations in Iran. At that time, the system of stratigraphy (was not interpreted in the same way) it does now, and what was regarded really important during excavation was finding the origin of a particular pottery from the region of Giyan as well as the bronze artifacts of Lurestan. Considering the fact that most information about Tapeh Giyan has been yielded from its burials, it cannot be reliable enough from the stratigraphic point of view; however, it’s been about 50 years that the chronology covering mid-3rd millennium to 2nd millennium B.C.E. in western Iran has been established based on Tapeh Giyan’s excavations. 
Overall, 122 graves have been excavated in scattered spots of Tapeh Giyan at different depths during the previous excavations at Giyan. 119 graves in the depth of 9.5 m. from the mound’s surface, and 3 graves in depths of 11.5, 13 and 14; one in each, have been dug. These graves are in form of simple elliptical pits in the ground. The children’s skeletons have been buried in almost large jars. The corpse body and skeleton have been bent and it seems that this position pattern had not been obligatory. In the course of this season’s excavation, an accompanied burial was found in test pit number 12 in the depth of 200 cm from the mound surface. In this grave, 19 objects have also been found together with the skeleton; this assemblage of objects includes: 6 ceramic pots, 4 bronze pots, 1 bronze spear, 1 bone object, 2 bronze earrings, 2 bronze rings which were joint to the jaws, 1 metal ore-like blade, and 2 bronze rings on elbow bones. These objects which are considered funerary objects and grave gifts were mostly put above skeleton’s head and at the same level with the skeleton. As we know, the funerary objects represent both functional and ritual importance in burying traditions, and the funerary objects in this newfound grave constitute majorly potsherds. 
The notable point about this burial is the skeleton’s position pattern; this skeleton’s upper part along with its pelvis is both in a complete supine position, and its mouth is unnaturally open. Considering the existence of two bronze rings at the joint of the upper and the lower jaws (mandible and maxilla), we could conclude that some changes have been exerted on the primary status of the burial. The jaw bone and the teeth are completely sound except for the premolars which have traces of wearing on them; all this makes us presume that this person would do an activity with them when he had been alive. His legs are tucked in toward his stomach on the right side of his pelvis. The toes and ankles of his both legs were below the right side of pelvis, and the pelvis itself had been dislocated after burial due to external pressures. The bone of left leg’s femur was located on the pelvis, and the femur’s head had been situated on the right hand’s elbow as well. 

Conclusion
According to the paleoanthropological studies, this skeleton belongs to a hefty man aging 35- 40 years old. This skeleton, despite being almost well-preserved, bears some evidence which indicates a number of changes applied in the primary burial including lack of some hand and foot phalanges as well as the existence of the rings put on the two papillae on the lower jaw joint. It is highly likely that these rings have caused the mouth to remain open, which could imply sort of burial tradition. According to Ghrishman’s excavations in 1933 and 1934 in the Tapeh Giyan, the earrings have been among the funerary objects of men. In addition, the rings couldn’t be earrings in that in addition to the rings, there are two earrings in the grave. Because of the abundant muscles and vessels existed between upper and lower jaws, the rings could not be placed there in a living human. Therefore, the rings must have been placed in these places after death intentionally. Furthermore, the symmetrical position of the rings in the two papillae on the lower jaw joint, the impossibility of putting and removing the rings easily in this place and also having no evidence of the natural post- depositional processes, in other cases such as earrings, and the object place on the collar bone, are the reason for rejecting the natural post-depositional processes and accidental disturbance. Ceramic wares constitute the majority of the gifts. These wares are all morphologically typified as Giyan (IV, III) and Godin types which all date back to mid-third millennium through late- second millennium B.C.E. Existence of metal objects in this grave and studying the type of bronze alloy utilized in these objects’ structures shows that the method and technique used in producing these dishes and pots has been lost wax method, and beside that hammering has been applied in making the other metal objects. Finally, on the basis of the historic-comparative studies, and also with considering the chronology of prehistoric cultures at Tapeh Giyan, we can infer that this burial belongs to (middle) Bronze Age and dates back to a period of time from 2500 to 2000 B.C.E.

Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

The site of Velem is located approximately 500m from the village of Velem, about 36km from Behshahr in the east of Mazandaran province. In 2020 during the construction of a road near the village, this cemetery site was accidentally discovered. In the following year, the rescue excavations were conducted, and burials from pre-Parthian and Parthian period were uncovered. In the first season of excavations twenty-six shaft burials from Parthian period were revealed. This study focuses on the Parthian burials. Since there is limited knowledge about the historical era of northern Iran, especially Mazandaran, the results of excavation at Velem are particularly significant. Furthermore, only a few Parthian sites have been identified in Mazandaran, and the historical knowledge of northern Iran during this period is also limited. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, we try to study the findings from Velem in the first season of excavations to answer the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the graves and the burial methods at Velem? 2) Considering the prevalence of shaft burials in northern Iran, what is the origin and cause of the spread of this burial practice in this region? The field study results show that the Parthian funerary type identified at this site is shaft burial including a corridor, entrance, and burial space. Additionally, a comparative analysis of the graves at this site with similar examples in northern Iran and beyond suggests that this type of burial was common among nomadic peoples. Given the geographical location of northern Iran, it is very likely that this funerary tradition was penetrated to region by north-eastern nomadic population as the movement of a group of nomadic people of Dahae, or it was appeared as a result of the close interactions between nomadic and settled peoples. 

The archaeological site of Tell-e Geser has long suffered from the absence of a comprehensive final excavation report and the fragmented publication of its materials. This problem is particularly evident in the interpretation of five burials discovered in the Fort Mound, which have been inconsistently dated and stratigraphically positioned in successive publications. Previous studies have attributed these burials broadly to the Neo-Elamite period, often assigning a single burial assemblage to multiple and widely separated chronological phases. This paper presents a critical reassessment of the burial data from the Fort Mound through a systematic re-examination of published excavation plans, stratigraphic sections, elevation records, and associated grave goods. Using a historical-archaeological methodology that combines stratigraphic reasoning with comparative typological analysis, each burial is evaluated independently rather than as part of a presumed homogeneous group. The results demonstrate that several inconsistencies in earlier interpretations stem from errors in plan orientation, misreading of elevation data, and the cumulative misinterpretation of archival materials. When these issues are corrected, the burials can be placed within a coherent stratigraphic sequence, revealing that they do not belong to a single chronological horizon. Instead, the evidence indicates multiple phases of burial activity spanning from the Middle Elamite to the late Neo-Elamite period, allowing the identification of six separate burials in a relatively regular chronological sequence that were previously conflated and misidentified as five. This reassessment not only clarifies the burial sequence at Tell-e Geser but also highlights the broader methodological risks of relying uncritically on legacy excavation data.

Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.