Abstract
Tapeh Giyan in Western Iran, which is well known to the archaeological academia, is one of the most important prehistoric mounds in Central Zagros which has always been noticed by both Iranian and foreign archaeologists. The last season of field works at Tapeh Giyan was done under Ali Khaksar in the spring and summer of 2012 in order to determine its boundaries. For this purpose, 27 test pits were dug all over the mound, and in trench no. 12, a distinctive burial was discovered. Since none of the 122 graves excavated by the French expedition over the years 1931 and 1932 were documented, the excavation continued on this newfound grave; it was entitled no. 123. Its burial’s corpse’s position is a combination of bent and supine position, and its mouth is abnormally wide open; also, there are 19 funerary objects buried with it. In the present study, we are going to discuss the very unique burial position of this grave together with its historic and comparative aspects.
Keywords: Iran, Central Zagros, Tapeh Giyan, Burial, Bronze Age.

Introduction
Tapeh Giyan is a well-known archaeological site located 12 km from the west of Nahavand and 70 km from the south of Hamadan city, in the marginal parts of a small town with the same name. As it was mentioned above Tapeh Giyan is situated in the Northern peripheral parts of the town, and it meets residential units in the south. This mound is 350 m long and 150 m wide, and it is also 17 m higher than the surface of the adjacent lands. Lastly, the average height of the mound is 1600 m above the sea level. This archaeological site was excavated by French archaeologists (Contenau and Ghirshman) over the years 1931-1932 and its results were published in 1935. Giyan became less important till it was once again excavated in 27 test pits in 2012 in a research program for delimitating the mound and determining its boundaries. In the course of conducting this research program, the true area of the mound was determined. The mound spreads towards the south, east and also southeast, and it continues to the beds beneath streets and houses; this was confirmed by an in-situ burial located in the outer parts of mound’s boundaries dating back to the middle Bronze Age. The burial was to excavated and studied owing to the fact that the other 122 burials were not completely/fully documented by the French expedition. 

Discussion 
Tapeh Giyan is one of the most prominent archaeological sites in Central Zagros from which artifacts from 5th to 1st millennia have been reported in the course of archaeological excavations. This mound’s excavations could undoubtedly bridge the gap between non-scientific/unsystematic and scientific/systematic archaeological excavations in Iran. At that time, the system of stratigraphy (was not interpreted in the same way) it does now, and what was regarded really important during excavation was finding the origin of a particular pottery from the region of Giyan as well as the bronze artifacts of Lurestan. Considering the fact that most information about Tapeh Giyan has been yielded from its burials, it cannot be reliable enough from the stratigraphic point of view; however, it’s been about 50 years that the chronology covering mid-3rd millennium to 2nd millennium B.C.E. in western Iran has been established based on Tapeh Giyan’s excavations. 
Overall, 122 graves have been excavated in scattered spots of Tapeh Giyan at different depths during the previous excavations at Giyan. 119 graves in the depth of 9.5 m. from the mound’s surface, and 3 graves in depths of 11.5, 13 and 14; one in each, have been dug. These graves are in form of simple elliptical pits in the ground. The children’s skeletons have been buried in almost large jars. The corpse body and skeleton have been bent and it seems that this position pattern had not been obligatory. In the course of this season’s excavation, an accompanied burial was found in test pit number 12 in the depth of 200 cm from the mound surface. In this grave, 19 objects have also been found together with the skeleton; this assemblage of objects includes: 6 ceramic pots, 4 bronze pots, 1 bronze spear, 1 bone object, 2 bronze earrings, 2 bronze rings which were joint to the jaws, 1 metal ore-like blade, and 2 bronze rings on elbow bones. These objects which are considered funerary objects and grave gifts were mostly put above skeleton’s head and at the same level with the skeleton. As we know, the funerary objects represent both functional and ritual importance in burying traditions, and the funerary objects in this newfound grave constitute majorly potsherds. 
The notable point about this burial is the skeleton’s position pattern; this skeleton’s upper part along with its pelvis is both in a complete supine position, and its mouth is unnaturally open. Considering the existence of two bronze rings at the joint of the upper and the lower jaws (mandible and maxilla), we could conclude that some changes have been exerted on the primary status of the burial. The jaw bone and the teeth are completely sound except for the premolars which have traces of wearing on them; all this makes us presume that this person would do an activity with them when he had been alive. His legs are tucked in toward his stomach on the right side of his pelvis. The toes and ankles of his both legs were below the right side of pelvis, and the pelvis itself had been dislocated after burial due to external pressures. The bone of left leg’s femur was located on the pelvis, and the femur’s head had been situated on the right hand’s elbow as well. 

Conclusion
According to the paleoanthropological studies, this skeleton belongs to a hefty man aging 35- 40 years old. This skeleton, despite being almost well-preserved, bears some evidence which indicates a number of changes applied in the primary burial including lack of some hand and foot phalanges as well as the existence of the rings put on the two papillae on the lower jaw joint. It is highly likely that these rings have caused the mouth to remain open, which could imply sort of burial tradition. According to Ghrishman’s excavations in 1933 and 1934 in the Tapeh Giyan, the earrings have been among the funerary objects of men. In addition, the rings couldn’t be earrings in that in addition to the rings, there are two earrings in the grave. Because of the abundant muscles and vessels existed between upper and lower jaws, the rings could not be placed there in a living human. Therefore, the rings must have been placed in these places after death intentionally. Furthermore, the symmetrical position of the rings in the two papillae on the lower jaw joint, the impossibility of putting and removing the rings easily in this place and also having no evidence of the natural post- depositional processes, in other cases such as earrings, and the object place on the collar bone, are the reason for rejecting the natural post-depositional processes and accidental disturbance. Ceramic wares constitute the majority of the gifts. These wares are all morphologically typified as Giyan (IV, III) and Godin types which all date back to mid-third millennium through late- second millennium B.C.E. Existence of metal objects in this grave and studying the type of bronze alloy utilized in these objects’ structures shows that the method and technique used in producing these dishes and pots has been lost wax method, and beside that hammering has been applied in making the other metal objects. Finally, on the basis of the historic-comparative studies, and also with considering the chronology of prehistoric cultures at Tapeh Giyan, we can infer that this burial belongs to (middle) Bronze Age and dates back to a period of time from 2500 to 2000 B.C.E.

Abstract
Beginning in 1948, archaeological surveys and excavations in northwest Iran brought to light evidence of cultural developments related to the movements of people who colonized vast parts of the Near East from northeast Anatolia to southern Levant in the late 4th and early 3rd millennium B.C., prompted by environmental changes, population boom or shortage of biological resources in their homeland. The period is best known in the archaeological literature as the Early Trans-Caucasian (ETC) or Kura-Araxes culture, and is distinguished, by a disparate black burnished pottery with incised decorations. Here is published for the time a sample of decorative patterns on the related pottery from Yanik Tepe. The main question of the study was: To what extent did the newcomer potters communicated on this pottery the artistic traditions they had brought with themselves from their homeland? Data gathered through museum and library enquiries were used to carry out a comparative study. Data analysis was of qualitative nature, and the study represented one of culture-historical. 
Keywords: Azarbaijan, Yanik Tepe, Early Bronze Age, Pottery, National Museum of Iran.

Introduction
The question central to this study is: Does the Kura-Araxian pottery tradition at Yanik Tepe reflect traits induced by indigenous experimentations, or it was simply developed via foreign inspirations and cultural interactions? 
As stated, the pottery assemblages from Yanik Tepe had remained intact since their initial movement to National Museum of Iran after the close of excavation. Preparatory work was therefore required before deciding on or attempting any sort of study. Accordingly, the whole collection was recorded and washed before the decorated sherds were singled out and sorted into such groups as geometric motifs, animal motifs, plain, and miscellaneous. This was followed by the documentation process that involved photographing, drawing and registering the entire formal and technical attributes of individual pieces. Attempts were made to exclude from the final sample the patterns that were identical to those already published by Burney in various places. Also to meet the diversity criterion, pieces were selected from as varied excavated exposures as Areas or Trenches H, HX, K, L, M, P and different Levels, viz. YT.HX3, YT161HX, YTHX4, YT.HX1, YTK3, YT.HH1, YTH5, YT.HH1A, YT.C5, YT.P2, YT.LIA, YT.HH10, YT.HX1, YT.L3PRMII, YT.P2, YT.39C, and YT.RH13.

Yanik Tepe
A key site in the archaeology of the eastern Urmia Lake Basin, Yanik Tepe is 30 km southwest of Tabriz and 6 km from Khosrowshahr, within the village of Tazeh Kand on the Talkheh Rud. Burney excavated the site in 1960, 1961 and 1962, shortly after its identification in 1958-9. Yanik Tepe consists of a high mound and a low mound, rising 16.5 m and 1.50 m from the surrounding lands, respectively. With an original total area of about 6 hectares, it represents a type-site of the Kura-Araxes culture in Azerbaijan (Burney 1963, 138). Large parts of the site are now destroyed. Typical of the culture that flourished at Yanik Tepe were round and rectilinear houses and a distinct pottery tradition. Most intriguing are those types that resemble the material from the vast cultural horizon of eastern Anatolia and the early Trans-Caucasia of the mid-3rd millennium BC. 
Building on the results of his excavations at Yanik Tepe, Burney divided the whole Kura-Araxes (or the ETC) sequence to the three discrete periods of ETC I, ETC II, and ETC III, where the earliest period marks the birth of the culture in its motherland, the second is associated with round structures and decorated pottery, and the latest sees the predominance of rectilinear architecture and virtual disappearance of decorations on pottery (Summers 2004, 619-620). For a more recent and detailed discussions on the chronology and dates as well as the stratigraphy of Yanik Tepe, the reader is referred to Summers 2013; 2014, 157-159. 
An idiosyncrasy of the Early Bronze Age at Yanik Tepe is the handmade, black or gray burnished pottery with incised patterns. The technique is reminiscent of woodcarving and was presumably inspired by the densely forested landscape of the homeland of bearers of the culture who came to the rather sparsely wooded regions of northwest and west Iran. The technique was widely applied to pottery along with excised patterns, filled with white and occasionally ocher pastes. 
Designs like birds and highly stylized rams or ibexes with curled horns, and bands of geometric motifs were carved on bowls, jars and footed pedestal vessels and small cups, the pottery forms common to the period. 
The Middle Bronze period marks a shift in architectural styles as the related houses were built in a rectilinear plan using mud bricks. The thick walls spoke of two-storied buildings. The use of decorations diminishes, and the so-called graphite burnished technique emerges on a few examples of cups. Vessels are relatively finer, and burnishing is more frequent. Pottery forms show no considerable differences between the two periods (Burney 1962). However, the so-called Nakhichevan lugs, common to the latter period, occur now only in a vestigial form. 

Kura-Araxes Pottery of Yanik Tepe
This section gives a description of the pottery with a special focus on decorations, along with a series of so far unpublished illustrations, which besides enriching the existing literature on the pottery history, are intended to improve the current picture of the evolution of pottery styles through the long Kura-Araxian horizon at Yanik Tepe. It is notable that, as stated earlier, the pieces and decorations published here have not been introduced in any earlier publications and have been selected from various trenches and levels to ensure a representative sample to the possible extent. 
The Kura-Araxian pottery, coming in disparate wares and decorations, represent a new style that newcomer artisans had brought with themselves to northwest Iran. It is characterized by dark gray or shiny black or light brown color; vessels are handmade, contain mineral tempers, and show a burnished surface bearing an assortment of motifs such as spirals, “ram horns” and concentric circles or “eyes” (Burney and Lang 1971). In the Kura-Araxes Period I, rail rims were common, the Nakhichevan lugs were not yet emerged, and some Chalcolithic forms and decorative techniques persisted (Glumac and Anthony 1992). Related material occurs at most sites in Caucasia, the eastern fringes of Anatolia, and Geoy Tepe K1 (Sagona 2000).
The Period II is distinguished by the abundance of elbow handles and advent of semi-circular Nakhichevan lugs; the rail rims are utterly absent (Seyedov 2000). Notable in the assemblages is the ubiquitous concentric circles or “eyes” and incised triangles or chevrons. The pottery with its distinctive incised decorations shows influences from neighboring spheres. Various motifs are discernible. Animals, birds and fish occur in abundance. Birds appear as stylized representations on jars and bowls with decorations always reserved for the base or close to it. Also present are very simple geometric designs, bands raging from plain examples of undulating lines to those of a very intricate combination of nested designs, horizontal grooves or hatches, zigzags and doted patterns, rows of geometric motifs like lozenges with adjoining triangles filled with a various combinations of incised dots in diverse arrangements, swastikas, small lozenges and slanting motifs. Spirals and concentric circles were applied in incised form and evolved into an excised form with the related patterns filled with a white paste or lime. A frequent motif is the sharply angled triangles evoking the mountain motif as is the incised patterns imitating cuneiform signs. They are much finer compared with the ordinary handmade pieces. The Kura-Arax II material from Yanik Tepe find parallels in Geoy K1, Yakhvali, Ravaz (Kohna Shahar), Baruj, Haftavan VII and Godin IV (Burney 1961, 1962; Kleiss and Kroll 1979; Asurov 2000).
Typical to the Kura-Araxes III assemblages are the incised spirals and loop handles attached to the rim. The concentric circles occur in a higher frequency (Burney and Lang 1971, 67; Seyedov 2000, 19). Nakhichevan lugs show a gradual decline. Related pottery is known from Geoy K3, Godin IV, Shengavit IV, Kul Tepe of Nakhichevan, Kvatskhelebi in Georgia and sites in the Koban area of East Anatolia (Burney 1961, 1962; Burney and Lang 1971; Sagona 2000).

Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion 
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion 
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

Abstract
Khoy Plain has attracted various tribes in terms of geographical conditions and suitable environmental capacities over the course of thousands of years, and has been the basis for establishing human settlements in different periods. The pattern of dispersion of the areas identified in this mid-range plain in the Bronze Age reveals the emergence and existence of a large center called “Dozdqi”, which in this period becomes a very important center. Dozdaqi with a height of 1200 meters above sea level is an area with more than 16 hectares and 24 meters above the surface of the surrounding area, the highest prehistoric area of the plain, which is located along the permanent river of Ghodvokh Boghan and the springs and wetlands. The existence of a salt mine as an export commodity in this area, as well as obsidian artefacts (imported goods) in 7 different colors. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center Of the 16 hectares.The existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age pottery sherds were collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.
Keywords: Dozdaqi Khoy, Bronze Age, Pottery.

Introduction
The late fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, one of the most important milestones not only in Iranian history, but also in the history of the Near East. This period coincides with major events such as the formation of the first city government, the beginning of urbanization and the expansion of its line.
The ancient Bronze Age in the northwest is part of a widespread culture called the Culture of Kura-Aras (Rezalou and Zaban Band, 2016: 17) or Yaniq’s Culture (Burney and Lang, 1971: 44, Dayson, 1973: 686-7) Is known. n this regard, Dozdaqi  Khoy with an area of more than 16 hectares of the largest settlements in the north of Lake Urmia is related to the Bronze Age, which has cultural works of the Neolithic, Copper, Bronze and Iron Age periods. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center center Of the 16 hectares, he said that the existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. Therefore, attention to the above-mentioned cases, as well as the study of the status of the Dozdaqi area in the Bronze Age, is one of the most important goals of this research in terms of the presence of cultural materials related to the three old, middle and new bronze periods on the site. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age clay collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.

The Dozdaqi Khoy Area
The Dozdaqi area consists of two parts of the east (Dozdaqi area) and the western one (Hill Dozdaqi) separated by a sandy road (Picture 1). This ancient site is located 1.5 kilometers southwest of Khoy city, in the central part and 1 kilometer north of the Amirbiq village, in longitude N: 38.31 23, and latitude E: 44.5514 with an average elevation of 1200 meters The water level is formed in the middle of a mid-range plain and the fertile part of the plain on the eastern side of the Qodwokh Boghan River.
 The most important bio-properties of the Dozdaqi field are as follows: the area of the fertile and cultivated land, the amount of precipitation, the appropriate height, access road, the presence of pastures and suitable vegetation available around the site, fuel resources, abundant water resources and most importantly, there was a salt mine in the east of the area. This ancient work has brought the most important potential and conditions of economic exploitation based on agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and cultural exchanges (salt, rock quarrying, etc.) with neighboring areas.

Typology of the Bronze Age Crystal Enclosures
In this paper, 20 pieces of samples of pottery sherd that were collected during the speculation of the field and area of 1395 from the surface of the site were studied and typified (Plan 1 and Table 1). The color of the pottery is varied, and in this regard, the pottery of the collection can be divided into three groups: brown dumplings, gray dwarfs, red pottery, besides in one color case Black beetle. In making most of the samples, the binder is used in the mineral and the surfaces of the clay are smooth and smooth. On two levels, most of the pottery is covered with thick or thin flowers to peppery, light brown, cream and red. There is also a wheel maker in the collection of handmade pottery. The temperature required to bake most of the pottery has been sufficient. The specimen of the Bronze Age is a hot dip galore comparable to the clay samples obtained from the hills of Yannick (Burney, 1961), Burton-Brown Hill (1948), Haftevan (Burney, 1973), Gijler (Pecorlla,and Salvini, 1984), Cole Tape (Abedi, 2011), the Kohneh Tappeh Cy (Zalaghi and Akhalari, 2007) the Kohneh Pasgah (Akhalari 2008) and the Barouj Tappeh (Alizadeh and Azarnoush, 2002).

Conclusion
The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and prosperity of this site has been in the era of urbanization and urbanization, and it seems that during this period, and for the first time in the plain, there could be a center with an area of more than 16 hectares said that the existence of such a center in the Khoi Plain is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade.

Abstract
According to the common chronology of the Bronze Age and Iron Age of Iran, the period (2000) 1900 to 1500 BC is known as the introduction of the new Bronze Age and about 1500 BC is known as the beginning of the Iron Age. Archaeological evidence does not provide a clear picture of the chronological and cultural sequence in most of the sites of this period in the northern half of Iran. This limitation is mostly due to the nature of the materials and documents of this period, which are often the result of excavations in cemeteries, and the information available about the exact sequence of stratigraphy in the settlements of this period is scarce. At the same time, the available evidence shows that most of the main centers of this period, especially in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, southern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to the Indus and Punjab valleys, between 1700 to 1500 BC. They are abandoned and there is an obvious cultural and chronological rupture in the settlement sequence of these areas. Hypotheses have been made regarding the causes of the abandonment of the sites of this period and the rupture created in the middle of the second millennium BC. Most of these hypotheses, with an archaeological approach to cultural materials, especially the study of changes in pottery traditions, have justified the causes of the rupture and factors such as migration and invasions of new peoples and cultures, environmental changes, and suggested a change in the way of subsistence economics as the reasons for the rupture. In this article, based on the results of linguistic studies of religious texts attributed to Vedic-Gahani Indo Iranian, a hypothesis has been proposed that the changes resulting from the religious reforms of Zoroaster in the period from about 1700 (1800) to 1500 BC. In the east of the Iranian plateau, alone or in combination with other factors can be the main driver or factor influencing and accelerating the process of abandonment of centers and areas of the end of the Bronze Age of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau and one of the main factors in the transition Communities from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Transition, Northern Half of Iran, Northeast and East of Iran.

Introduction
One of the archaeological questions of the second millennium BC in the northern half of the Iranian plateau is how (and causes) societies transitioned from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Mousavi, 2008: 105). In this regard, some hypotheses have been proposed (Mousavi, 2001: 15). These hypotheses generally justify and interpret the trend of cultural developments at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age in the northern half of the Iranian plateau, and the nature and reasons for the phenomenon in the societies of this period have not been addressed.
The invasion hypothesis is one of these hypotheses that was based on changes in pottery traditions and other cultural materials between the Gian II (Bronze Age) and Gian I (Iron Age) periods (Contenau and Ghirshman, 1939: 76, Mousavi, 2001: 15). These studies led to the assumption that migratory cultures from the second half of the second millennium to the beginning of the first millennium BC entered the Iranian plateau from the northwestern regions (Caucasus crossing) and settled in the Kashan plain (Mousavi, 2005; 94, Ghirshman, 1939: 62). In general, the hypotheses based on displacement, invasion and cultural substitution are based on the results of “Indo-European linguistics” studies (Bahar, 1996: 135, Sankalia, 1963: 312, Weidengren, 1998: 10, Muscarella, 1966: 121).
Another hypothesis presented in this regard is the hypothesis of “gradual evolution” (Medvedeskaya, 1982: 96), which is based on the results of the excavations of Yaniq Tappeh (Burney, 1994: 50, Dyson, 1969: 15,). Based on this hypothesis, a special type of gray, black, and black pottery indicates the presence of new (Iranian) tribes from the beginning of the third millennium BC. In the northwestern regions of Iran and its gradual expansion through the Caucasus Pass (Burney and Lang, 1972: 116) or the northeastern routes into the Iranian plateau (Burney, 1994: 47 and Derakhshani, 1998: 33, Schmidt, 1937: 112).
The hypothesis of “cultural movement and substitution” is another hypothesis in this regard (Young, 1965: 59, Mousavi, 2001: 17). This hypothesis formed the basis of the theory of “cultural dynamism at the beginning of the Iron Age” (Young, 1967: 34, Dyson, 1989: 125). Based on this hypothesis, some researchers have suggested routes for ethnic and cultural migration at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Deshayes, 1969: 16, Muscarella, 1974: 140).
Hypotheses have also been made regarding the causes of chronological rupture at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age of the northern half of Iran. The theory of “urban crisis” is one of these hypotheses. According to this hypothesis, the imbalance between population growth and environmental capacities and increased utilization of natural resources led to population displacement and the resulting cultural disintegration (Young, 1985: 372).
Another hypothesis, emphasizing “change in the Method of economic production”, considers the extinction of Bronze Age cultures in northeastern Iran as a result of changes in the livelihood system of these cultures (Mousavi, 2005; 94 Ghirshman, 1977: 25 Ghirshman, 1939: 104). 
Zoroastrian Religious Reforms and Its effect on the Abandonment of the Bronze Age Areas of Northeast and East of the Iranian Plateau
According to the theory of linguistics, the religious reforms of Zoroaster took place in the eastern regions of Iran between the 18th and 15th centuries BC. In line with this hypothesis, the time and Locality of the emergence of Zoroaster and the social conditions of this period are examined as the basis for the formation of developments.
In relation to the time and Locality of Zoroaster, there are a total of three theories (Christiansan, 1997: 17) including the traditional theory of Zoroastrians, the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, and the theory of linguistics and history (Ashtiani, 1987: 78).
In traditional theory, the time of Zarathustra is mentioned around the 6th century BC (late Median, early Achaemenid) and its Locality is in western Iran (Aria, 1997: 87, Khodadadian, 2000: 63, Vermazen, 1993: 21). According to the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, the time of Zoroaster is mentioned 6000 years before Xerxes’s invasion of Greece (480 BC) (Razi, 1993: 3, Rajaei, 1993: 69). Linguistic and historical theory is also based on comparative studies of the remaining religious texts attributed to the Aryan tribes. The oldest of these texts is the Indian Rig Veda which most scholars believe belongs to the Vedic era (Khodadadian, 2000: 43, Abazari et al, 1993: 155, Aria, 1997: 86, Boyce, 1998: 43, Shaygan, 1966: 4, Ashtiani, 1987: 87). On the other hand, the Gathas are the oldest part of the Iranian Avesta (Celns, 2007: 12), which is attributed to the poems of Zoroaster himself (Dushan Gimen, 1984: 42, Pourdavoud, 2006: 63, Christiansan, 1997: 20, Binas, 1993: 450). From the point of view of comparative linguistic studies, the lexical connection and common linguistic roots between the Rig Vedas and the Gatas are very close (Widengeren, 1998: 95, Jalali Naeini, 1993: 4, Boyce, 1998: 93, Ashtiani, 1987: 83). However, Gataha and Rig Veda are almost simultaneous in terms of linguistic features and belong to the Vedic era, ie between 1700 and 1500 BC, and consequently the time of Zarathustra also belongs to the Vedic era. At the same time, linguists believe that the language of the Gataha is not Western Iranians, but Eastern Iranians (Moule, 1998: 112, Christiansan, 1997: 21, Vermazen, 1993: 16; Weidengren, 1998: 95) and consequently Zoroaster. He has lived and appeared in eastern Iran.
The social context of Zoroaster’s message, based on the ancient texts of the Avesta (especially the poems of the Gatha) shows that his teachings and message, especially in the beginning, were strongly opposed by important sections of society, especially the nomadic warrior tribes, affluent classes and followers of the clergy. The ancient Indo-Iranian religion (Kavis-Usigs and Karpans) was the result of civil wars and conflicts and social disintegration (Weidengeren, 1998: 99 and 102).

Conclusion
According to the Collection of documents presented, if we accept Zarathustra and his religious reforms belong to the Gataha or Vedic era (ie between 1800 and 1500 BC) and consequently accept the environment and social context in which Zarathustra appeared and religion It is the eastern regions of Iran. According to the image presented in the Avesta religious texts regarding the social, political and religious situation of this period, it is possible that Zoroastrian society in the Gataha era is a reflection of a society in transition. Imagined Basically, the emergence of social reformers is the product and result of a society whose stability and social system has lost its effectiveness and requires a new plan to create new social stability and get out of the current stalemate. According to religious texts, Zarathustra’s message inevitably went beyond social reform and approached a fundamental reform of the social, economic, and religious structure of society. However, it can be said that the society of the time of Zoroaster is really a society that has been at the peak of tension and has reached a dead end, and such a society evokes the characteristics of a society in transition in social, political and economic. A society that has lost its primary stability (Vedic-Gahan system) and is transitioning to secondary stability (Mazd-e Yasna system). Such a situation (willingly or unwillingly) puts society on a path called the “transition path.” The end of this path is either the achievement of re-stabilization (secondary stability) or chaos and collapse. From an archeological point of view, it may be possible to find an important part of the materials and documents of cemeteries such as Qeytariyeh, Khorvin, Sialk (period V), Sarm, etc. They have the Bronze Age of the Northeast, the product of such developments, and as cultures in transition in the period from about 1700 to 1500 BC. Cultures that are changing by keeping in touch with the previous period. Changes that develop over the next century or two (beginning of the Iron Age) as characteristics of a stable culture in large parts of the northern half of Iran. The culture that in the process of its evolution in the first half of the first millennium BC, was consolidated, stabilized, gained strength and finally was able to change the socio-political equations of the ancient East by presenting a new plan, after about a millennium of Semitic culture.

Abstract
Qal’eh Ganj is situated on the south of Kerman province, on the border of Sistan & Baluchistan and Hormozgan provinces. The first season of archaeological survey of this area has been carried out in 2016. This survey resulted in discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. In the present article, we try to determine cultural connection of study area with surrounding regions and it is the reason that we can present a relative dating for the prehistoric sites (Chalcolithic and Bronze Age sites). Based on the comparative dating, chalcolithic sites encompass two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC that introduce cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively, Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad. The Study of surface data from Bronze Age sites indicate a cultural connection between southern Jazmurian to areas of Halilrud Basin (Konar Sandal south), Soghun valley (Tepe Yahya) and Eastern Jazmurian (Bampur Tepe) and include a time range from late fourth millennium to early second millennium BC. There were found various stone structures in Bronze Age sites which suggests different functions including graves, residential spaces and water management systems. Based on dispersal of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic location as a connection between Bampur area and Persian Gulf, It assumes that the seasonal rivers and straits have had a role in bridging the two mentioned areas. The results of this research introduce the study area as an intermediate area for cultural linking between the eastern regions of Jazmourian and Halilrud Basin at Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period.
Keywords: Jazmurian Basin, Qaleh Ganj, Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
Qal’eh Ganj is located on the most southern part of Kerman province. Chāh-e Khodādād is one of two districts of the present Qal’eh Ganj county, on the border of Sistan & Balouchestan and Hormozgan.
In 2016, the first season of archaeological survey and reconnaissance of county of Qal’eh Ganj has been carried out as a part of the Iranian National Archaeological Map Project in which the authors tried to clarify the cultural status of the region in different periods.
In addition to these purposes, the present research attempts to analyze the results of this research in order to identify regional and trans-regional connections and interactions with the neighboring areas. 
Geographically, this region has a strategic situation because it appears to link three significant cultural zones of southeast of Iran (Mokrān, Persian Gulf and Halīlrūd basin).
This survey resulted in the discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. The sites are morphologically influenced by the geographical factors of their places that can be categorized into two different types: plain areas and highlands (foothill and mountainous areas). 
Based on the surface data, 39 sites can be assigned to prehistoric times (Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period) matching the cultural sequence of southeastern Iran. Here, we aimed to answer two following questions: 1) what were the patterns of prehistoric settlements in this area? 2) How this area interacted with the other regions of southeastern Iran?   

Data and Materials
In southeastern Iran, our information about the prehistoric times is limited to the old excavations of Iblis and Yahya. Recent excavations in Jiroft (Konar Sandal sites and Varamin), Tepe Vakil Abad in Orzouiyeh, Tepe Dehno in Shahdad have revised our knowledge about the chronology of the region which made us able to form a chronological frame for relative dating of the study area materials.      
Based on this comparative dating, Chalcolithic sites include two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC including three cultural periods of southeastern Iran. 
In spite of chalcolithic site locating on both of plain and highlands, no Bronze Age site was found in the plain. Bronze Age sites only dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmurian to northern Persian Gulf shores.
The stone fences and platforms, graves and remains of great stone architectural complexes are the shared elements of all the Bronze Age sites. We can suggest different functions for theses structure including graves, residential spaces and water management systems.
Chronologically, Bronze Age in this area coincides to cultural periods of Yahya IVB and Bampur I-VI in south eastern Iran. Unlike the chalcolithic sites which are located on both plain and highlands, we found no Bronze Age site in the plain, they all were scattered in the highlands.
 
Conclusion 
Based on the relative dating, it is realized that the Chalcolithic settlements date back to fifth and fourth millennium BC presenting three cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad.
Bronze Age sites are dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmourian to northern Persian Gulf hinterlands.
 Regarding to dispersion of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic locations, the straits and seasonal rivers are considered as the natural corridors to link Jazmurian to the northern bank of Persian Gulf.
Based on the pottery evidence, a cultural continuation is evident from Bronze Age to early second millennium BC. 

Abstract
The Bronze Age Greater Khorasan culture is one of the most important protohistoric cultures of the Western Asia. This culture is characterized with its architectural remains with a pre-designed plan, stamp seals, compartment seals, chlorite statues, combined figurines, precious jewelry of gold and silver and so on. For the first time, the remains of this cultural complex were obtained from the sites in the Bacteria and Margiana. For this reason, these lands were introduced as its origin and this cultural complex became known with this name. However, some researchers place the origin of this culture in Khorasan, Iran. However, due to the fact that until recently no site of this culture had been identified in Khorasan, it remains arguable. The primary purpose of this study is to study, summarize and classify the works on this culture in the Iranian Khorasan that have been published in the last two decades. The results of this study, along with other findings of this culture, will be taken in the wider area of West Asia until the cultural world of the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture became more widespread in the future. On this basis, it is necessary that the monographs and the small number of publications in this area be collected together and in the form of a collection and in this way, a new look will be taken at the issues related to this period. This research is based on the research of solid libraries. It has been assumed that the works obtained from the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan, have some deficiencies compared to other regions, such as: the south of Turkmenistan and the north of Afghanistan. 
Keywords: Greater Khorasan, Bronze Age, Bacteria and Margiana Archaeological Collection, Greater Khorasan Culture.

Introduction
The Bronze Age Greater Khorasan culture was first identified and introduced by Victor Sarianidi from the Dashli site in Bactria, northern Afghanistan (Sarianidi 1977). At about the same time, artifacts from this culture were found in the southern Turkmenistan from Margiana oasis (Hiebert 1994:165). The similarity of the material culture of these two regions has led some scholars of Bactria and Margiana to be considered as the nuclear of the formation of this culture. For this reason, the term Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex was given to this culture (Sarianidi 1990, Hiebert 1994). This culture is also known as the Oxus Civilization (Francfort 1989, Lamberg-Karlovsky 1994). Recently, artifacts of this culture have been obtained in Iranian Khorasan (Biscione & Vahdati 2020, Lunou 2018). Bactria, Margiana and Iranian Khorasan all are defined in the territory of a land that is close to two millennia known in historical sources as Greater Khorasan (Dana 2017). Cultural cohesion of Greater Khorasan is acknowledged by researchers (Yarshater 1997). Evidence of cultural integration in this land has been documented since pre-Achaemenid times (Vogelsang 1992); to the extent that D’yakonov believes in the existence of a kingdom in the eastern part of Iran, the center of bacteria in the pre-Achaemenid period (D’yakonov, 1954). 
Objectives and Necessity of Research: The objective is to study, summarize and classify the works done on the Bronze Age of Iranian Khorasan in the last two decades. On this basis, it is necessary to gather the monographs and the publications on this area and this period so we can have a better understanding of this specific period in this region.
Questions and Hypotheses: What image of this culture can be presented in Iranian Khorasan, compared to other regions of this culture? It has been assumed that the works obtained from the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan, have some shortcomings compared to other regions, such as: the south of Turkmenistan and the north of Afghanistan.

The Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan
Many sites in Khorasan Iran have been identified and a small number have been excavated. The excavated sites include Karim Abad of Neyshabur (Labbaf Khaniki 1381), Yusef Abad of Firuze town (Nishapur P) (Hiebert & Dyson, 2002; Lunou, 2018), Tappe Yam of Faruj (Venco Ricciardi 1980: 57-58), Shahrak- Firuze of Neyshabur (Basafa & Rahmati 2011), Tappe Damghani of Sabzevar (Francfort et al. 2014, Garazhian 2014), Ferizi site of Sabzevar was surveyed (Sabori et al. 1393), Challow Site of Jajarm (Biscione & Vahdati 2011, Vahdati et al. 2018), Tappe Eshgh of Bojnord (Vahdati 2014), Raze site of Darmian (Sorush & Yusefi 2014), Gavand site of Ferdows (Farjami 2014), Bakanda site of Tabas (Farjami 1394, Annani 1398). Also, many sites from this period were identified during the regional surveys including 15 sites in Atrak Basin (Venco Ricciardi 1980), 15 sites in Darregaz Plain (Kohl & Heskel 1980, Yusefi Zoshk & Baghizade 2012), 2 sites in Kal-e Shur Basin in Esfaryen (Vahdati 2015), 9 sites in Kal-e Salar Basin (Rezaei et al. 2018).

Conclusion 
Unfortunately, the sites related to the Bronze Age of Greater Khorasan Culture in Iranian Khorasan have been little explored. It is very difficult to get into the socio-political organization and the relationship between these sites, as the archeological excavations in this area have not been carried out on a large scale and only a few activities have been carried out. It is not even possible to answer the question whether the graves uncovered with the cultural materials of the Greater Khorasan civilization belong to nomads or to the sedentary societies. Some scholars consider the works related to this culture in Iranian Khorasan are rare. However, unlike Hiebert and Lamberg-Karlovsky (1992), it should be emphasized that these sites are not rare and Khorasan of Iran should be included in the world of culture of the Greater Khorasan. The sites in the Greater Khorasan introduced in this article, are different from in eachother based on their function. These areas were cemeteries (Shahrak-e Firuze, Challow, Tappe Eshgh, Raze), residential (Shahrak-e Firuze, Challow, Tappe Damghani, Ferizi) and workshop (Shahrak-e Firuze and Challow) and of course, the use of some of these areas is also unknown (Karim Abad, Gavand and Bekanda).
With an overview of the 14 sites and areas introduced in this article, it is possible to imagine a core of the sites of the culture of Greater Khorasan within the modern city of Neyshabur. The core includes the areas of Karim Abad, Shahrak-e Firuze and Yousef Abad. If the boundaries of this border extend, the existing areas within the city of Sabzevar (Tappe Damghani and Ferizi) can also be added to this complex. In this view, Neyshabur is not considered as a city, but a geographical area and a land known as Neyshabur. With such a view, the remarkable point is the formation of an image that later in the Islamic era is known as the four divisions of Greater Khorasan. These four parts (quarters) are Marv, Neyshabur, Balkh and Herat. Each of these sections was the cultural and sometimes political center of the Greater Khorasan during the Islamic era and played a very important role in the cultural unity of Khorasan. Other sites discovered such as Raze, Bakanda, Gavand and Tappe Eshgh are more indicative of cemeteries and trade stations. As a result, the Bronze Age culture of Greater Khorasan in Khorasan Iran is a combination of one of the main cores of this civilization and trading stations with the western regions (Mesopotamia). The Desert marginal areas such as Bakanda and Gavand are located on the main trade route north-south and east-west which connected the main cores of the culture of Greater Khorasan to the western regions of the Zagros and Mesopotamia through areas such as Shahdad and Tappe Hesar.

Abstract
The study of human remains derived from burial and non-burial contexts is one of the subcategories of Archaeometry. According to these studies, archaeological researchers, with the help of physiologists, have quantitative and quantitative aspects of the remnants of past humans, including age, Sex and the use of medical tests, especially pathology, diseases and causes of death. The topic of interdisciplinary studies in the Khorasan area, due to the lack of material evidence until the present decade, lacked any research, although the importance of Khorasan has always been mentioned in this cycle. In the last decade, according to the approach of researchers in this field, the subject of quantitative studies has flourished. In this regard, the human remains of three burials belonging to the late bronze age from the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site were used to determine the age and gender of the samples, as well as to identify the ethnic race in the study of physical anthropology. In this research, human skeletons of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site were first cleaned up. Finally, with the participation of the Medical Society of Isfahan, the determination of age, gender and race was performed on the basis of morphology and anthropology. Then extracted DNA was isolated and dental samples were taken. The results of physical anthropology studies on the samples indicated that, the samples studied belong to the population of Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site, which is of age in both adolescents and adults (2 adolescents and 1 adult) and sexually belonging to two male and female groups. Men and women). In relation to the mortality rate and demographic average of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, due to the low volume of samples, it cannot be clearly summoned, but according to the current samples and the number of burials, it shows the high rate of low-mortality in the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh Site. 
Keywords: Shahrak-e-Firouzeh, Age, Gender, Bronze Age, Environmental Damage.

Introduction
The study of human remains from burial and non-burial contexts can be considered in the following subcategories of Archaeometry. For these studies, archaeological researchers, with the help of the physiologists, have quantitative and quantitative aspects of the remnants of past humans, including Age, gender, and using medical tests, diseases and causes of death. The present study is one of the interdisciplinary studies in the field of physical and genetic anthropology in the cultural field of Khorasan. After the accidental discovery of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site during construction, in 2009, the first excavation season on this site was run by Hassan Basafa, and so far, four archaeological excavations have been conducted on this site. The ancient site of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh in the northwest of Neyshabur with 36 ° 12 ‘longitude and 58 ° 47’ longitude, is located in the Firoozeh construction site on the eastern side of the river Farub Ruman. Among the cultural materials discovered on this ancient site (third and fourth seasons) are human burial remains buried in the Late Bronze Age. What this research seeks to answer is determining the age and gender, as well as the impact of the environment on the mortality rate of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community on the small scale, as well as the impact of post-sediment processes on samples.
The present study was conducted in two ways: library studies and laboratory studies in a descriptive and analytical manner and using the approaches of physical anthropology. In the style of library studies, information on the history of research on human remains has been gathered, and in analyzes and adoption of study methods. Also, in the section on human anthropometric studies, based on the evidence on the teeth, the suture on the skull, the size and texture of the femur bones, pelvic size and other evidence, it has been attempted that the age group, gender group, Skeleton height, samples of the campus Shahrak-e-Firouzeh site are evaluated. It should be noted that tests on the determination of age and gender on skeletal specimens have been carried out under the supervision of specialists in Isfahan Medical Sciences. Based on physical anthropology studies, the results are divided into two groups of adolescents and adults in terms of age and gender in both males and females, and also indicates the high mortality rate at the young age of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, which can be The most important factors are the unsuitable environment conditions due to the impact of the hydrological effects of the river along the settlement.  

Identified Traces
The study samples of this study include two skulls and a complete skeleton in this section to examine how to determine the age and gender of these remnants. The first one, a skull is roughly average. The thickness of the existing bones, the shape of the lower jaw, the posterior bumps, the rigid bone tissue, the maximum length, width and height of the skull, as well as the shape of the forehead of the sample is steep, which according to these characteristics is the first example of a man’s skull. Considering the formation of the teeth type, especially the third molar, considering the low erosion of the crown of the teeth and the presence of enamel of the teeth, as well as the qualitative aspects of the skull joints, in particular the closure of the crown part of the seam which is characteristic of individuals 25 years and the closure of the section of the seam At the age of 35, the age of this sample can be determined between the ages of 25 and 34. 
The second specimen is a relatively small, medium-sized cranium found in a gravel gorge. The fineness of the skull bones, the shape of the lower jaw, the nasal blade, Peshafi’s flatness, the smooth tissue of the bones, the maximum length, the delicacy of the cavity bumps, the width and height of the skull, as well as the form of the forehead of the sample, directly and without the prominence of the cavity above, Paying attention to these features is the second example of a woman’s skull. Finally, by examining bone tissue, skull volume, elegance, flattening of the skull structure, non-prominence in the post-serous bone, ear hole, root canal examination, and the time of their formation, the last tooth formed in the jaws of the sample, which is the second lower molar, as well Maximum length, width, face width, forehead bone, can be attributed to a teenage girl between the ages of 11 and 16. The third example is the complete human skeleton that is obtained from burial with a hole structure. Examining the height index of the sample, as well as the fineness of the ribs, the destruction of the toes and the hand of the skeleton, as well as the failure to weld the joints of the hip, the age-specific sample belongs to a teenager of 11 to 16, but due to the lack of sufficient evidence for gender identification In this sample, the sex group has not been identified.

Conclusion
As mentioned in the text, the establishment of the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh Site is one-period site belonging to the final phase of the Bronze Age (2100 to 1500 BC), located next to one of the important rivers of Neyshabur Plain, called Farub Ruman, which originates from the Binalud Mountains. The gradual continuation of the accumulation of flood and alluvial layers over several years or decades on the surface of this establishment caused excessive moisture to penetrate the ancient bedding of the studied samples, as well as washing the surface of the surrounding area by flooding, also solving the harmful mineral elements, including salt It is found in Neyshabur Plains and other harmful mineral salts with alluvial layers, which caused the greatest damage after the sedimentation process on the studied specimens. In addition to high humidity, which causes the decay and degradation of most parts of the bone samples studied, the heavy flood layers on the substrate also cause compression of the anterior substrate and fracture of different bone sections. According to physiological anthropological studies, the samples belong to people from the Shahrak-e-Firouzeh community, which are of age in both adolescents and adults (2 adolescents and 1 adult) and sexually belonging to two male and female groups (men and women).

Abstract
The Zab River basin contains the cities of Piranshahr and Sardasht in West Azerbaijan and parts of the city of Baneh in Kurdistan. The Zab River rises from the Northwest highlands of Piranshahr and after joining many branches passes through the highlands of Alan in Iran and enters Iraq. The extension of this basin is a relatively vertical strip along the Iran-Iraq border and the Little Zab River. Its orientation is Northwest to southeast and from west to east. The Zab Basin is located in an area with a cold and temperate mountainous climate, a Mediterranean rainfall regime, with average annual temperatures between 11.7°C and 13. 3°C and, 700 ml annual rainfall (Hojabri et al 95). This article tries to answer the question of how the cultural relations between this point and other areas of the presence of the late bronze culture have been established by studying the cultural materials belonging to the late bronze cultural tradition in Akhoran tepe. Also, what was the chronology of the stables? The results of archaeological excavations led to the identification of a late Bronze Age camp. The study of Akhoran cultural materials also indicates the presence of a late bronze pottery tradition. Studies and relative chronology of pottery showed that most of the cultural interactions and influences were with Hasanlu regions and outside the borders of Iran with Anatolia and Iraqi Kurdistan. The present study is based on archaeological excavations and then library studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach tries to introduce new pottery of the late Bronze Age.
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Late Bronze Age, Zab Basin, Akhoran Tepe, Archaeological Excavation, East of Anatoli.

Introduction
The Bronze Age is considered to be the beginning of major social changes in the early third millennium BC. The Hasanlu VI period or the Middle Bronze Age covers from 2100 to 1700 BC (Danti 2013:332 .Table 17.1). During this period, multi-colored and painted wares were commonly used in large parts of Azerbaijan (Dyson 1969). Hasanlu VI ceramic designs were in crossed, checkered, and triangle forms (Dyson 1965). The simple painted pottery, which is the characteristic of the Middle of the 2nd millennium BC, is the same as synchronously identified dishes of Khabur from Northern Mesopotamia and South West Turkey (Dyson 1969: 43-44). Our information on late bronze age in northwest Iran is quite limited. Hasanlu V, is of great importance in this region, but the period has been given relatively little attention. We therefore selected Akhoran Tepe for excavation with the goal of closing this chronological gap in our understanding of Iranian prehistory.
As a local center, the Zab basin generally witnessed the alternation of contacts and conflicts, as is evidenced by the varying patterns in the distribution of recorded sites. Unlike what is characteristic of Mesopotamia and southern Iran in the fourth millennium BC, it has not yet produced any traces of extended settlements and social complexities. 
Previous studies have illustrated that northwest Iran maintained contacts with regions south of Caucasia and the valleys hemmed in by the Aras and Kura rivers to the north, the Central Zagros to the south, and eastern Anatolia and north Mesopotamia to the west via mountain passes. 
Recent archaeological data from the adjacent neighboring regions has corroborated this observation. Therefore, serious investigation in the region has the potential to shed light on broad cultural interactions and evolutions in the middle and northern Middle East. 
The data from Akhoran is thus of considerable importance in this respect, and can improve our understanding of regional and inter-regional interactions. A foremost purpose of this paper is to look into the ties and connections between Akhoran and northwest Iran as a whole, and to explore intra- and inter-regional interactions.
One of our fundamental problems in North West Iran was the lack of excavations, with little information about the Archaeology of the region. The current paper focuses on Akhoran Tepe since we have had a little knowledge about the late Bronze Age in the Little Zab River. 

Archaeological Background
North West Iran has a particular Archeological importance since it accumulates different prehistoric periods. The area is also important from the point of view of Archeological literature since it is at a crossroad facilitating the passing of nations and trading. With regard to the history, the basin is among those that attracted the attention of domestic and foreign scholars at the dawn of professional Archaeology in Iran (Motarjem Sharifi 2014: 50).
A long-lasting Hasanlu Project started by the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania in 1956 under the guidance of Robert H. Dyson, is the most significant work carried out in this basin (Dyson, 1968; 1969). On the other hand, the work at Yanik Tepe, the Northeastern basin of the lake began in 1960 by Charles Burney that furnished important details, among them the identification of the Trans-Caucasian culture’s infiltration into Northwestern Iran (Burney 1961; 1962; 1964). Indeed, earlier excavations conducted by Burton-Brown at Geoy Tepe, in the same basin, had uncovered evidence of the Trans-Caucasian culture at Level K (Burton Brown 1951). Later excavations by Burney at Haftvan Tepe brought to light further aspects of the Bronze and Iron Age cultures.
This region experienced the Middle Bronze culture known as Urmia ware with monochrome and polychrome pottery. Danti divides the Middle Bronze Age into three periods (Danti 2013: 332).
We also know about the Urmia ware in Haftavan VIB. Investigation and recognition of the Urmia ware was carried out by Edwards (Edwards 1983).

Conclusion
Akhoran can well supplement the limited dataset at hand for Hasanlu V. An important point about this site is the absence of the middle bronze material culture. Tepe Akhoran is one of the sites with deposits of the Late bronze age within the prospective reservoir of the kani sib  Dam. The main objective of this excavations is to establish the cultural sequence of the site. Other aims include dating the most important settlement attested at the site, and pinpointing the subsistence system of the late bronze age community that occupied it. The nature of the settlement and material culture of the Hasanlu VI period in Dinkhah Tepe and the limitation of the Khabur pottery to the southern areas of Lake Urmia strongly suggest that during this period, people from Mesopotamia migrated to the Ušnu- Solduz valley (Danti et al 2004.584).  In the Piranshahr area, excavations at Akhoran Hill provided evidence of a new bronze tradition in the Zab Basin.
The most important cultural material of the Akhorn  in  late  bronze age is  potteries, which is produced in a simple and painted sherds. The pottery from Tepe Akhoran is comparable to the material coming from the, Azerbaijan and the Anatoly. 
The pottery is decorated with geometric patterns. The shape of the dishes is more inclined to closed-mouth dishes. Also, what the data of Akhoran excavations show indicates the cultural relations of this region with other parts of the Urmia Lake basin, including Hasanlu, and outside the borders of Iran, the areas of Anatolia and Iraqi Kurdistan. This area may be geographically more inclined to Anatolia. 

Abstract
Gray pottery is one of the most significant and important cultural artifacts discovered from the Bronze Age sites in the southeast of the Iranian plateau. This style of pottery has been obtained in a very large amount from the Chagardak Asr-e-Faraghi site of Chah Hashem Plain in Baluchistan, which has so far been far from the views and studies of archeology, archeology and artistic history of the southeast of the Iranian plateau. The main question of this research is about how to make and decorate these pottery. It seems that pottery making was developed in this area and they had different construction methods. The present research has been done by analytical-experimental method and based on laboratory studies. The studied objects belong to the Museum of Southeastern Iran. Measures such as documenting the condition of objects as well as sampling necessary for laboratory tests have been performed at the restoration workshop of the Museum of Southeastern Regions of Zahedan. Then, using thin section petrographic studies (OM) and instrumental analyzes with SEM-EDX and XRD methods, the data are analyzed in order to achieve the research objectives. In this study, 11 samples of gray pottery related to Chegardak area, which were obtained from emergency excavations in 2018, were performed. All pottery was wheeled and gray in dark to light and with different thicknesses but in the range of thin pottery. Archaeological studies on pottery suggest a similar composition, but show that different production methods were used. The pottery in question was pottery produced in high heat furnaces and advanced methods such that precision in construction, elegance and strength were considered by the potters. The results show that pottery in this area has been a very advanced industry that has used iron and manganese-based minerals to decorate the pottery.
Keywords:  Archeology, Petrography, Bronze Age pottery, Chegardak, SEM-EDX, XRD.

Introduction
Southeastern Iran is one of the most important and prominent regions in terms of human evolution in the Bronze Age. Evidence of this is the dispersion and existence of numerous ancient sites and hills related to the third millennium BC in this area. Significant sites such as Burnt City (Tosi, 1976; Biscione et al., 1977; Piperno & Tosi, 1975; Tosi, 1968) ¬, Bumpur (DeCardi, 1968; Mortazavi, 2004; 2006) 2018), Speedge (Heidary et al., 2019), Khorab (Stein, 1937) and Domain (Tosi, 1970) as well as Chegardak area (Heydari et al, 2015) are prominent and prominent examples in Sistan and Balochistan, all of which have been studied and various archaeological studies to date Chagardak Archaeological Site (27 ° 5’14 ‘’ N; 59 ° 7’8 ‘’ E) is located in Delgan city and Dasht-e Chah Hashem village, 10 km northeast of Chagardak village (200 km west of Iranshahr city). This area takes its name from the nearby village, namely Chagardak. This area is located in a flat and low plain. The ancient site of Chagardak in the plain of Chah Hashem Jazmourian includes a hill and two cemeteries related to the Bronze Age of Balochistan. This area has been in turmoil and damaged in 2005 due to extensive destruction and looting by traders. During the salvage excavations carried out in 1397, the Archaeological Department of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage of Sistan and Baluchestan Province discovered a variety of artifacts, including pottery painted in pea, gray and red. Gray pottery is one of the most important finds from the lesser-known Chagardak site in Balochistan. Therefore, these findings have been analyzed and studied in this pilot study using petrographic, SEM-EDX and XRD methods. In the first stage, petrographic analysis was performed on all pottery. In the study of pottery petrography, a very important issue is the materials added to the pottery paste. All the pottery is wheeled and gray in the range of dark to light and with different thicknesses, but within the fine pottery of this region. Samples were named based on the first letter of the name of the Chagardak site in Latin (CH) and the sample number from 1 to 11. Among these specimens, numbers 1 to 8 are broken and small pieces of pottery obtained in the excavations of this area, and numbers 9 to 11 are pottery that is much more complete and with Ability to perform restoration operations (Table 1). Gray painted pottery is one of the types of pottery that has been obtained in many areas of southeastern Iran. Their designs are taken from the ecology of the region and the culture of the people of that period. Scanning electron microscopy analysis equipped with X-ray fluorescence analysis (SEM-EDX): for microscopic examination of the pottery matrix, identification of minerals as well as melting and vitrification stages of the pottery, as well as identification of the chemical composition of the matrix and minerals. SEM-EDX method was used. The SEM device used is the MIRA3 model made by Tescan, an American product. Also, to identify the composition of pigments used in painting ceramics, the EDX elemental method and the VEGA / TESCAN-XMU model made in the United States, which was coupled to the above SEM machine, have been used. The resolution was 1.5 mm at 15 kV and 4.5 nm at KV1 with BSE detector. Also, the method used in this research is point analysis. The mentioned experiment was performed in Razi Metallurgy Laboratory of Tehran. X-ray diffraction (XRD): X-ray diffraction method has been used to identify crystalline phases and mineralogical studies in the desired pottery. The model of the device used is X’spert Prompd Panytical made in the Netherlands, which has been done in Razi Metallurgical Laboratory of Tehran. The samples were analyzed at 30 Ma current and 40 Kv voltage. Information on the identification of crystal phases based on PDF2 database was reviewed and obtained by Xpert High Score Plus software version 2010. Therefore, how the art of making and recognizing the pottery industry in this region can be one of the most important questions and goals. Therefore, in this research, we have tried to answer some questions such as the following questions by using some common methods of analysis in the archeology of ancient pottery. A) What kind of mineralogical composition does the pottery discovered from Chegardak have? B) Structural and archaeometric studies of ceramics show what kind of process shows in the way of making and baking pottery?

Conclusion
These experiments showed that the pottery has a very dense, hard and non-porous texture, which shows that the prehistoric potters of the Chagardak area five thousand years ago were very precise and skilled in the type of drilling and processing method. So that no emptiness or signs of improper weaving can be found in the pottery. This point should be considered as one of the most important features of gray pottery in this region, especially in the southeast of Iran. On the other hand, the resulting studies show that the soil used in the manufacture and production of pottery paste is very desirable, washed and free of any additives. As their strength is so high after firing that they can not be easily broken, this can be seen well in the type of sintered and semi-glass texture of pottery. Also in XRD phase analysis, the presence of high heat phases was detected. It is very likely that high heat furnaces using regenerative conditions were used in the construction of the pottery. On the other hand, in the archeological excavations and emergency excavations carried out by the archeological group of the area under the supervision of Mohammad Heydari, the architectural remains of a pottery kiln, molten pottery and kiln were discovered, which shows this. This industry has been an art and native production of the people of this area. The last stage of producing a pottery was the methods of polishing and decorating it to produce a magnificent work of art. Elemental studies showed that the prehistoric painter and craftsman of Chagardak used iron-based minerals such as hematite and red recently to record red colors, and a combination of iron-oxide and manganese-based materials to produce black and dark colors.

Abstract
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. The main queries are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.
Keywords: Tappeh Mokhar, Khorasan (Torbat-eJam), Bronze Age, Namazga 3 & 4, Achaemenid, Parthian.

Introduction
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from two types of archaeological programs: delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. In addition to chronology, the regional relationship of the site has been inferred from the comparative studies. The main queries of this research are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites within the northeast region and beyond. In fact, the ceramic studies suggest that the cultural relation of Tappeh Mokhar was mostly with the population centers of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran. 
Our information on the archaeology of eastern Iran and Khorasan is limited and those few research conducted few decades ago were concentrated on the sites in northern and central parts of the province. Tappeh Mokhar with its long sequence of occupation, representing at least four periods, provides a unique opportunity to study the cultural development in this part of Iran during the late prehistoric and historic eras. This research tries to provides a reliable chronology for the site based on studies of the ceramic collection recovered from both delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling conducted at the site. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is the quantitative and qualitative studies of the recovered collection and provides their classification and typology.  
Research Question: There are two main questions in this research: Which periods are represented by ceramic collection and cultural finds of Tappeh Mokhar; What are the main characteristics of Tappeh Mokhar ceramic collection; Which ceramic types of which periods are represented in the collection; and what they suggest about the cultural interaction of the site from an intra-regional and inter-regional perspective? 

Research Method
The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical, and is based on literature review and analysis of the archaeological materials. The main bulk of the materials studied is ceramic collection, recovered from delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling, which are analyzed on the basis on typology, technical characteristics, decorations. Finally, a relative dating is suggested for the site based on the aforementioned studies. 

Research Background
In 1975 two geologists, Ariai and Tiboult, conducted a fieldwork in north of the Torbat-e Jam County and in the Kashaf Roud basin, resulting in discovery of an important palaeolithic locale (Jam e Al – Ahmadi, 1387; Ariai&Thibault,1975:101-103; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 1975 and 1987, Bernard Ekin, and in 1988 Wilber and Glombeg published their investigation on the proceedings of Sheikh Ahmad Jami (Okeane, 1979; Okeane, 1987; Wilber& Golombek, 1988; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 2003 a large scale excavation and stratigraphy sounding at the Architectural Complex of Torbat-e Jam has been conducted by Mohmoud Toghraei (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:147). He also conducted a delimitation sounding at Tappeh Ghar of Torbat-e Jam in 2008 (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:151). The latest research about the Islamic Period Torbat-e Jam complex is coming back to the works by Ali Zarei, as part of his PhD dissertation (Zarei,1394). 
The first archaeologist who visited Tappeh Mokhar was Gunter Kerbel. He visited this site and also the Shah Abbasi Caravansarai complex in 1980 en route his trip to Afghanistan (See: Labbaf Khaniki,1391:144; Korbel,1983;18-57). After him, the area was archaeologically surveyed by Rajab Ali Labbaf Khaniki in 1985 on behalf of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, in which many site from prehistory to Islamic period were identified (Labbaf Khaniki,1364). The latest research at Tappeh Mokhar was conducted by Hasan Nami, of Neishabour University, in 2017 with the aim of defining the limit of the site by delimitation sounding (Nami,1394). 

Conclusion
The study area in which Tappeh Mokhar is located is part of the Qara Qum Basin, subsuming in the Jam and Hariroud Basin; Hariroud River originates from Afghanistan and the Jam Plain is very fertile because of the river sedimentation. In addition to several other environmental potentials, this factor is one of the main reasons of foundation of Tappeh Mokhar settlement. Along with natural factors, both historical and cultural factors were responsible for establishment of settlements during different periods in what is now Khorasan. Due to limitation in conducting basic, archaeological and historical research, identification and picturing the historical occupation of the study area is confronted with difficulties. Yet, thanks to increasing research during last two decades, our understanding on the ancient communities of the area is developing. The endangered site of Tappeh Mokhar was chosen in this part of Khorasan for getting a better understanding on the prehistoric and historical human developments, which proved that the site is a significant settlement during prehistoric and historic eras. 
Archaeological research at Tappeh Mokhar consisted of two approaches: a systematic surface sampling and a delimitation sounding, in which 30 small trenches were excavated around the hypothetical perimeter of the site, inferred from both topography and concentration of the surface materials. Most parts of the site have been leveled during last decades and it was used as agricultural land and also a depot for modern construction wasters. Based on our comparative studies, the site represents occupations from late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods; the latter is thought to be significantly represented. Future excavations at Tappeh Mokhar would potentially answer some important questions about the nature of prehistoric and historic settlements in this part of Khorasan.

Acknowledgments
My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Kourosh Rostaei (Associate Professor of RICHT), Dr. Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jolodar (Associate Professor Depart of Archeology, University of Tehran), Reza Haidareii (M. A of Archeology, University of Tehran), Dr. Hassan Basfa, Dr. Mohsen Dana and Dr. Seyyed Javad Jafari for their insightful comments on the manuscript.
 

Abstract
The Kurgan and the megalith tombs were common graves in the Bronze and Iron Ages. The vast geographical area is central Europe, central Asia, Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. The size of Kurgans and the objects discovered from these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Animal burial was also common in the late second millennium BC in the Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. This study explains the Kurgans, megalith tombs, and the traditional victim animals for particular social classes in the Bronze Age. One of the questions in this research is about trade relations between the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran in the Bronze Age. And why the Kurgans of this period in size and number of objects discovered inside graves differ. In answer to these questions, the represented research hypothesis found the Obsidian bows and Urmia ware of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. In this period, close relations existed between the South Caucasus and the Northwest of Iran. Also, the large size of the Kurgans and the objects discovered inside these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Ordinary people had a simple coffin grave, and their graves had no funeral gifts. But the high-ranking people in this community have huge graves and, along with the owner, discovered a lot of funeral gifts.  The Kurgans of the South Caucasus and Northwest of Iran were studied using observation and library surveys. The results show that the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus are older than those in the Northwest of Iran, and in the Late Bronze Age, there was a cultural and commercial connection between the two regions. In the Late Bronze Age, most Kurgans were discovered in the Aslandooz and Pars Abad in Ardabil, Ahar, and Khodaafarin in Eastern Azerbaijan. Most of them had a circular shape, and many of these graves found animals deceased, such as cows, horses, and dogs, with funeral gifts.  
Keywords: Bronze Age, Kurgan, Megalith Tombs, South Caucasus.

Introduction
According to archaeological findings in the Bronze Age, due to migrations and close relations, various developments happened between the Caucasus and northwestern Iran, especially in the burial tradition in the Bronze Age sites of Northwestern Iran. The Kurgans were formed from the late Chalcolithic Age to the Iron Age in a wide geographical area, including the Southern Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran. However, most Kurgans are chronologically related to the Bronze Age and Iron Ages. These tombs were by people who lived in semi-permanent settlements in the geographical area of steppe plains, extensive pastures, grasslands, and forests.
Animal burials are the essential issues in these Kurgans. According to studies on Kurgans from the Southern Caucasus and Northwestern Iran, animal burials, including horses, cows, and dogs, have been found in most large-sized Kurgans (Rudenko, 1953: 53-60). The graves in which animal burials show that the owner of these graves had a high social position. 
The lack of knowledge in this study is limited to the Kurgans of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. For this reason, one of the innovations in this study is a careful study of Bronze Age Kurgans in Northwestern Iran, especially the late Bronze. This research investigates the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran during the Bronze Age using objective observation and library studies. Most of the research done in the late Bronze Age Kurgans of Iran is based on field surveys and documenting and collecting the necessary information. 

The Kurgans of the Southern Caucasus region
The oldest Kurgans are in Asia Minor, the Balkan, and the Caucasus. These Kurgans are related to the fourth and third millennium BC. The oldest Kurgan belongs to the fourth millennium BC in the Caucasus region. The Scythians learned this burial method from the native inhabitant, and in combination with their belief, they gave it a shape that is today known as Tomolus (Firouzmandi, 2015: 157). There are two types of tombs: simple tombs that belonged to ordinary people and luxurious tombs that belonged to princes and kings. These Kurgans contained wooden structures and, with great skill, were made, which included pottery, war tools, and ornaments (Gershevitch, 1993: 189). Several Kurgans belong to the Kura-Aras culture in the Shanghvit area and other parts of Armenia in the Southern Caucasus. These Kurgans belong to the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age. These Kurgans are very large and similar to those found in Armenia and Georgia. Objects such as pottery, gold, and other things have been found inside these Kurgans.

The Kurgans of Northwestern Iran
Khorramabad cemetery in Ardabil is one of the ancient sites of Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs have been discovered at this site. This cemetery belongs to the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. In another of these graves, which is unique, the remains of 34 horses have been found. The main Kurgan has found various types of Gold, Bronze, Iron, Stone, Glass objects, and pottery.
The Zardkhaneh site of Ahar, which belonged to the Late Bronze Age, is one of the essential sites in Northwestern Iran. From this site, there are 95 Kurgans and large stone graves. These graves are like the Kurgans and large stone graves of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey. These tombs have many grey and brown potteries with bronze and stone objects.

Division of Kurgans and large stone tombs in Northwestern Iran
Simple Chinese stone tombs: These graves are constructed of large stone and are covered with soil about half a meter from the surrounding lands. The direction of the graves was east to West (author).

Box tombs: These tombs consist of large stones. These types of graves are recognizable as mounds of soil. A raised stone with carved motifs was placed vertically on top of the tombs (author).
 
Kurgans: Kurgans in archaeology are called cone-shaped tombs. These tombs are known as plains steppe pyramids. There are several Kurgans in the Aslamdooz of Pars Abad. These tombs are about 10 to 14 meters in diameter and 5/3 to 4 meters high (author).

Discussion 
The burial traditions of the people in the Bronze Age show a general understanding of their beliefs at that time. Based on excavations in the northwest of Iran, various burial methods have been identified, and each of these patterns followed the people’s worldview. Megalithic stones and Kurgans appeared for the first time in the South Caucasus region. They later became popular in this region as a cultural connection with neighboring areas in the Northwest of Iran. Kurgans had a rectangular room consisting of the main chamber of the Kurgans, and around it, they lay stones in a circle. The shape of the circle was a sacred symbol in the past. For this reason, since prehistoric times, the circle motif has been used on pottery, metal objects, architectural structures, and in constructing Kurgans and megalithic tombs in the Bronze Age.

Conclusion
Based on the study, most Kurgans have been discovered from outside the current borders of Iran related to the Early and Middle Bronze Age and are larger than the Kurgans found in Iran. While most of the Kurgans and large stone tombs belong to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, most are in Eastern Azerbaijan and Ardabil in Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs in this area and the shape and burial objects inside these tombs are similar to the large stone tombs found in the Southern Caucasus, especially in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Additional evidence related to the stelae or raised stone tombs was found on the Ardabil plain in the Late Bronze Age. There are carved animal motifs on these stones. These raised stones belonged to Bronze Age sites in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Inside tombs of the Zardkhaneh site in Ahar are Urmia potteries, and samples of these potteries have been discovered in Kura-Aras cultures in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Another Bronze Age site in Northwestern Iran with shiny grey pottery is the Buini Yughun site in the Nir area, similar to the Urmia potteries. In the Southern Caucasus, Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran, the Bronze Age was characterized by mass metal production, trade with the neighboring area, economic growth, construction of military buildings, and large stone tombs. The discovery of valuable objects in this period shows these societies’ high economic and social levels in the Bronze Age. One of the essential pieces of evidence is the discovery of the arrowhead of the Obsidian in the Zardkhaneh site of Ahar. The discovery of the Urmia potteries and Obsidian in the Bronze Age shows trade relations between Northwestern Iran and the Southern Caucasus in the Late Bronze Age.

Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.

Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn.  It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.

History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture.  Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.

The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.

Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.

Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.

Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records. 

Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018). 

Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.

Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios. 


Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4). 

Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records. 
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.

The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks.  The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.