Abstract
In this paper, research was performed on cultural materials from Bard Panir, which morphologically is located on southern Central Zagros at mountainsides of Lorestan, close to the Khuzestan Plain and is geopolitically a part of Khuzestan Province. However, this region is similar to Lorestan Province with regard to its average rainfall, its mild temperature is neither similar to freezing winters of Lorestan, nor like torrid summers of Khuzestan. In addition, this region had traditionally been fertile because of being near Bala Roud, Dez and Karkhe (Hole, 1994). Regarding Cultural-Historical parameters, this region seems to be at least contemptuous with cultural materials from cultural periods such as Shoush II or Uruk in Mesopotamia. Shoush II Period in Khuzestan is known based on what is found in Acropolis I, especially layers 17-22. Moreover, materials from Apadana are analogous to those from Acropolis1, layers 19-22 (Dittmann, 1986: 76). Therefore, this time horizon seems to be related to a network of societies that connect Central Zagros to Khuzestan, and from there to Mesopotamia, within which is especially located the key deployment called Uruk, which is divided into three periods: Early Uruk, Mid Uruk, and Late Uruk. Hence, based on cultural materials excavated by authors and some samples from this site which were kept in Andimeshk Cultural Heritage, the morphology and location of this Tappeh, as a special physiographical region, were determined.
Keywords: Bard Panir, Shoush II, Uruk, Beveled Rim Bowl, Baneshi Tray.

Location and Description of Bard Panir
This site is located near the banks of Bala Roud Dam, Bala Roud, close to Hosseinieh
Town, northern Andimeshk City, Khuzestan Province. It is at 32 40 13.4 northern latitude; at 048 15 49.4 eastern longitude; and at a height of 343 m Altitude the sea level. Although, Bard Panir is geopolitically mapped within Khuzestan Province, it must geographically be located at southern Central Zagros. Bard Panir is about 10 m high; its area is 3.5 Ha; and distribution of pottery in it extends to around 30 Ha. This site is within a plain, at 100 meters from the banks of Bala Roud. Moreover, the site is about 40 m above the level of this river, and all surrounding area can be observed. It is circular. Within it, there are observed pieces of architectural evidence such as steeples and walls. Fortunately, because of being surrounded by the dam, it is not damaged by illegal excavations, buildings, farming, and traffickings by domestic and humans; so that it is easy to find large pieces of pottery and other data on the surface of this site.

Surface Data
Different cultural materials were collected from Bard Panir such as:

Pottery, Coarse Ware
1. Beveled Rim Bowl (Tab 1, Fig 3): This type of bowl is buff or cream-pink in colour. It is categorized among simply designed potteries. It is made of Chaff. There is observed some impurities because of using sands. Its surface is coarse because of the methods of they are produced. On the interior side of this kind of pottery is observed the deep trails of potter’s fingers. The rim of the container had been bevelled by a thing such as a piece of pottery or bone or fingers. Temper such as large (about 1.5 cm) chaff had been used. Moreover, average and tiny (0.5mm-5mm) sands had intentionally been added to the pottery material, so that the surface of the pottery is coarse. The mouth of all excavated pieces were approximately identical, ranging from 15 cm to 16.7 cm. All potteries are firmly made and almost all samples are baked completely. Data with regard to four of these containers are as follows: Container no. 1: 980ML; Container no.2: 965ML; Container no.3: 940ML; Container no. 4: 928ML
2. Baneshi Tray: Baneshi tray, which is known by its Uruki name, is a simple and shallow container. This had been made in circular and oval shapes in pinkish or buff colour. These potteries are hand-made and are made without any kinds of decorations or motifs. The temper used is of herbal kind which includes large (1.5 cm long) chaffs; however, some tiny (rarely larger than 2 mm) soft sands had intentionally added to the soil. It seems that they had been haggled; then they had been sprayed like a bread; and lastly the rims of the container had been leaned inwards; while, the surface of the container is levelled by hands and fingertips. The coarse exterior surface is the outcome the method of manufacturing them.
Fine Buff Ware Plain and painted (Tab 2, Fig 4): This type of Buff pottery includes often simple and rarely painted Motives. They had been designed mostly in brown and red colours. Their body is relatively thin.The Temper which are used mostly belong to the category of minerals. In the body of these pieces are observed coarse and homogeneous sands (0.20-2mm), being graded with a quality ranging from good to very good. According to the temper used in these types of potteries, the soil used by the potters had been relatively clean. There were not observed any impurities except for rare cases. The mould used by potters had acceptably been knead; however, the large amount of temper had resulted in its firm structure.
Fine Red Ware (Tab 3): This kind of pottery with orangey-red mould, includes often plain and rarely painted potteries. The Temper that had been used in these kinds of potteries are tiny minerals and are similar to small knobs on the interior and exterior surfaces of all pieces. Furthermore, in some cases the additive Chaff is observed, and this is one of the most important characteristics. In all these types of potteries except for one, the interior surface of the open-mouth pottery which is covered similar to the exterior surface is simple and untouched; so that the trails of parallel lines made by pot-wheel are observed clearly on the interior surface of the pottery. The soil used in manufacturing these potteries are observable with naked eye, although the herbal additives are chipped very small in size, and lots of heterogeneous and numerous sands in all sizes. The mould had acceptably been knead and potteries are made of a constant and firm structure.

Abstract
The first spark of music in the human mind began with hearing the sound of nature, and it has probably been accompanied by dancing and singing. These acts have been performed at ceremonies, prayers, and perhaps celebrations of the product’s gathering, gradually uniforming they have been creating rhythmic movements, multiplication, and rhythm. They could by playing hand together and body, knocking two sticks together and hitting two hollow logs and any other object get the sound out. They came slowly to assonance and believed that these sounds had magical effects. There are also legends about the emergence of music in different ethnic groups that have been quoted for many years. Among the Lear instrument mad white Apollo casings or back turtle bowls cut by Hemes or the goddess of the sun, and even the Emperor’s chains command, Hakong T is to invent music and imitate the sound of birds with the instrument music. The focus of this research is necked incense, whose works can be found in the art of ancient Ilam and Mesopotamia. The main purpose of this study also focuses on the study and analysis musical instrumentation, its types and methods of construction, and has attempted to explain the necked incense in a field method and library. Also about the turtle found in archaeological excavation, especially in the tombs, and the main trunk of these instruments, in this research has been studied. Two types of necked incense instruments including Melodic structure and Harmonic necked incense were investigated from the author’s point of view, that these instrument are show the evolving music instruments in the present age. The instruments of Tar, Setar, Tanbour, and other instruments are music multiplicative.
Keywords: Ilam Music, Necked Incense, Turtle of Tortoise, Wooden Bowl.

Introduction
With the advent of urbanization in the fourth millennium BC and the arrival of a number of people in specialized human development work, a great change took place and the basis of society was divided into various sectors most importantly the creation of a house of worship and a state base and above all market creation has continued to his day other division in human social, political and economic an affairs have been made more detailed. During that time some people started to build instrument and music in general, which may be said to be one of the earliest countries to enter the urban period and probably the oldest instruments in Iran. The instrument that we can say was the beeps. The earliest specimen of this type of beep is from the millennium BC and was found in the Shahdad Hill on the Lut plain in Eastern Kerman. Among the discovered objects is a beep 29 mm long with a span of 63 mm and a pipe span of 10 mm. In the middle of the tube of this beep, there is a human head on both sides of the tube, which can be said to be a combination of the human larynx and lip. The second finding of the beep species is in Hesar Damghan hill. The enclosure has three floors and at the newest level has three layers A, B, C, and three beep damaged by ground pressure, all three of which were taken from the third layer. They are made of the silver. This layer of IIIC of history have about 1800 to 2200 BC.

Research Finding
One of the boxes is keeping in Tehran and two others at the university of Philadelphia in addition to these three  beep another pottery  beep was found in the revision drilling in year 1976. The diameter of the blower tube is 32 mm and its height is 430 mm and its span is about 200 mm. In Chaghamish his seal impression has been found which depicts a group dating back to the fourth millennium BC. In this scene, in addition to role of harpist, there is a singer an instrument skin player and a person perform. In Iran, there are various forms of snick instruments such as timpani, Senj double drums, large drums, castanets and other musical instruments that we see through the seal impression and figurines. The most important findings is a type of lute instrument to be more precise, the mother of all instruments including: Tar, Setar, Doutar, Tanbour, and similar instruments. The Lut plays an important role in shaping them, it needs to be examined more closely in Archaeological excavations. Two types of necked incense instruments including Melodic structure and Harmonic necked incense were investigated from the author’s point of view, that these instrument are show the evolving music instruments in the present age. The instruments of Tar, Setar, Tanbour, and other instruments are music multiplicative.

Conclusion 
The traces of musical instruments in ancient Iran are unique to the small muddy sculptures statue of Luteinst musicians. Befor Achaemenid period, in the third and second millenniums BC, traces of wind instruments called beeps have been found in Shahdad and hill Hesar. But wood_ made musical instruments such as the turtle neck lute, which were usually resource bowls or baxes. These are used to break down wood or organic matter such as the intestines as warp, curtains, and Dastgah. But Eichmann has reported that a cauliflower has been found in healthy Egypt and respected masters of archaeology say that the organic matter is likely to survive in very wet or dry environments, and the Egyptian specimen may be in this condition. Two types of necked incense instruments including Melodic structure and Harmonic necked incense were investigated from the author’s point of view, that these instrument are show the evolving music instruments in the present age.  

Abstract
Arrows and arches are among the weapons of the Safavid period that, in addition to battlefields, have a special place in courtier and hunting ceremonies .Therefore, it is undeniably important to identify the arches of this period. A small number of remained arches and the scarcity of relevant resources have made them difficult to study, but to study Safavid arches, one of the most important documents of this period namely Miniatures ,can be used; Because Safavid period Miniatures  were portrayed in a very realistic way in addition to aesthetic values. As a result of the war, various sites, including the arch, can be followed well. In addition to the introduction; classifying all kinds of bows and related tools, such as bow case and quiver, as one of the oldest and most important tools in the Safavid period is one of the main goals of this study. What are the types of answers to questions such as the arch and related tools in this course? What is the connection between their appearance and their function? And what decorative designs have been applied to the bows of this period? In this research, which has been done by the descriptive-analytical method and by collecting data as a library, comparison, analysis, and classification of arches are performed through 70 figures and the effect was drawn from the beginning to the end of the Safavid period. The results showed that at least four types of arches and six different types of quivers were used in different Safavid periods. Among them are the arches that were sunk in the center and had corners to the outside; more widely used and simple arches have been less useful. Among the types of motifs engraved on arches, commonly written inscriptions have played the most important role on the surface of arches, mostly in order to stimulate morale and the use of divine forces to defeat the enemy. Also, the role of bow or instrument related to it, such as archery ring, shows the importance of these objects in showing the authority of the Iranian court in foreign relations and its position as the official array of court men of this period.
Keywords: Bow, Bow Case, Quiver, Safavid Period, Safavid Miniatures.

Introduction
The bow and arrow was considered as one of the royal weapons in the Safavid period. Due to the nature of the bow, few examples of this weapon remain, making it difficult to study bows and other related devices. In this study, in addition to emphasizing the position of the mentioned war tool in the army and Safavid society, the bows attributed to this period were studied and classified, and the information was obtained through a review of historical sources and related travelogues; Moreover, a comparative study was conducted between 20 paintings and 3 index murals with the role of bows and related tools in the Safavid era, which were selected from 70 collected samples. 
The purpose of this study was to introduce and classify different types of bows and related devices and to answer the questions: What types and patterns of use the bows and related devices in this period had? And what decorative motifs were used on the arrows of this period?
Research method: The information required for the research has been collected in the form of documents-library research and the data have been studied in a descriptive-analytical and comparative manner. The bow was one of the weapons with the string in the Safavid period. This toolkit has been used in wars and chases. The bow had a special place in the court structure of the Safavid period what we will examine in the following.

Safavid Period Bows
 The bow had a special place in the military structure of the Safavids, and like the sword, it was one of the basic weapons. Carrying this weapon has also been an honor for the upper classes of society, and it has been part of the rituals in the homes of people from different regions. 
Until the reign of Shah Abbas the Great, the weapons of the Ghezelbash were mostly bows and arrows. He made changes to the organization of the army to improve it, and one of the consequences was that the importance of using bows on battlefields diminished. 
Bow and related devices: To use this weapon in addition to a bow, one needed arrows and supplies such as archers or shrapnel and the box.
Types of bows: Examining the drawings and comparing the shapes of the bows showed the image of the four types of arches in this period.
Bow decorations: Most bows were gilded with bright colors. Sometimes the bow was covered with Saghari leather. These measures also protected it from the effects of weather and heat.
The bow case: Due to the negative effect of moisture on wood, bows were kept in special containers called “the bow case”.
Quiver: Among the paintings of this period, six types of arrows can be seen.
Tailpiece: One of the most important and common tools related to the bow is the tailpiece ring also known as the tailpiece. This group of rings has become common since the 9th century AH.

Conclusion
Although there are few surviving examples of bows and related tools in the Safavid period, the study of historical texts and documents and drawings, answers many questions about this warfare. The importance of the role of paintings and drawings of this period in responding to the types of bows and related tools is clearly visible. Studies on the works of this period found that the classification of bows into two types of hunting and war is incorrect about Safavid bows.
Regarding the appearance of the bow and its related instruments, the studies performed showed four different types of bows and six different shooting patterns. Variety in the shape of bows raises the question of whether there was a connection between their appearance and their function. In response, it should be said that the different shapes of the bow were by no means the reason for its different uses, and the comparison of the bows depicted in the scenes of war, hunting, and court showed no distinction between the bows.
In the decoration of the bows, the colored colors and the painted Saghari leather had a special place and in this way, they were protected from the effects of weather and heat. As mentioned earlier; the handles and corners of the bow of “Shah Ismail I” were gilded with plant elements and two inscriptions were written on the surface of the bow, mentioning the date of construction and the name of the builder and religious verses and phrases. This is true of the decorations of the arrow box and fragments, and with more emphasis on the tailpiece rings, so that their presence, even in non-combat images, indicates their existence as part of the official accessories of the Safavid court men.

Abstract
During the fourth millennium BCE similar wares used to produce and use in the extended area in Near East which is so-called Beveled rim bowls. Its importance is for high quantity and similarity in production techniques. Different studies on dating, function, and the main reason for the spread of this pottery style have been done. Although beveled rim bowls were found in many sites in west, south, south-eastern, and central plateau, hereby new finding from Kale Kub seems that this pottery style was spread in the more extended area than what we expect. Kale Kub is located in the eastern part of Iran, Southern Khorasan, and Sarayan county. In 2018, two trenches were opened in order to identify the stratigraphy of the high amount of beveled rim bowls in addition to other pottery styles belong to fourth millennium BCE which are already known in southwestern Iran. The current study would be clarifying the importance of the Kale Kub site for identifying the dispersal zone of Beveled rim bowl pottery style by an endeavor firstly foe the classification and typology of the potteries and then a comparison between the pottery style in this site with other sites related to this period. Also, we attempt to trace the possible routes for this pottery style to the East and the interaction between east and west of Iran. Pottery collection from the excavation in Kale Kub includes a high amount of beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and some other pottery styles which are well-known from fourth millennium BCE such as nose handle and spouted wares. Beveled rim bowls are over 15 percent of the pottery collection and other styles have a few quantities in the collection. In term of production techniques and style, Kale Kub finds are similar to those from southwest of Iran.
Keywords: Eastern Iran, Kaleh Kub II, Beveled Rim Bowls, Forth Millennium BCE.

Introduction
The first season of excavation at Kale Kub aimed to identify the stratigraphy sequence of this site, which has revealed the chronological sequence from fifth to late fourth millennium BCE. Cultivation and human activities in recent years resulted in disturbance in most parts of the site. Beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and other diagnostic pottery styles of fourth millennium BCE are the most important finds in this site. In addition to beveled rim bowls and Banesh tray, other diagnostic styles such as nose handle, spouted wares were found in Kale Kub that shows all styles belong to this millennium would have seen in the eastern part of the Iranian plateau. In modern Iran, these pottery styles are reported from the southwest, central Zagros, central plateau, and southeast, but from east and northeast just reported from Farhad Gerd which scholars believe that the reported pottery is not beveled rim bowl. Excavation in Kale Kub shows the extension of this culture to the east part of Iran. This site is located far from the well-known sites from this period in the west part of Iran and there are two deserts, Dasht-e Kavir and Lut desert, between this site and other known sites with similar pottery style increase the importance of finding the answer for this question that how this culture found its way to the east.

Conclusion
Inter-regional interactions had a significant effect on the movement of raw material and production in the extended area. Because of the geographical situation of Kale Kub at the east of Iran and the existence of metal mine in the region, this site possibly appeared as a supplier place in the interaction networks for the southwest of Iran during the fourth millennium BCE. The pottery culture which is prevalent in the southwest in this site shows clearly these interactions. To answer the question of how they were connected, we need more excavations and more information. The nearest sites with similar cultural features to the Kale Kub are Tepe Sofalin in Pishva, Varamin in central plateau; and in the southeast of Iran, Mahtout Abad in Jiroft, that both have about thousand kilometers are away from Kale Kub. This distance shows that there are highly probable some other sites between Sofalin and Kale Kub and also Mahtout Abad and Kale Kub that have not been identified yet. These two-direction routes (first, the southern boundary of Alborz mountain and north of Dasht-e Kavir; second, the southern part of Lut desert to the Sistan region and eastern parts of Iran), are the possible routes that connect the east to the fourth millennium BCE cultures of southwest in purpose of achieving the raw material. In the highlands around Kale Kub, copper mining evidence showing that these mines were used till late Islamic periods in the region as well. Also, this region has various types of opal. Kale Kub location between Afghanistan and inner part of Iranian plateau suggests that this site was formed on the way of lapis-lazuli movement routs from Afghanistan; also, the mines of turquoise at the Neishabur is near to the site. Although, finding the role of this site in the networks of fourth millennium BCE needs more information that will be revealed by more excavations but current evidence shows that this site had an exchange and production function in the trade in this period. It suggests that beveled rim bowls and other material culture from fourth millennium BCE (about 3600-3500 BCE) extended to the east from the central plateau and southern part of Alborz Mountain as well as northern side of Dasht-e Kavir.

Abstract
Considering the importance of the Late Chalcolithic Period, especially at the end of the period, we see the emergence of the first cities and early state formation; therefore identifying the types of sites and cultural materials of this period can add important information to our knowledge about it. Among the most noteworthy tendencies of this period are the population growth, the expansion of exchange, and growing craft specialization. Despite our knowledge of different types of cultural materials, especially the pottery traditions of the Late Chalcolithic Period of the Central Zagros region, our knowledge of “Coba” pottery in Iran is limited. which were mass-produced in the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Turkey in different forms during the “Post-Ubaid” and from the LC1 period onwards. So far, there has been little discussion about the presence of this type of vessel in Iran. This study examines Coba bowls in western Iran, especially the Kermanshah plain, and tries to answer the questions by a descriptive andanalytical method, while discussing the technological characteristics and the time span of Coba bowls in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan? Also, what view do these new findings give us in terms of the distribution of these wares? The abundance of these bowls in the excavation of Taq-e Bustan in 2015 and other discovered samples from Kermanshah province and western Iran provide new evidence that this pottery tradition covered a wide area in western Iran. These samples show that we are facing a significant abundance of type 3 and 4 of Coba bowls and the bold presence of these types indicates the spread of this ware to western parts of Iran such as the Central Zagros in the Early Uruk period.
Keywords: Kermanshah, Taq-e Bustan, Late Chalcolithic, Post-Ubaid, Coba Bowls.

Introduction
Given that the fourth millenium B.C coincides with major structural changes, including the emergence of social hierarchy, technological innovations and economic reorganization, and finally the emergence early states and cities, the presence and distribution of Coba bowls, also known as mass-produced, represents a wider range of communication and interaction in the early fourth mill B.C between Mesopotamia and the Central Zagros than previously thought. Here, we aim to answer the two following questions: What are the technological characteristics of the prehistoric Taq-e Bustan place bowls? Which time period does this type of ware cover? Also, what image do these new findings provide of the distributional pattern? Therefore, the authors in this article will try to evaluate the presence of these findings in relation to the origin of this pottery and the main area of its development.
The area of Taq-e Bustan West Park, which is also known as Parthian Cemetery, is located in the northeast of Kermanshah city and the foothills of the mountains and in the west of Taq-e Bustan historical place next to a spring full of water at an altitude of 1395 meters above sea level. During the excavations of this area in 1394, a new collection of finds associated with the fourth millennium BC (traces of the Late Chalcolithic Period settlement beneath the layers containing the Parthian Cemetery) was revealed. During the initial studies, this area was considered to be on the same horizon as the Godin IV3 period.

Discussion
During the classification, typology and comparison of the pottery collection, one of the special types of pottery forms called Coba bowl was revealed in this area. The Coba bowls are the hallmark of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon, which has been present in four different types from the LC1 to LC3, in a wide range, including northern Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e Bustan site are found in large numbers, upside down on the bottom floor and inside the jar. The presence of these bowls along with spherical body bowls (also know as curved bowl) -with simple rim and grooved body-, beaded-rim bowls, bowls similar to Hammerhead bowl, painted pottery comparable to pottery from Godin Tapeh of the VI3 period and other forms of pottery, are important. Based on the comparisons made, and considering the samples with absolute chronology of the Central Plateau, Central Zagros and areas outside the borders of Iran, as well as according to the radiocarbon samples obtained from the Godin period VI1, a date of about 3800 or 3700 (LC2-3) can be suggested for the settlement of Late Chalcolithic period of the Taq-e Bustan and its pottery. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e-Bostan prehistoric place are comparable to Coba bowls, such as Wide-Flower pots, conical, or V-shaped bowls. These bowls, which are considered as a relatively unknown types of this period in Iran, have not been noticed so far, if in addition to the Taq-e Bustan site, they have been obtained from Ja-baq site in Doroud Faraman of Kermanshah, Tepe Kheibar of Rawansar, Tapeh Morad Weis 2 in Sar Pol-e Zahab, Godin Tapeh period VI3, Shahzade Abdollah site in Khorramabad, Garmesi Site in Deh Luran, Tepe Badamyar of Rabat and Qale Nane in Marivan. The presence of this type of pottery in areas far from its already known areas of distribution, especially in the Central Zagros, can provide a new perspective for transregional interactions and further our understanding of the nature of society in the early fourth millennium BC in the Zagros.

Conclusion
Among the cultural finds of this site, the Wide-Flower pots with a relatively rough and uneven surface, straw temper and generally with grey core have a strong presence in the studied assemblage. Its already known sphere of development includes the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia. The Coba bowls are an important feature of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon which lasts until the LC3 period. According to the division that the researchers have considered for Coba bowls, the Coba bowls of the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan are comparable to the third and fourth types of this V-shaped bowl, which are mostly known in the eastern areas such as Keban, Habur and Iraqi Jezira. It is certain that with further excavations and surveys, there is a possibility of changing this zoning/sphere, because examples of these bowls (V shape) are also found in western areas such as Amuq, Cilicia and southern Anatolia. These bowls are generally referred to as mass-produced bowls due to the discovery of large quantities in archaeological contexts, and the function attributed to this type of bowl generally includes household activities. Excavation in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan shows the expansion of the Coba bowl sphere to the western regions of Iran, such as the Kermanshah plain in the Central Zagros. Existence of these bowls along with other comparable pottery forms in different regions within the current borders of Iran and many comparable examples in the Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria and the use of the Flint-scrap Technique on the surface of vessels of these sites, especially the bowls which are one of the features of the Northern Mesopotamian pottery tradition (Chaff faced-ware or Post-Ubaid culture) during the late fifth and early fourth millennium BC, indicate the prevalence and continuity of the presence of Northern Mesopotamian pottery traditions, along with the early Uruk pottery culture in the Central Zagros. This reflects the extensive regional and trans-regional relations between these areas.

Abstract
Sasanian Silver Bowl at the National Museum of Iran, known as the “dancer-musicians scene”, has been one of the museum’s most archaeological works for the past sixty years. According to Ali Sami, this bowl was purchased in 1334 (1955); it is attributed to the north of Iran (Kelardasht of Mazandaran). The palm-shaped head of this bowl shows four dancer-musician-singers with four different well-known musical instruments as well as a figure of a pheasant in the center. In all previous scholarly works, as well as in the many exhibitions in which this bowl has been displayed, this work has been referred to as the motif of the “female dancers-musicians”. However, doubtful interpretations of musical instruments of the motif can be found in the same scholarly works. Obviously Iranian scholars to the internally held exhibitions have followed previously mentioned works. The author will first challenge the “femininity” of these four dancer-musician-singers and will testify the view that three of them are only masculine. Secondly, I will present a new proposal to the readers with a different interpretation of these Iranian music instruments. Also, the author considers this bowl to probably be a heritage from the Persian Gulf (southern, not northern Iran). Furthermore, I will also focus on the identity of these dancer-musicians in such a musical group scene as “Indian gypsies” or at least inspired by such a musical style. The author will also refer to two other lesser-known similar bowls of the Museum. Meanwhile, the author will present a new perspective on the date of this silver object which is based on its motif details and two more Silver Works at the National Museum of Iran. In this comparative study, I will draw a line between the three motifs (of the bowls, especially two of them) based on the two seasons of “winter and spring (or summer)”!
Keywords: Sasanian Silver Bowl, National Museum of Iran, Musician-dancers Scene, Kelardasht, India Gypsy, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Much has been said and written about the Persian Gulf. Since more than 500 years ago until now, about cultural landscapes, art, music, clothing, food styles to different harbors and etc. through foreign travelogues and Iranian documents can be attributed to colorful valuable data on the Persian Gulf. Archaeology has also testified a large tangible data about Iranian identity over the Persian Gulf. Pre-historic objects to the valuable inscription of Darius the Great obtained from the Suez Canal to other archeological finds from Bushehr, Siraf, Kharg, Qeshm, Hormoz, etc., are proof of this claim. Zoroastrianism legacy in Saudi Arabia and especially Yemen to recent Sasanian coins from the United Arab Emirates, Sasanian fortresses in Oman (cf. Potts, 2012: online)... can be proof of our historical ownership of the Persian Gulf.
Nevertheless, the article stresses on a review of a Sasanian magnificent artistic relic in the National Museum of Iran. This masterpiece frequently has been referred for at least the lasxty years. This significant object has been displayed in most of exhibitions from the inside to the abroad. This Sasanian heritage has been published in most of the catalogs of the National Museum of Iran and international exhibitions. This very beautiful Sasanian work, “silver bowl” known as the “scene of dancer-musicians” with registry number 1332, weight 575.7, diameter 22.55 cm, and height 7 cm, obtained from Kelardasht (?), Mazandaran.

ConclusionUndoubtedly, the Sasanian silver bowl at the National Museum of Iran can be studied from a new perspective. This view can challenge all previous scholarly works from two different aspects.
First, the musical instruments portrayed on this work can testify to its interrelationship with the shores of the Persian Gulf. For example, Castanet or Sinj is a typical instrument. There is a golden shipwreck’s photo (with eight musicians-singers), has some similarities with the silver bowls of the National Museum of Iran, on the website of Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore.6 According to the website, the work has been discovered from a Persian Gulf bound ship drowned near Indonesia. However, the author has doubts about authenticity of this report! 
Although there are few written archaic texts but these instruments have been valid from generation to generation in Iran as endorsed by sources in Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, oral history as well as archeological documents until they have reached our time. 
Most Post-Sasanian sources have preserved valuable information about Arghanun, sorena, lute (barbat) and even chime.7 Although Zoroastrian texts do not help on such a topic but the story of Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak (Oryan, 2004: 58) mentioned some of the best musicians: “harp-players, lute-players, wan players,8 tambour players, and reed players.” 
Chime (cf. Ibn Sina)9 is one of the oldest musical instruments in southern Iran. The Haft-Joush (seven parts) chime was also one of the most common of these musical instruments; the Indian type of which (made of bronze) had a special reputation in Bushehr (Darvishi, 2004: 540,32). Type of the short handled and tied to the fingers have been (and still are) the most common chimes in southern Iran (for the same instrument, see: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 191).
Another important fact is that the production and control of the melody with these four instruments were very difficult for females (women); three of them (bowl) still considered male instruments. In Taq Bostan too, sorena and a kind of arghanun (or bagpipe, maybe nay-e anban) are played by men where females are depicted as tambourine and harp players (farmer, 1964: 96). Both of these latter instruments have always been depicted and described in this way (female).
So, the gender of the musicians will be the second key point of this object. It is as if the previous works did not pay attention to the connection between the “type of instrument and the type of gender” which, according to the tradition, they were at least skilled players. 
The story of “ Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak “ (Oryan, 2004: 96) describes “a sweet-singing-dancer and a beauty with big breasts, wasp waist, black and long hair ...”. Here are two questions:
1. Whether the female musician-dancer figures on the Sasanian silver legacy, with big breasts, slim waist and charming disheveled hair (National Museum of Iran, cf. fig. 6) cannot be a seal of endorsing the above-mentioned Pahlavi text? If that is the case, which I believe it is:
2. Isn’t this (description) contrary to the motif of the musicians of the silver bowl at the National Museum?
This issue of course according to the type of make-up and body shape confirms that three of them are males. Therefore, in the dance-music scene of other objects, the shawl on the breast (or part of it such as Bishapur mosaic), from behind (such as the silver decanter at the National Museum) or above the head like a sunshade (fig. 9) can be seen. Here, the shawl is skillfully placed on privy parts (low body) by the craftsman in order to have observed Iranian ethics (of course with partial rotation of the body). If in other objects, the shawl plays a role in covering the breasts of women, here it covers probably their low bodies.  This is not very compatible with Roman art!
In the Sasanian silver decanter at the National Museum, despite a kind of decorated forehead, the hair of the musician is hung from both sides towards the shoulders but here typical long-braided hair can remind us of Indian style which impacted the Persian Gulf coasts. However, no trace of the hair of the above mentioned musicians can be seen here, and they wear a head-gear (with two different logos on the forehead in pairs) that is fastened with a bandage under the throat (it is unlikely to be a hair strand). On this bowl, the whole body (with details) is portrayed in front and the head is turned to another side (profile), something that does not occur much with other works. The highly balanced and professional limbs of these dancer-musician-singers indicate their affiliation with a professional group. The beautiful and balanced body as well as the “hairless face” of these three male musicians plus one female, is thought to be one of the reasons for calling these four dancers females.
Furthermore, a theme rarely seen in Sasanian art is a “harmonious music group”  (male and female) scene. Even in the royal hunting scene of Taq Bostan, less resemblance (coordinated group) can be found to this bowl.  The musicians of Taq Bostan cannot be called a scene of a group performance.
Another similar silver bowl (fig. 10) with the same motif (four dancer-musicians from Kelardasht) at the National Museum of Iran published by S. Ayazi (2005: 92-93) already. These two bowls differentiate each other by some significant details which have never been studied. In the second bowl, the relatively “thick cover” of the musicians along with the figures of the “birds” is very significant. It seems, to me, that the first one reflects summer or spring season but the second one clearly recalls the winter season. Figures of different birds (which can be discovered in the spring season) is a part of the claim (the second one). There is also a third bowl with the same scene, in the National Museum, which I will write about in more detail in the future.
The author believes that the motifs of these three bowls are merely radiant of a “simple secular feast” (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 55; also: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 200). Obviously, the Sasanian heritages can never have been recorded without religious traces, which subconsciously ruled the artist’s mind. Hence, the meaningful name of the owner of the first bowl  (Farrokh-hormozd not windad-hormozd) to the design of the black “ten” leaves of the palm branch, the pearl ring around the pheasant in the middle of the object, the number of pearls of the pearl ring, two ribbons and also the three branches in the beak (Glory, triple social casts  or the doctrine of the Zoroastrianism) are part of this claim.
 Although the existence of motif of birds and animals in Sasanian art (rock, art, bullae, etc...) is a normal subject, but the figure of a pheasant (center of the bowl) can remind us of the “Khorasan Art School” that goes as far as China (Akbarzadeh, 2020: 267). 
The author believes that there is no connection between this scene and the one from Roman legacy of Dionysian or the goddess Anahita (Catalog of Wien, 2003: 233; Gunter and Jett, 1992: 27), as mentioned in all previous works. The following reasons can support me to challenge the previous works: “the typical oriental type of dance of these dancer-musicians, which is evident from their body shape, the pheasant figure most unrelated to the Zoroastrian goddess, the partial nudity dancers, which is not compatible with the officially known Sasanian art (but they are covered on the second bowl), their instruments, the absence of any bold religious symbols etc... supposedly for their body shape (type of dance), type of head-bands, shawl pattern, typical southern chime (with base, like pliers), dancer-musicians in group scene ...” Also, the author points the finger at India, not the Roman heritage for such a coordinated group performance that Sasanian art lacked (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 60). 
The Indians have always been known as female-males dancer-musicians in group form (unlike individual Sasanian dancer-singers). Also, the figure of the peacock (bowls 2-3) can support this claim. Moreover, the presence of Indian musicians-dancers in the Sasanian period is a well-known issue. It is obvious that Bahram V (Gur), after treating the mental condition of the Iranian society, ordered many musicians from India to come to Iran and play in public. These musicians are known as “gypsies” in the history of Iran.10 In fact, the author evaluates this group of naked (and partly-covered) dancer-musicians (with a completely different body shape) on these Sasanian bowls as Indian gypsies. Their half-nakedness cannot be an Iranian tradition in dance. In a work, about such instruments, attributed to Ibn Khordadbeh (Mallah, 1963: 28; Sami, 1970: 49) narrates that: “Iranians usually played the lute with the flute and the tambourine and the sorna with the dohol (drum) and mastaj (chime) and the senj.” 
The author also believes that due to the to the accuracy in construction and high technic of these valuable bowls and the processing of artistic symbols, especially such a dancer-musicians in group scene, its attribution to the eighth century AD., Post-Sasanian period (given the socio-political situation of Iran), is questionable. If this bowl(s) was made in the geographical boundary of Sasanian Fars province (including parts from Khuzestan to Fars and the whole of present-day Bushehr province) (which is strongly believed to be the case), the eighth century AD. was the most difficult period of this part of the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, the artistic details of these objects are never less, if not more beautiful than the objects of the sixth century AD. (cf. Lawergren, 2009: online). The skill in the inscribed needle-shaped of the owner’s religious name, the exact size of the body of the musicians, the branches of the grape, colored lace and other details indicate that the creation of this work can be even brighter than the eighth century AD. 
Despite this, a fundamental problem will remain and that is the type of cover of the dancers on these three bowls. This coverage can mean a “seasonal difference”, that is likely to be the case. Based on this one, we should focus on the eighth century AD. The author suggests that the second bowl (covered dancers) can be a reminder of Mihragan Festival at the beginning of winter and the first one (naked) can be reminiscent of Nowruz Festival (or a summer fest). This six-month gap (between two seasons) is the least reason why the two group of the two objects can be considered the same. If we cannot opine about the time of Mihragan Festival, but the time of Nowruz Fest was not fixed at the beginning of spring in the Sasanian calendar. This event is related to the early Islamic periods and this one does not contradict the eighth century. In short, that discovery of this bowl (for whatever reason) from northern Iran will never be an excuse to consider its origin as northern, and of course this is not surprising in archeology.

A study of the arrow guide or nāvak in Iran. It covers the technical aspects of arrow guides and how they may have entered Iran. In Persian, arrow guides are called nāvak and their projectiles are called tīr-e nāvak. However, sometimes nāvak is used for the arrow as well, and even the bow. It also covers how outside cultures viewed Iran as a source of innovation in the further development of these devices. In Arabic they are called majrā and this is the term most familiar in the west due to two important translations of Arabic archery manuals into English, Arab Archery and Saracen Archery, but they were mentioned earlier as nāvak in an English translation of part of the Hidāyat ar-Rāmī, where they were mistakenly described as crossbows. Essentially, an arrow guide is a partially closed tube used with a bow to shoot a short arrow drawn much farther than its length would normally allow. This produces a projectile that has increased velocity and less friction through the air than a regular arrow. The arrow guide has had a long history in Iran, probably entering in the last years of the Sasanian Dynasty, surviving the Arab conquest and persisting until the gradual takeover by firearms. It was fertile ground for invention with many variations being spread across the Islamic world. The persistent association with Iran in Arabic archery manuals reflects the perception that much of its development was tied to Persian users. Here, Persian and Arabic sources are examined. Reference is made to original artefacts and reconstructions.