Abstract
The site, Gand-Ab was archaeologically excavated during three seasons in 2002, 2003, 2006. During the first season, more than 25 graves were discovered, some of which were illegally excavated. In this excavation, we tried to use the excavated graves for completing our information about the funeral customs and architectural features of Gand-Ab Graves. The second season continued archaeological, anthropological studies; in addition to geological, topographical and networking studies of Gand-Ab Site. Seventeen graves were excavated during this season. In the third season in 1385, settlement sites were excavated as well as the graves, and this was an excavation of Gand-Ab settlements for the first time. During the first season, two hypotheses were proposed about the non-proportionality of architectural remnants and the settlements in Gand-Ab compared to the extent of the grave. This site is about 51 km northern Semnan City, 26 km northern Shahmirzad City, and 3 km west of Shahmirzad-Sari Road. This site is located 53/28/23 eastern longitude and 35/54/21 northern latitude. The Gand-Ab Site is about 2280 m above the sea level (Image 1 & 2).
Keywords: Semnan Archaeology, Graveyard, Iron Age, Gand-Ab, Kharand.

Gand-Ab Grave
A: Body positioning
Burials placed in a number of different positions:
1. Supine burying (Image 4); 2. Squatting burying (Image 5). 
In supine, the dead were buried straight, on their back, head on their right shoulder or their left shoulder. Their hands were sometimes straight at the sides of their bodies and sometimes they were placed on their stomach or on their chests. Any special direction for dead bodies were not observed. In squatting, the dead body were on sides of their bodies without considering any directions. The direction of the graves had been selected based on geographical conditions, so that the head had been placed in contrary to the slopes of the mountain, while their feet had been on the direction of the slopes.

B: the architecture of Graves
Because of the rocks, the Gand-Ab graves had been dug in a special method. These graves were prepared based on the height of the dead. The architecture of the graves in this site is of four types:
1. Hand-dug rocky graves; 2. One-stratigraphic graves; 3. Two-stratigraphic graves; 4. Sour-stratigraphic graves.
1. Hand-dug rocky graves: first rocks were dug, and then the dead had been placed inside the grave. After funeral, they had covered the dead with another rock, and at last they covered it all with soil. It is observed in some cases that they had filled the seam between rocks with pieces of sand and mud (Image 6).
2. One-stratigraphic graves: in these kinds of graves, one walls of the grave were built by placing stones on each other without using mud. The covering rock were placed on the grave in a declivitous form (Image 7).
3. Two-stratigraphic graves: in this kind of burying, two walls at the length of the grave were built by placing stones on each otherand covering it by a rock. On the wall of these graves were considered four niches. The existence of niches in graves is one of architectural features of Gand-Ab and Kharand Graves. However, there were discovered graves without any niches (Image 8).
4. Four-stratigraphic graves: the interior walls of these graves were all made by placing
pieces of sand and stones without using mud. On the wall of these graves, there were discovered one to four niches, in which they had placed things and food. Looking at the
covering rock, it is possible to guess the sex of the skeleton. Gand-Ab settlements had left much more things for the dead women. Therefore, for leaving more things in a grave they had needed more space, so that the covering rock had needed to be bigger (Image 9).

The Covering of Graves
The covering rocks on graves in Gand-Ab were prepared from the Sar Avar Mine in southern Gand-Ab. Some rocks had been monolith rocks, which are now broken into the grave because of pressure. In some cases, stones were placed on graves using trunks of trees (Image 10). It is observed in some cases that the seam between the wall and the covering rock had been filled with smaller stones and mud (Image 11) so that the soil do not enter the grave.

The Art of Pottery
The Gand-Ab settlements had been skilful potters, who had created lots of artistic beauties. The pottery paste in Gand-Ab is mostly a brownish red color. buff color is rarely observed. Kitchen pottery with soft paste and smoky body is observed among pieces of pottery as well. Pieces of sand are used for pasting pieces of pottery. Both hand-made and wheel-made pottery was observed in Gand-Ab. Most pieces of pottery are well-baked, but some pieces are mildly baked, while some are badly baked so that they had completely been smashed.

Conclusion
Because of the shortage of published sources, the author had to rely on the sources kept in the northern provinces of Iran (Golestan, Mazandaran and Gilan), which have mostly been discovered from smugglers, and compare them with the excavated cultural material from Gand-Ab. It is worth considering that most of the cultural material kept in these places had been dated wrongly because of a lack of knowledge about this site. Based on the existing documents, some tribes had been scattered at the end of the second millennium BC to the first millennium BC (Iron II, III) at the mountain ranges of Alborz and close to the water resources. The economy of these tribes had been based on ranching and for this purpose they had travelled from lowlands of Mazandaran to mountain ranges during summer to use rich pastures such as Kharand, Dargazeh, KhatirKuh, Gand-Ab, etc. These tribes had been aware of the arts such as pottery, metallurgy and decoration.
These tribes had a rich architecture. They used the local materials such as stones, mud and wood of Avras (gorse). The social hierarchy in Gand-Ab is recognized based on the quality and quantity of materials that they had placed besides women compared to men. Settlers in Gand-Ab had believed in the afterlife and they had placed close to the death inside the graves materials such as pottery, metals, stones and food. In addition to meat, these tribes had used herbal seeds. The dead had been buried with clothes because there were discovered cloths in the graves.

- Vanden Berghe, L .A. (1964). La Necropole de khurvin. Leiden.

Abstract
Behbahan plain in Southwest of Iran, is a region where high peaks of the Zagros Mountain meet the lowland plains of Khuzistan. The plain, due to several rivers including the Maroun River which originates from the high peaks deep into the Zagros, and fertile lands has been a locus for nucleation and subsequent development of human settlements since prehistoric periods to the modern times. In August and October of 2007, the authors of this article were conducted a settlement survey in Mansour Abad area, North and Northeast of the Behbahan plain, covering 150 km. The principal aim of the survey was identification of ancient sites in an area which was subjected to seismic prospection for the Iranian Oil Company. In fact, it was a rescue operation to minimize the possible risks to the ancient sites of the area. The survey method was extensive using GPS to locate the surveyed sites on topographic maps with scale 1/25000. The surface materials were gathered using random survey. The surveyed region can be divided into several landscapes, including: Mansour Abad Plain, the hilltop rolling hills in North, East, Northeast and Northwest of the Behbehan Plain and the mountainous region including Khaeiz and Badil Mountains. The most important feature of the mountainous region is the existence of several valleies. At the end of the archaeological surveys of the Mansourabad region, in addition to known sites which have been identified previously during the Behbahan survey project, we could identify 55 sites ranging in date from the prehistory to the Late Islamic Period, with highest number at Middle Islamic Period. The surveyed sites could be divided into several types including mound, sherd/flint scatter, hill-top site, cave and various standing architectures including Imamzadeh (shrines), water-mills, fortresses, and settlement structures of the Islamic Period. These sites usually have low frequency of surface sherds, some none.
Keywords: Behbehan, Mansourabad, Archaeology Survey, Relative Chronology.    
 
Introduction          
The Behbehan plain, due to several rivers including the Maroun River which originates from the high mountains of Eastern parts of the Kohgiluyeh region, and fertile lands has been a locus for nucleation and subsequent development of human settlements since prehistory well into the modern times. The region, 150 km in area, was surveyed in August and October 2007. The main goal of the survey was identification of ancient sites in an area which was subjected to seismic prospection for the Iranian Oil Company. During the survey we identified 55 sites ranging in date from the prehistory to the Late Islamic Period. The survey method was extensive using GPS to locate the surveyed sites on topographic maps with scale 1/25000. Archaeologically, one of the important aspects of the Behbehan plain is its potential to track the cultural interactions between Khuzestan and Fars especially in the prehistoric period. Previous research in the region were excavations and surveys by Nissen (Nissen, 1971; 1973, Nissen and Redman, 1971) and Dittman (Dittman, 1984), conducted a few decades ago. The chance discovery of the Elamite Tomb of Arjan in the early 1980 striggered a series of research in the region (e.g. Alizadeh, 1985, Saraf, 1992, Majidzadeh, 1992, Stronach, 2003, Alwarezmon, 2006).  
Of these one may point to the archaeological survey of the Behbehan plain in the early 2000s (Abdi, 2008). New phase of the systematic archaeological research in the region has been launched by A. Moghaddam since 2014. In these investigations, in addition to excavation at the site of Chahe- Naft, a series of period-oriented archaeological surveys aiming identification of early settlements at the region were conducted (Moghaddam, 2014: 287-8). 

The Surveyed Sites 
As mentioned above, in general, 55 sites ranging in date from the prehistory to the Late Islamic Period were identified. The sites are belonged to the Protoliterate, Proto-Elamite, Elamite, Achaemenid, Parthian, Sassanid and Islamic Periods. Of Protoliterate period, just one site, Taytou, was identified. Stone tools collected from the surface of the site includ bladelet cores, end-scraper and a number of debitages. Three sites (Karayale Talaw, Zaminhaye Partaki and Gasawz) can be dated to the Proto-Elamite and Elamite periods. They are distributed at the foothills of the Badil Mountains. In addition to Tange Takab’s ossuaries, four sites (Zaminhaye Partaki, Talaw, Darebazar and Konar Tepe) which are sherd scatter and mounded sites, are datable to the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid periods. Of these, Zaminhay Partaki is located in the Mansourabad plain and other sites are distributed in the foothills of Badil Mountains. These sites range in area from 1.2 to 16 ha.   
The highest number of the identified sites belongs to the Islamic period. In total, 46 sites of several types including mounds, sherd scatters and various standing architectures including Imamzadeh (shrines), water-mills, castles, and settlement structures were identified. These sites are located in various landscapes of the region like high altitude, at the mouth and inside the gorges, rolling hills and the Mansourabad plain. Save for the site of Karatowal, which accoding to an inscribed sherd found on its surface belong to the Early Islamic centuries, most sites of this period are related to the Middle and Late Islamic Periods.  

Conclusion
At the end of the survey, in addition to known sites which have been identified previously during the Behbahan survey project, we could identify 55 sites range in date from the prehistory to the Late Islamic period, with highest number at Middle Islamic Period. The surveyed sites could be grouped into several types including sherd/flint scatters, mounds, hill-top sites, caves and various standing architectures including Imamzadeh (shrines), water-mills, fortresses, and settlement structures of the Islamic Period. A considerable number of the surveyed sites belong to settlements with stone structures dating to the Islamic Period. These sites usually have low frequency of surface sherds, some none.   

Abstract
Tuyserkan plain is one of the middy mountain and highland plains in Alvand Range, strategically one of the most important connector plains of western Iran and throughout history, especially the Islamic period, the path of the great Khorasan has been of considerable importance. This plain has been studied and identified during the winter of 2012. This study has been studied at random by collecting cultural material from the area of the site in order to identify and record ancient sites and monuments. The results of the study include 44 sites from the copper and stone Age to the late Islamic period, and according to the identified surface artifacts 14 of these sites have artifacts from different Islamic times, this area has shown importance in the Islamic era but so far the plain has not been explored in terms of the cultural developments of the Islamic settlements. The question now is, what are the characteristics of Islamic period in Tuyserkan plain and what is their pattern of distribution and expansion, and in what periods has it grown and expanded? The main purpose of the research is to study the archaeology of the Tuyserkan plain with the typology of cultural changes in the works and settlements of the Islamic periods and it is an appropriate pattern of distribution in the Tuyserkan plain. The research method utilizes spatial analysis and field and library, analysis of cultural works and materials collected from archaeological survey and study of Islamic settlements of Tuyserkan plain, it will be based on current theories of settlement patterns and archaeological landscape. The results show that the settlements of Islamic period of this plain are distributed in all parts of the plain, consisting of large enclosures as the main dwelling cores and small enclosures formed as small bases dependent on roads and arable land, in the Safavid period, the Tuyserkan plain also witnessed a growing number of settlements with the Carvansara and Bridge Farasfaj  being one of the most significant monuments of that period, and finally in the Zandieh and Qajar period expanding population and settlement. 
Keywords: Archaeology Study, Tuyserkan, Islamic Period, Archaeology Aspect.

Introduction
One of the most fundamental archaeological studies (archaeology surveys) to identify and deter mine the location of archaeological sites and settlement characteristics. Archaeological surveys are carried out to find out general information about settlement developments in different areas. This is a forerunner to archaeological excavation, which in fact means reconstructing and accurately identifying communities and their cultural achievements, archaeological studies are an important step in the analytical programs of the historical evolution of human societies and the selection of index sites for exploration. Based on the above, the Tuyserkan plain has been investigated and identified during the winter 2012. This study was conducted in a randomized manner by collecting cultural material from the enclosures at random to identify and record ancient sites and monuments stone age and copper period, and identified by surface artifacts, there are 14 sites from various Islamic periods that indicate the importance of this area in this period. Prior to this research, the Islamic period sites of Tuyserkan plain were not explored and it was necessary to study them. The lack of studies of Islamic settlements in the Tuysrkan plain provides the motivation for studying and comparing population- based settlements as well as their relevance to ancient habitats.

Identified Traces 
There are various definitions for the concept of landscape but all of these definitions are in common sense, and they include the structures created by humans between their own space and their natural structure. Obviously, human tissues in different societies are made in accordance with their environment. Many of today’s concepts and meanings of landscape come from the writings of German geographer otto schuler written in the early 20th century. He believes that geographical studies should be dedicated to the visible landscape. Human societies and natural geography are the two major factors that make up the Archaeological landscape structure. Since two- thirds of the world’s vegetation is made up of fields, pastures and artificial forests, one can understand the crucial role of humans in creating landscapes. Human societies are constantly changing and experiencing space throughout their lives, and the place is always confronted with the effects of human behavior. Tuserkan is a subsidiary city of Hamedan province with one area of about 1480 sq. K. M. Which covers 7.7.7. Of the area of Hamedan province. As we know in the year 21AH when the war of Nahavand occurred and led to the defeat of the Iranians against the Arabs, all areas of Hamedan including Tuserkan were captured. On the urban situation and the situation of the people in the Tuy and Serkan from the seventh to the tenth century AH there is no precise information, but since the tenth century, the rise of the Safavid dynasty, your village is known as Tuserkan while the Serkan remained with its old name.
Of course, there are no credible sources to show exactly what date Tuy name was converted to Tuserkan and the reason that the possibility of renaming this name whit the Safavid period should be known is that there are books related to this period that their authors have the reputation of Tyserkan while none of the works before the Safavid era have the reputation of Tuserkan. The few people in this place who are mentioned in some of the Safavid works are known as Tuyi and this shows that at first this village was famous under the same name as Tuyi.

Conclusion
 By studying Tuyserkan plain, 14 sites have been identified from different periods of the early Islamic to the later ages. Environmental factors have played an important role in the process of formation and expansion of these sites, factors such as height, suitable soil, access to communication, access to water resources and access to range lands. Most of this sites in this period were formed in lowland and mid- mountain and fertile lands in susceptible grassland areas. The impact of cultural and human factors on the pattern of settlement in Tuyserkan plain has not been affected. The peak of the flourishing and growing of settlements dates back to the early and middle centuries of Islam and its decline in later Islamic times. In recent centuries the number of sites has diminished and never reaches the boom of the early and middle ages. The reason for this was the growth of population in the main sites and surrounding areas, which have become large cities and villages today, and their lives continue. The results show that the settlements of the Islamic period of Tuyserkan plain are distributed in all parts of plain, consisting of large sites as the main center of settlement and small sites as bases of roads and arable land.

Abstract
In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of archaeological site-formation processes can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary deposits and stratigraphy of archeological layers. This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in Kafiristan Yasen archaeological area to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area.  Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites are mainly built on hillslope erosional terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural ridge consisting of siltstone and sandstone rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural soilas well asexcavation trenches shows that two sedimentary units consisting of very coarse gravelly sediments and fine gravelly sediments in a clay-rich matrix could be distinguished in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found in the context of coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that might have deposited in a different surface morphology to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which have been deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later drainage system.
Keywords: Geoarchaeology, Geomorphology, Archeological Site, Kafiristan Yasen.

Introduction
Geoarchaeology is a rather new interdisciplinary approach that studies the past of human history using geological methods. In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of ancient records can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary content and stratigraphy of archeological layers and materials. Geology has been available to archaeologists over the past two decades as a basic tool for reconstructing ancient environments and understanding the long-term climatic and anthropogenic conditions and interactions of pre-historic human with the surrounding environments. These studies are particularly influential in understanding the Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological and geological backgrounds and materials. Geoarchaeological studies in Iran are mainly confined to Paleolithic sites and the use of geological methods such as sedimentology to describe the details of ancient records in caves and rock shelters. Geoarchaeology is an interdisciplinary discipline between geological sciences and archeology that examines the role of geological factors in the rise, continuation, and fall of ancient settlements. In this field, techniques and methods common in earth sciences such as aerial photography and satellite imagery, sampling, microscopic studies, chemical analysis, etc. are used to solve archaeological problems.On the other hand, inarchaeological geology, archaeological data are used to solve geological problems, particularly in relation to dating of Quaternary deposits, ancient seismological studies, and ancient mining. Large-scale archaeologists study most of the natural landforms and anthropogenic structures and small-scale archaeologists study the soil, natural sediments, and anthropogenic deposits. Archaeo-geology also occasionally covers other interdisciplinary studies such as ceramic petrography, archaeomineralogy, archaeometallurgy, radiometric dating, etc.

Identified Traces
This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in the area of Kafiristan Yasen archaeological site to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area. The Yasen Kafiristan archaeological site comprises a set of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 km southeast of Deylaman. According to previous studies, thechronology of sites in the area varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Therefore, the present study seeks to map the environmental conditions of the Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites in terms of geology, geomorphology and climate and to understand the relationship between environmental elements with the cultural and archaeological features of the cultural sites in the study area.Research method of this study is descriptive-analytical and field study which uses the spatial data related to the research problem to evaluate and investigate the relationship between environmental and cultural characteristics in the ancient sites of Kafiristan Yasen in southeastern Deylaman in Guilan province and to answer the research questions.Gathering information in the field surveys done with the using of observation, survey of landforms and geomorphological and geological processes in an ancient site, justification of features displayed on geological, topographic and climatic maps of the site, as well as utilization of software such as GPS and GIS.

Conclusion
The ancient site of the Kafiristan Yasen comprises a series of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 kilometers southeast of Deylaman. The approximate dating of antiquities in this area, according to previous studies, varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Yasen ancient site enclosures are mainly built on hillslope erosion terraces; the difference between the erosion of the soft layers and the hard layers is probably the main controlling factor for the formation of these hillslope terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces level. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural promontory consisting of silty and sandy rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural profiles and the wall of drill trenches shows that two sedimentary sections consist of very coarse gravelly sedimentary rocks and fine gravelly sediments in the clay-rich can be separated in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found alongside coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that may have deposited in a different hillslope profile to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later watercourse system.

Abstract
This paper presents a summary of a recently conducted geoarchaeological survey in the Susiana plains in southwest Iran. Here, the question of subsequent interaction of human settlements and their riverine landscape of the Greater Susiana region (roughly equivalent to modern Khuzestan) in the Later Village and the Early-historical periods (~ fifth to second millennium BCE) has been chosen as a case study. This study challenges the idea of the cultural expansion from South-Mesopotamia and its direct socio-political involvement in the spatial evolution patterns in Susiana in this timespan. It also offers an alternative interpretation: the riverine landscape and its spatial interaction with the settlement system. It has been suggested that the Later village settlements of Susiana were greatly influenced by the physical changes of the riverine landscape in their spatial development. This paper examines this hypothesis via geoarchaeological methods from the macro-level such as remote sensing to micro-level such as laboratory analysis of sediment logs to address this issue. The results of this study confirm three main points: (i) the westward migration of active watercourses in the mentioned time span; (ii) the direct correlation of this event with the spatial evolution of the studied settlements; and (iii) the overall differences between the neighboring plains of Susiana and south Mesopotamia in their geomorphological response to their fluvial evolution. 
Keywords: Geoarchaeology, Greater Susiana, Riverine Landscape, Later Village Period, Early History, Settlement Patterns.

Introduction
Geoarchaeology has established itself as a decisive means to study the human-environment-interaction in recent years. The use of geo-sciences in archaeology has revived the archaeological discourse regarding entanglement and niche construction theory, especially in the Near Eastern Archaeology. Yet, the Iranian archaeology lags behind in this matter. This paper contributes to this issue and aims to demonstrate the huge potential of geoarchaeological investigations in the Iranian archaeology.
The Susiana plains are an archaeologically rich region and suitable to examine the human-environment interaction in pre- and early history. The author has carried out a geoarchaeological survey in 2014 in this region to address this issue. The analyzed results have been published in detail (Rashidian 2020) and are briefly presented here.
Archaeological evidence of this region indicates a spatial change in the settlement patterns in the mentioned periods, including the abandonment of central settlements in the eastern plains and foundation of new settlements in the western plains (Adams 1962; Johnson 1973; Moghaddam 2012a). The common interpretation of this phenomenon related this spatial change to a socio-cultural or even political force from the South-Mesopotamian center, especially during the end of Ubaid and the beginning of the Uruk periods (Algaze 2005; 2008). This hypothesis has been discussed within the framework of the world-systems and criticized for decades, especially due to recent archaeological projects from modern Syria and neighboring regions. By integrating geoarchaeological investigations, these studies have shown that the spatial evolution of the settlements in the so-called periphery regions has been endogenic and not imported from Mesopotamia (McMahon & Crawford 2010; Ur et al. 2007). They have also offered alternative hypotheses for this phenomenon. Yet, for the Susiana region, this has remained the common hypothesis, despite occasional critic and speculation (Alizadeh et al. 2004; Moghaddam 2012a).
This has been the main focus of the present study, which examines two aspects: (i) There are strong indications of a westwards-migration of palaeo-rivers in the Mid-Holocene period, as mentioned by others (Kouchoukos 1999; Lees & Falcon 1952). (ii) In addition to a shift in watercourses and riverbed, such a fluvial change would affect the entire landscape immensely, for example, by changes in the surface slope, sediment freight, and soil characteristics. This probable landscape shift shall be comprehended in focusing on ten archaeologically known settlements (Abu Fanduweh, Abu Chizan, Band-e Qir, Chogha Mish, Dar Khazineh, Dehno, Haft Tappeh, Samirat, Sanjar, Sharafabad) in respect to the watercourses Dez, Karkheh, Karun, and their tributaries. During the here presented  geoarchaeological survey, hundreds of soil profiles, as well as fifty-one subsurface cores, have been documented in the environ of these settlements in the riverine landscape. 

Discussion
The sedimentological laboratory analysis of the documented horizons (surface and sub-surface) confirmed the large-scale migration of the rivers towards the west of the plain, which correlates with the spatial shift in the studied settlements, both in macro- and micro-level (in the region and within the settlements themselves). 
Furthermore, it was shown that not the large rivers, but the smaller rivulets had been the source of water for these settlements, despite prior speculation. Following the westwards fluvial migration, these rivulets have been cut off the hydrologic regime of the region and largely covered by recent sediments in the third and second millennium BCE. A number of them have been revived and integrated into the new canal network in the Early historical and Late Antiquity. Relative and absolute dating, based on material culture in situ and optically stimulated luminescence of sand in bulk samples respectively, have provided a dating framework for the presented geodata.
In general terms, focusing on geomorphological elements of the landscape such as slope, soil characteristics, and sedimentary regime has proved beneficial to examine the spatial evolution of prehistoric settlements. Susiana as a dynamic landscape has changed considerably in response to the fluvial regime change and extensive human impact. This has been attested in the presented geodata in this period. An intensification of the mentioned event is also confirmed for the later period, where the human impact has largely escalated due to centralized and planned developments of well established political entities From the Neo-Elamite to the Sasanian period. 

Conclusion
This study provided a range of results concerning the hypothesis and the relevant settlements. Three main points are summarized here: 
(i) The westward migration of Susiana’s active watercourses during the fifth to second millennium BCE has been confirmed using a combination of remote sensing, sedimentary analysis of cores, laboratory analysis of sediment horizons, and methods of indirect and absolute dating.  
(ii) A correlation in spatial evolution of settlement patterns with this fluvial development has been confirmed, based on available archaeological record of the ten mentioned settlements. This spatial correlation is attested both in macro- and micro-level. In this regard, a general tendency of settlements towards the western parts of the plain can be confirmed for this timespan. Furthermore, this has been attested in the spatial evolution within the settlements and it seems that some were following their migrating watercourses, and others have been abandoned entirely.
(iii) The results of this analysis also show the stark difference between the flat landscape of South-Mesopotamia with its large riverbeds as primary geo-elements in the west, and the softly sloped landscape of Susiana with its numerous rivulets and narrow floodplains surrounded by ridges and anticlines in the east. It is safe to assume that these starkly different landscapes have brought about equally different settlement patterns. Therefore, the settlement evolution of Susiana must be considered endogenic and studied in the framework of its landscape.
A detailed account of the presented study has been recently published (Rashidian 2020). A few case studies are also subject of English papers (Rashidian 2017; 2018; in press). The author hopes that this summary in Persian can contribute to the present discourse and encourage active members of the Iranian Archaeology to integrate geoarchaeological investigations into their projects. This is the only way towards further establishing an internationally acclaimed place for the Iranian archaeology. 

Abstract
In 2010 some human remains were discovered in Kan-Gohar cave, an iron mine which is located close to Bavanat city in Fars Province. By regarding the different hypothesis about the probable events which might have been occurred inside the cave and unknown date of them, after visiting the cave, a series of historical sources relevant to Bavanat regional history were considered. Some texts (e.g. Ale-Mozaffar and Timurid sources) pointed to the events which have been occurred in1350 AD through which after the death of Abu-Saeed Ilhkanid, people of a village in Bavanat were attacked by one of the Mongols son, so that all villagers to escape sheltered inside a cave to save their lives. But Mongol ruler ordered to set a huge fire in the entrance of the cave, thus all people were suffocated by the smoke and were killed in the cave. In order to compare these human remains with the mentioned event in historical sources, bioarchaeological studies were done with focus on violence using standard protocols of Buikstra & Ubelaker (1994). This method is rely almost solely on observations aiming to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. Considering the smoky roof and entrance of the cave, the number of females (37%), subadults (29%) and old individuals (30%) and lack of physical violence traces and observing the traces of burning on some of the bones, these assemblage of human remains are comparable with this historical event, with probability. These findings can provide an answer in order to find out the reason of discovering this human remains assemblage from Kan-Gohar cave. 
Keywords: Kan Gohar Cave, Bavanat City, Human Remains, Bioarchaeology, Archaeology of Violence.

Introduction
In 2010, a large number of human remains, burnt wooden objects and old shoes and clothing with lots of ash all around the cave specially in the entrance, were discovered from Kan-Gohar cave in Bavanat city in Fars Province. Since the bones were very well preserved, in addition to Fars Cultural Heritage Organization (CHO), Legal Medicine Organization (LMO) started to handle the studies on these bones, through collecting 47 skulls from the cave. The results of LMO studies revealed that most of the skulls belong to females and children, and they seemed that the skulls could not be assigned to the modern times and probably they are the victims of a firing. CHO studies by focus on cultural materials revealed that these are the mine workers who were killed by the collapse of the cave roof probably in the Safavid or Qajar periods. In addition to these hypothesis it was possible to assume that these human remains belong to people with dangerous infectious disease that are banished in this cave to save other people lives. Although there have been no a convincible answer, the case was closed. In 2015 through an archaeological survey project in Bavanat, and the director of this project stated that these are likely the victims of a war (Khanipour et al., 2015). After this project there was another chance to open this case for more investigation (Najafi 2018, Najafi et al., 2018). The aim of this article is to reveal the probable reason of discovering this human remains assemblage from Kan-Gohar cave. In this research 2 methods are used, the first, is studying the historical sources and the second is studying the human remains with using standard protocols (Buikstra & Ubelaker 1994). This method is rely almost solely on observations aiming to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. 

Discussion
Since the discovered cultural materials in the cave belong to Islamic Period, the relevant historical sources of different Islamic periods were evaluated. The result of this comprehensive survey on written sources revealed that some of the Ale-Mozaffar and Timurid sources would point to an event that has been occurred in 1343 AD. After the death of Abu-Saeed Ilkhanid, there was political instability and people of a village in Bavanat were attacked by one of the Mongols son, so that all villagers were sheltered inside a cave to save their lives. But Mongol ruler found the shelter and ordered to set a huge fire in the entrance of the cave, thus all people were killed in the cave through the influence of smoke. This event is mentioned in six sources with the same story. (Hafiz. Abru 1996, 1938, Qazvini 1993, Yazdi 1947, Kotobi 1985, Samarghandi 1993, Mirkhand 2001). So, this and it is possible that theses human remains are the victims of this event.
The results of bioarchaeological studies are related to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. The study of 40 skulls revealed 9 unidentifiable skulls, 15 females and 2 males. Age estimation showed 12 old individuals, 13 adults, 15 subadults (11 children and 4 adolescents). The pathological situations include pelagiocephaly in 16 skulls and it should be noted that this feature was observable in all ages, 5 old individuals, 6 children and 6 adults. 11 skulls were identified with porotic hyperostosis and 14 skulls with Cribra orbitalia. The last one is button Steoma in 6 skull. Taphonomic changes include smoky and burnt skulls with black and brown staining with post mortem breakage and crystalline spots. 3 antemortem trauma were identified that have been healed before death. No evidence of physical violence was observable on these skulls. 

Conclusion
The aim of this research is to find out why these human remains without usual burial practices are spread in this cave. The identified pathological items are not related to infectious disease and it is not acceptable that these individuals are abandoned in this cave, to die without hurting others. These human remains based on sex and age, don’t belong to mine workers, since almost all of them belong to old individuals, subadults and females that are not qualified to work in mine as mine workers. The reason of death isn’t roof collapse in the cave, since there is no evidences of pre-mortem breakage on the skulls that cause death. Based on the available proofs in archaeological context of these remains, like a thick layer of ash, burnt wooden materials and in some of the skulls, scattering bones in all around the cave and smoky entrance of the cave, it is likely that a huge fire was set in the entrance and the smoke has been scattered in all around and covered most places and objects too. Moreover the sex and age gender combination lead us to not only an accidental event in the cave, but also an organized action. One of the reasons that causes old individuals, children and subadults climbed the mountain and gather all together in such a dark and dangerous place, is a more dangerous event that can cause them to death. Based on this combination, the most probable reason can be war. So the geographical location of the cave, the condition of the context and age and gender combination prepare some clues to compare and connect it with the event which happened in Bavanat. These are likely the ones who sheltered in the cave to save their lives so they were killed with no physical violence, and they were suffocated by the smoke and died.  

Abstract
Sarakhs plain is located in northeastern Iran and adjacent to Turkmenistan. Regarding Parthian pottery studies in Sarakhs plain, no special components have been considered for it so far. Identification and classification of Parthian pottery in this region can be a good tool to better understand the pottery traditions, study the cultural and economic interactions of the population centers of that period. The research method is based on library and field studies (descriptive and analytical) during a field survey (survey) stage. Based on the surface findings of the field survey, a total of 91 flagship pottery pieces from 14 settlements belonging to the Parthian period were selected for the survey. In fact, this study seeks to answer the question of what were the intra-regional and extra-regional relations of Sarakhs plain during the Parthian period with contemporaries? According to the studies on pottery attributed to the Parthian period in Sarakhs plain, this period can be divided into two periods in the mentioned plain. In the first period (formation of Parthian rule before the reign of Mehrdad I) Sarakhs is influenced by the culture of the Sarakhs oasis of Turkmenistan, and in the second period, until the end of the Parthian period, they are influenced by the well-known cultures of southern Turkmenistan, namely the cultures of Nessa and Merv. The purpose of this study is to identify and introduce Parthian pottery in Sarakhs plain, classification and typology of Parthian pottery in the region. The necessity of the present study is that the pottery cultures of the Parthian settlement of Sarakhs plain are unknown and the present study can provide a better understanding for further research.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Parthian Period, Classification of Pottery.

Introduction
Sarakhs plain as a study point due to its natural potentials and optimal environmental conditions such as altitudes, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions, has been a desirable habitat for the formation of various human communities (Ebrahimi, 1384: 2). Scholars in historical texts have stated the origin of the Parthians in northeastern Iran, especially Khorasan (Asak near present-day Quchan) and their primary capital was Nessa in Turkmenistan (Altheim, 2010: 20). Based on the field surface findings, a total of 91 flagship pottery pieces from 14 settlements belonging to the Parthian period were examined. The method of this research is based on library and field studies (descriptive and analytical) during a field survey (survey) chapter. Documentation of human handicrafts is necessary in terms of studying the background and type of community culture at any point in history.      
Research Questions and Hypotheses: In fact, this study seeks to answer the question of what were the intra-regional and extra regional relations of Sarakhs plain during the Parthian period with contemporaneous areas? Therefore, in the present study, surface cultural materials have been interpreted by preparing a statistically citation able and scientific population through archeological study. Analyzes obtained from classification, typology and methodological analysis of this statistical population as well as comparative comparison of pottery species with similar examples of contemporaneous settlements show the formation of sequences of some settlements in the Parthian period and continuous continuity before and after the Parthian period in this Has an area.                                                                                                    
Aims of Research: The purpose of this study is to identify and introduce Parthian pottery in Sarakhs plain, classification and typology of Parthian pottery in the region.                                                       

Materials and Methods
The present research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of descriptive-analytical research. The basis of the research is the study of Parthian pottery along with library studies. Methods and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the documentary stage, all written sources, images and maps were first collected and analyzed. In field studies, while surveying the plains in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database. In order to compare the chronology of the settlements and analyze the pottery of the Parthian settlements, the total pottery collected from 14 Parthian sites was examined and compared with other sites of the Parthian period such as Nessa, Merv and Sarakhs oasis of Turkmenistan. It was not possible to identify more Parthian sites through surface surveys. 91 index pottery were selected for photography, design, classification, typology and comparison with other Parthian sites. The index samples were selected as research materials based on classification and typology. In archeology, when classifying, the differences and similarities of the pottery in question must be clearly evident in the various groups that are distinguished; In such a way that no further explanation is needed for easy identification of one group from another. It is logical to expect that no two groups of objects classified in the main and important criteria are common to each other (Azarnoosh 1377: 76). In the present study, first, in a general division, pottery pieces are divided into five general categories, including: 1- edge 2- body 3- floor 4- base 5- handle, and then edge pieces that can be recognized in the form of a container. 

Discussion and Results  
In this study, 91 Parthian pottery pieces were identified from 14 ancient settlements related to the Parthian period, many of which have chronological sequences and in addition to the works of the Parthian period, also have the works of other periods. Settlements were classified based on pottery typology, comparative studies of pottery find, and archaeological excavations in southern Turkmenistan, northeastern Iran, eastern Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and other regions within and outside the region. A total of 26 sites in 11 areas for this study in the order in which it is presented has the most references. Based on this, a table was designed for each cultural region and settlements of each basin in which the amount and percentage of comparison is clearly significant (Table 2).     

Conclusion
Archaeological study of Sarakhs plain and 91 surface pottery pieces from 14 Parthian settlements were considered as the main foundation for relative chronology, classification and typology of the research. In order to obtain a scientific answer to show the cultural interactions, the method of comparative analysis was used and the findings of the archaeological study of Sarakhs plain were compared with the findings of intra-regional and extra-regional contemporaneous areas. These similarities, taxonomy, morphology, typology, and cultural connections were evident and analyzed. What results from the study of Parthian pottery findings obtained from the Sarakhs plain; According to the studies carried out on pottery attributed to the Parthian period in Sarakhs plain, this period can be divided into two periods in the mentioned plain, in the first period (formation of the Parthian government before The accession of Mehrdad I) to the Sarakhs plain is influenced by the Sarakhs oasis culture of Turkmenistan, and in the second period, until the end of the Parthian period, they are influenced by the well-known cultures of southern Turkmenistan, namely the cultures of Nessa and Merv. The presence of these pottery indicates a two-way and dynamic relationship.    

Abstract
Despite obvious differences which we know on subjects, sights, methods and results of Development Projects and Archaeological Research, It appear that there are evident similarities among them: theoretical debates, field investigations, team-works, order and organization, planning, provisions, supporting, discussions and judgment, governmental beginnings, national rules, foreign patterns, management progresses, specialty approaches, expert obligations and public utilizations. Also, when we add “sustainable” to development our discourse will be extent and we however confront with cultural phenomena. It seems evaluating of distinctions and comparison of similarities between «Development» and «Archaeology» will be background for systemic survey their interactions especially in the counter together time. Establishment of laws and communication of circulars are solutions to problems and reach to coordination among development projects and archaeology. But satisfaction and persuasion are a supplement factors for taking decisions. In this article after a review on meaning, concept and implications of Development and explanation contents and aims of Archaeology we Assess importance and relations them in cultural and developmental realms from intertextually view.
Keywords: Comparative Survey, Archaeology, Sustainable Development, Material Culture, Reductionism, Intertextuality Approach, Hermeneutics.

Introduction
Despite the thematic, approach and strategic differences between “archeology” and “development”, it seems to have a similar basis in terms of the beginning of changing ideas and perspectives and changing methods and traits of “development” in the post-World War II. Also, we can find some temporal-spatial symmetries in the evolution of practices and norms and sometimes consistencies in the context of the dynamics and intellectual challenges of the “archeology” and “development”. 
This article discusses the importance of providing a comprehensive, concise, and effective scenario for arranging plans and directing common scenes between “development” and “archaeology” rather than turning scenes into the meaningful sequences. Thus, interactivity of coherent and effective narratives replaces broken, incoherent, tense, and failed examples.
Most of the views, the most visible scenes, the most controversial encounters, the most newsworthy intersections, the most difficult relations and the most acute conditions between “archeology” and “development” are usually in the “field” and with the beginning and continuation of the various small and large improvement projects. Therefore, to find a way to prevent such unintended events or to reduce the cultural and civilizational damage, one must “cure the incident before it occurs.” According to the author, the most important context, the most effective possibility and the most efficient approach in concluding evaluations of what we have said, is to pay attention to the “theoretical realm” - that is, the precondition of every rational action and the precondition of every thoughtful will - among “archeology” and “development”. In this way, common principles and perspectives can be raise in the framework of comprehensive intertextual and interpretation-oriented strategies.
Method: This article is based on both theoretical and practical experience contexts. Considering the constant confrontation of developmental projects with ancient sites and historical monuments, the author, based on his administrative and experimental backgrounds and his research responsibilities too,   Analytical and explain his analysis and inference from the two areas of “archeology” and “development”. The strategic theme of this paper is the reduction of “archeology” and “development” to their roots and foundations, in-text reviews, and out-of-text comparisons from an intertextual perspective.
Aim: What has been discussed so far from developmental approaches - both “ improvement” and “sustainable” - in the field of cultural heritage issues hadn’t have systematics relations or efficient interpretation between the two and the neglected theme was the processing of “plan” for “action”. Therefore, the present article can be considered as the first example in terms of intertextual and interpretive approaches in the area of “archeology and sustainable development” in Iran

Discussion
Antiquities and historical monuments are one of the challenging areas in development policies and research planning, organized or restoration interventions or orbital protection plans of the Iranian cultural heritage. Archeology in terms of research materials, the focus of topics, the source of discussions, the field of functions and the source of ideas based on static phenomena, in situ remains, in place evidence, closed contexts, suspended systems, elapsed periods and historical moments. Such a context is being elucidated in the light of field research, scientific exploration, technical documentation, comparative evaluations, laboratory research, repeated insights, and rational-empirical discoveries, and gradually the content, its dimensions and aspects become meaningful.
But “development” in content, in form and in its implementation or process is based on views that seek to reconstruct attitudes and approaches, to design actions and patterns, to prepare directions, to build institutions and to establish structures. “Development” is the hope of achieving desires beyond what is possessed, and the pursuit of desires is ahead of what is. “Development” is looking for unintentional intentions and asking for unfulfilled wishes. The output of such an arrangement of features in the field of development is “endeavor” and in a word “dynamic”.
Geographical diversity and ecological capabilities in the land of Iran make the identification and location of each of the natural phenomena and human phenomena in order to develop and provide the most optimal social life a priority in planning and goal setting. Such a basis is the clearest argument for gaining the necessary foresight - or what is called “inquiry” - from geographical areas.

Findings
In general, and in normal circumstances, the three “threat factors”, “danger sign” and “cause of destruction” of ancient sites and historical monuments can be found in the “design, implementation and operation of construction projects”. “Continuation of agricultural activities and increase of cultivated area” and “Illegal excavations and looting of cultural-historical property” were summarized.
Despite some inherent similarities and functional similarities, each of these phenomena in different territories and climates of administrative levels, social issues, legal regulations, legal rules and solutions. Expertise in the prevention, remediation, remediation of injuries, mitigation of damages, preservation and introduction of samples and the presentation of samples and their own reference and practical examples. But in a conceptual interpretation of the above-mentioned three, development projects should be considered the “most inevitable”, agriculture and farming the “most common and continuous”, and looting of historical sites and cultural property “the most unfortunate” phenomenon. - influences on archeological remains.

Conclusion
It seems that the reduction of the body, branch and fruit of the product of both phenomena (archeology and sustainable development) to the foundations and roots, if not from the organic links between them, at least reveals some origins or some similar relationships and transit routes. Visualizing, drawing, and explaining such similarities will show the causes and contexts of the distances, and will make it possible to return to the position or process the interactive scenes.
With such a view, it can be said that “development”, especially in its sustainable form, in the sense of a strategy for the comprehensive provision of human present and future affairs, and “archeology” in the sense of an approach to recognizing and preserving its past are essentially human phenomena. One of the needs, approaches and examples of sustainable development to be aware of the nature of man, to know his identity and to know what his needs is “archeology”. For this reason, actions must be overlapping and methods must be convergent, except by extending the “cognitive” aspect of archeology to issues beyond its body and structure, and including the “sustainability” of development into contexts. And more comprehensive components will not be possible than changing the status quo.

Abstract
One of the key issues of the Paleolithic archaeology is pathways and expansion routes of Pleistocene human populations into Asia. Recent discovered Paleolithic sites in the southern coasts and hinterlands of Iran, indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. The 1977 joint French-Iranian geological survey carried out by Thibault, Dufaure, Mercier and Kadjar, gave rise to one of the important contributions to Paleolithic knowledge on the northern coastline of the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea in pre-revolutionary years. During this survey, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected above a sequence of successive pediment surface, but unfortunately, the final report of Paleolithic finds, was never published. The lithic collections kept at the Paleolithic Department of National Museum of Iran. In this paper, the techno-typological characteristics of this collection is presented. The most prominent feature of this collection is the core-flake industry of the Lower Paleolithic; although we are not sure about the Acheulian evidence. The Middle Paleolithic artifacts in the collections are defined by Levallois debitages, discoid/semi-centripetal cores, and scrapers on flakes, especially transverse and oblique scrapers; however, it is not enough to attribute these finds to the Mousterian culture. The low frequencies of the blades and the lack of bladelets make it difficult to draw conclusions about the Upper/Epipaleolithic industries. The small number of blades and the presence of single platform blade/bladelet core, as well as a truncated blade, are possible evidence of Upper/Epipaleolithic presence in these assemblages. These assemblages can be considered as a new insight into technological behavior of Pleistocene hunter-gatherers in this poorly known part of the Iranian plateau. They show the high capacity of northern shores and littoral of the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea for Pleistocene archaeological studies, and a notable place to test hypotheses such as Out-of-Africa and coastal expansions.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Oman Sea, Pleistocene Archaeology, Paleolithic, Lithic industries, Coastal Dispersal.

Introduction
An important aspect of Paleolithic archeology relates to pathways and routes taken by Pleistocene human groups in Asia. Discovered Paleolithic sites along the northern coasts and hinterlands of the Persian Gulf, Strait of Hormuz and Oman Sea (Thibault, 1977; Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980; Sarlak et al. 2004; Dashtizadeh, 2009, 2010, 2012a, 2012b; Ali Talesh, 2012; Biglari et al. 2012; Barfi et al. 2013; Zarei & Ravaei 2013; Anjomrooz, 2019; Rahmati & Dashtizadeh, 2019; Zarei, 2021) indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. One of these region that produced a substantial body of evidence is the northeastern shores of the Strait of Hormuz in the Hormozgan Province.
The first Paleolithic material discovered along the southern coast of Iran was by Vita-Finzi during his 1974 and 1975 fieldwork along the Makran coast. It constituted a surface collection with Middle Paleolithic characteristics, including the use of the Levallois method (Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980). After that, the French-Iranian joint team with the supervision of Claude Thibault and Mohammad Hassan Kadjar surveyed this region during April and May 1977. During this mission, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected on the surface of a succession of pediment surfaces (Thibault, 1977; Dufaure, 1978). Unfortunately, the final report of this survey was never published due to the untimely death of Thibault (Thibault, 1977; Amirlou, 1986; Biglari & Shidrang 2006). The lithic assemblages kept in the Paleolithic Department of the National Museum of Iran, has been studied by the author for a Master thesis (Zarei, 2015). A small part of the survey finds was taken to Bordeaux University by Thibault for further analysis and therefore were excluded from this study (F. Biglari, personal communication, Jan 2014). In this paper, I present the techno-typological characteristic of this lithic collection.

The 1977 Joint French-Iranian Geological Mission
The French-Iranian joint field mission included the following: C. Thibault as Quaternary geologist and Paleolithic archeologist; Jean-Jacques Dufaure as geomorphologist and Jacques Mercier and M. H. Kadjar, both structural and regional geologists, all arrived together in April 1977 with base camp in Minab. On the very first day of field work along the Hassan Langi to Roudan road section, Thibault began picking up lithics material left behind on a pediment surface superposed on a magnificently exposed reverse fault. Unfortunately, with the untimely death of Thibault in a car accident during an archeological mission in Algeria, a final publication concerning these Paleolithic finds was no longer possible but accompanied with a preliminary field report (Thibault, 1977). Dufaure, also wrote a detailed review and synthesis of his observations (Dufaure, 1978). After two decades, a new French team came back to the Minab area to set up a GPS network for Neotectonic studies. Regard and colleagues also measured in situ produced 10Be in quartz boulders exposed on the top surfaces of Late Quaternary sequences (Regard et al. 2005).
With the initial establishment of Center for Paleolithic Research (later Paleolithic Department) in 2000 and officially starting this center, all lithics were taken out from warehouses of museum and organized at this center. Meanwhile, Thibault’s collection was obtained and transferred to the Paleolithic Department and the was briefly studied by Biglari and Shidrang (2006). Initially, the assemblages which consists of 430 lithics, were divided into 6 general categories based on the locations in the tags which include: Minab-Roudan Road, Minab, Sadich, Hassan Langi, and two untitled locations. These locations contain 22 sampling points based on the combination code of the tags. Due to the presence of geofacts in the initial observation, the geofacts and lithic artifacts were separated, which resulted in the identification of 160 lithics (37.2%) and 270 geofacts (62.8%).

Conclusion
Paleolithic research in Southern Iranian coasts, began in 1974-77 following the geological studies of east Hormozgan. During the geological survey of French-Iranian joint mission by Thibault and Kadjar in 1977, a significant lithic assemblage was collected. The typo-technological characteristics of Lower Paleolithic core-flake in these assemblages shares some similarities with Baluchistan region and Arabian Peninsula. In addition, possible artifacts attributed to Acheulian culture are comparable to the Arabian Peninsula; however, such evidence has not been reported in more northern regions such as Kerman, Fars, and Southern Zagros. On the other hand, the use of Levallois method along with some scrapers in the Middle Paleolithic period is comparable to the examples of Arabian Peninsula, Southern Zagros, Fars, and Kerman. However, these assemblages do not provide sufficient information to identify the Upper Paleolithic/Epipaleolithic culture on the southern coasts of Iran and its comparison with the neighboring regions.
The surface of the Persian Gulf has been affected by changes in the mean sea level and these changes caused the Gulf to pull back to follow the Strait of Hormuz during the Middle and Upper Pleistocene and in several phases dried completely (Rose & Petraglia, 2009; Rose, 2010; Armitage et al., 2011). According to the recent finds, it is possible that Pleistocene human groups entered the northern shores of the Persian Gulf after passing the Arabian Peninsula and crossing the dry Strait of Hormuz. However, the route of distribution from Southern Zagros to the northern shores of the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman is also worth considering and must be tested. To gain more concise details regarding the Pleistocene human distribution in this region, intensive and systematic survey, excavation of in situ deposits, absolute datings and more accurate knowledge of the typo-technological characteristics are needed, that should be expected in the near future.
 

Abstract
The ancient site of Dinavar, known by the locals as the city of Khāvarān, is located northeast of Kermānshāh, on the Kermānshāh-Sonqor road. The importance of the site is still evident despite environmental damage such as floods and earthquakes and agricultural development. Historical findings and archaeological evidence show that the central hill and the surrounding areas were inhabited from the Seleucid period to the present day. This site is the city of Dinavar. A city that was one of the cultural centers of western Iran in the first centuries of Islam and this issue is received from the list of thinkers attributed to Dinavar. During the surveys, in addition to the potteries, a collection of mills and large weights were observed, which indicates a pressing workshop in the site. The typology of the pressing method in this workshop and its chronology is the main issue of this research, which is addressed by asking two questions: first, what period does this data belong to, and second; What products have been produced in this workshop? Given the needs of urban communities and the need to manage and plan workshop activities, a hypothesis based on the data belonging to the time of the flourishing of the city of Dinavar and the production of oil and grape syrup is proposed. Based on the comparison and study and study of environmental data, written sources and documents of archeology and ethnoarcheology, Dinavar workshop to the time of growth and prosperity of this area in the 2nd to 4th AH. It is attributed and in addition to the production of grape syrup, the possibility of oil-pressing is also raised. Since known specimens from central and western Iran belong to the late Islamic centuries, the site data reveal part of the history of this activity.
Keywords: Pressing, Dinavar, Archaeology, Typology, Chronology.

Introduction
The study of ancient technologies is one of interests to many researchers. Archaeologists study technology to make social and economic analyzes and study human societies. Pressing and related objects are one of these ancient technologies. The ancient site of Dinavar, whose data are classified from the Seleucid era to the present day, has been one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world and one of the most important cities in the Jebāl province. Some of the archeological data of this area show that the pressing workshop was active in it. This study identifies the pressing in Dinavar with the aim of relative chronology of this method. Pressing workshops that have been built since the Safavid era near the important cities of that time provide significant signs of technical architecture, access to these structures and the continuation of the activities of some to this day, they have led to a detailed study of these works. However, it is not clear what the workshops were before the Safavid era. The present study tries to deal with how this activity took place in the pre-Safavid period. The most important questions are: 1. What period does the pressing data of the Dinavar area belong to? 2. What products have been produced in Dinavar Workshop? Considering the environmental and ethnographic data, and the necessity of managing and planning the workshop activities that are possible in the shadow of the urban system, in answer to the research questions, the hypothesis of the activity of the Dinavar workshop at the time of flourishing and Its urban growth; And the production of oil and grape syrup is measured. Field survey data are compared with similar samples to determine how this activity works, and environmental data measure the oil and grape syrup production hypothesis, or grape syrup. Archaeological and pollenological data trace evidence of olive use in the fertile crescent to ancient Paleolithic and before the beginning of agriculture (Niklewski and van Zeist, 1970; Liphschitz et al., 1991., Lovell et al., 2010 and Zohary et al., 2012). But pressing in the general sense have arisen following the complexity of societies. Pollen and archeological data show that suitable species of this practice have existed in prehistoric Iran (Van Zeist and Bottema, 1977; Djamali et al., 2010, 2016 and Mashkour et al., 2010), but the mode of operation is known only on the basis of data from the late Islamic centuries.

Materials and Method
The Dinavar is a complex site including the central hill, the religious complex and the cemetery, the remains of a castle and a Qājār bath. In a recent study, the authors found stone objects in the north of the central hill, including a healthy mill sandstone, five damaged millstones of various conglomerate dimensions, and four large conglomerate weights. The data do not provide complete information on how to press, but due to the presence of weights and the presence of four millstones, the upper surface of which shows a depression with a depth of 10 to 20 cm. The use of lever and weight pressing is discussed. In Dinavar Plain, whose vegetation has changed due to agriculture, oilseeds are native. Written evidence of pressing silenced in and around the study area, but in addition to the Celine and Satyr, the Bistun object and the stone of Tāq Bostān collection, which is obtained from the east of Kermānshāh and is considered a part of Roman mill, shows that pressing was common in this region. Ethnorchaeological studies also confirm the use of castor oil as a lamp fuel in the Qājār period up to the Pahlavi. It is worth mentioning that Dinavar community has always been a rural community and its economy has been based on agriculture, from the beginning until today. This society became one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world in the beginning of Islam. It seems that the spread of workshop and production activities such as pressing is also possible in such a structure and with the help of management and planning of the urban system, as the establishment of similar complexes near large cities has been common and pressing the ones that have been identified so far show the economic prosperity of the great Safavid cities.

Conclusion
Pottery production, pressing, milling, and in general workshop and production activities, along with labor and energy, require management and planning. This management is formed in urban system and in order to meet the needs of the urban society. Historical texts about Dinavar urban society have been silent in the first centuries of Islam, but the splendor of this society and its cultural growth is evident from the long list of thinkers attributed to this land. In this urban society, which is formed in the bed of a rich plain, the pressing of fruits and oilseeds is common. The rich vegetation and vineyards of the region confirm the production of grape syrup and oil. Extraordinary data of the area and their location near the central hill where it was located from the beginning of Islam to the ninth century AH. It goes on to show that this activity was common in the form of lever and weight, and its growth was at least from the 2nd to the 4th AH, at the same time as the establishment and development of Dinavar city and culture. Accordingly, pressing objects in Dinavar provide the basis for the study of pressing from the beginning of Islam.

Abstract
In the past decades, archaeology has turned toward research on societies that lie temporally between the industrial age and the present, what can be considered a “late historical  archaeology.” The cultural materials for the study of this branch of archaeology include archival written sources, audio and video sources, and eyewitnesses, all of which are analysed together with the findings of archaeological excavations. Studies of the modern period in archaeology, which includes the industrial age and the era of globalization, document both individual and collective processes. Archaeology of modern times requires an interdisciplinary perspective, drawing on the disciplines of art history, history, sociology, anthropology, and even criminology in analysing and interpreting its findings. The present article is the result of a study in the archaeology of modernity, in which the authors investigated a World War II Nazi training camp in Wustrau, located in the German state of Brandenburg, about 70 km northwest of Berlin. The camp was built to “retrain” - or brainwash -non-Russian members of the Red Army such as Ukrainians, Muslim Tatar prisoners as part of a plan to send them into the territories of the Soviet Union as trained Nazi administrators. The archaeological excavation in Wustrau was conducted jointly by members of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan Art University and the Cultural Heritage and Tourism Research Institute. 
Keywords: Modern Archaeology, Indoctrination Camp, World War II, Wustrau.

Introduction
This paper offers an account of two seasons of excavations in 2020 and 2021 in Wustrau, northwest of Berlin. At the edge of this village, the Nazis had erected in the 1940s an indoctrination camp for Soviet prisoners of war. The framework of our research in this former camp is informed by the archaeology of modernity, which goes beyond the search for cultural-historical chronologies to identify connections among material remains, historical documents and the violent conditions under which they emerged (fig2 -3). Fieldwork was funded by the “Peace and Conflict Studies” program of the Free University of Berlin and supported by the Regional Heritage Office of the state of Brandenburg.
The work is the result of a joint research program of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan University of Art and the Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization. This German-Iranian joint excavation was designed to counter traditional expectations, in which European, American or other archaeologists of foreign nationalities travel to Western Asian countries to carry out field research. Instead of researching the cultural history of Iran, the archaeological excavation took place in Germany with the goal to reconstruct a part of 20th century German history. The archaeology of modernity, is the second exceptional characteristic of the project. Investigating the material culture of the 20th or 21st centuries is still unusual in both Germany and Iran. 

Research History 
A brief historical background shows that after the First World War (ending in 1918), nationalism and extreme racism grew quickly in Germany. In this general climate, National Socialism was able to gain power and turn the racist Adolf Hitler into its “leader“ in 1933 and continuing until 1945. In the short time of 12 years, the repressive regime incarcerated more than 10 million people from 20 European countries in more than 44000 forced labor and extermination camps; the highest number of prisoners came from Poland and the Soviet Union.
 In the year 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union and opened a new theater of war, the „Eastern Front.“ The German attack was initially successful and the Wehrmacht occupied large parts of the western Soviet Union. In a short time, the German military also captured more than one million Red Army soldiers. To handle the occupied territories and the large number of prisoners, a new „Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories“ was established within the government. The handling of prisoners of different ethnicities and religions was planned in this ministry. One case concerned the recruitment of different ethnic groups of Soviet prisoners into the Wehrmacht and sections of the repressive special units of the Nazi system such as the SS. 
With the establishment of the Prisoner of War Department in July 1941, prisoners of war were screened and segregated by ethnicity. As the war continued, the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories started a “re-education” program for Red Army prisoners of Turkic origin to turn them into administrators or Wehrmacht members. Before being sent back to the east, a system of indoctrination and training was established. At the end of the program, the prisoners were integrated into battalions such as the “Eastern Muslim Battalion”, others into special SS units. According to preserved documents, the military formation aimed at uniting all Muslim Turks into such fighting units (Volga Tatars, Azerbaijanis, Turkestanis). One of the ethnic groups that was separated from the bulk of Russian Red Army prisoners were the Tatars. Many of them had been captured in 1941 and early 1942 around Byalistok, Lviv, Kerch and Kharkiv.
In 1942, around 1,500 prisoners of war of various ethnicities, some of them Tatars, were held in the camp of Wustrau and trained there to be later recruited into the battalion “Idel-Ural”(fig. 1). The most famous of these prisoners in Wustrau was Musa Jalil, a person who later formed a resistance group against the Nazi regime. Unfortunately, the group was discovered by the Gestapo, and most of its members were executed on August 25, 1944 in Plötzensee prison. 

Wustrau
Wustrau is located in the district Ostprignitz-Ruppin about 70 km northwest of Berlin. It has the geographical coordinates 52°51’N, 12°52’W and lies at an altitude of 38 meters above sea level. The area is characterized by lakes formed at the end of the last ice age. Wustrau is located at the southernmost end of one of the Ruppin lake. The area has been inhabited by Slavic groups since at least the 13th century C.E., was invaded several times by the Swedes in the 17th and 18th centuries, and then ruled by the von Zieten family, a branch of the Prussian dynasty, after 1766, as attested by a small palace in the village(fig.4).

Excavation
The main goal of our archaeological soundings in Wustrau was to recover material remains that would reveal practices within the camp, including those of repression and racism. A brief and unsystematic surface survey in the surroundings of Wustrau in 2018 had already revealed elements of the indoctrination camp in the form of a barrack’s foundations still visible on the ground surface. In the first of two short seasons, architectural traces and finds were recovered in a series of five excavation trenches labeled 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8(fig.5). In 2021, three more trenches were added to investigate open areas of the camp and another barrack that was located next to the small river Rhin at the southern edge of the camp. In 2020, three of four corners of a barrack were uncovered, including massive concrete foundations that reached a depth of up to 1m(plan.1). Deep foundations were necessary because of the marshy environment of this area. The upper walls of the barracks consisted of a footing of kiln-fired bricks and walls of wooden planks, covered by a gabled roof (knowledge of the walls and roof come from documentary sources) (fig.6 A-C). 
One of the most interesting finds was a button of a uniform that was decorated with a five-pointed star as well as hammer and sickle, clearly from a Red Army uniform(fig.7). Since documents inform us that the barracks had been built by the prisoners themselves, they must also have been responsible for leaving this (subversive) trace of their presence. Rediscovered more than 80 years later, it is a sign of resistance against the conditions of confinement.
Historical documents attest to daily lessons lasting six hours, followed by supplementary discussions. Prisoners were even taken to various German cities to learn National Socialist principles. Excavation finds confirm the sources that mention teaching: we discovered many broken pieces of thin slate tablets, some with incised lines or grids for writing letters and numbers. Styli for writing on the slates were frequent finds as well(fig.8-9).  
At the opposite end of the barrack, we found a more recent layer from the times of the German Democratic Republic that contains finds from a doctor’s office. Apparently, parts of the barrack continued to be used by people from the nearby village of Wustrau after the demise of the Nazis in 1945. An aerial photograph from 1953 shows that the northeastern portion of the school barrack was partitioned off from the southwest section. In the northeastern segment, we discovered partially melted test tubes, needles from syringes, and small containers for medicine. One test tube contained the inscription “VEB Leipziger ...”, which should be completed with “… Arzneimittel werk “(fig.10). The company was founded in 1957, and we therefore assume that the doctor’s assemblage dates from around 1960. 

Conclusion 
This project of an archaeology of modern times in Germany helped to reconstruct elements of violent practices and ruthless indoctrination by the Nazis and their murderous system, the forced education camp for Tatar Muslims and other prisoners of war from the east. This system sought to deploy the ethnicities of the Soviet Army in what the Nazis conceived of as their eastern European colonies. However, as we know now, the project of indoctrination of Soviet Muslim prisoners to serve the Nazi system failed badly. Miraculously, two notebooks with poems of Musa Jalil survived (fig.11). They give ample testimony of his feelings while in Berlin’s Moabit prison awaiting his death. 

Abstract
So far, the settlements of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain have not been studied archaeologically, and on the other hand, the Iron Age of Plain Sarakhs represents the Yaz culture in the region and owes its name to the Yaz Hill area in southwestern Turkmenistan. Studies of the Iron Age culture of the Sarakhs Plain can reveal the basic information of this period and help to understand the general Iron Age of the Iranian plateau and the land of Turkmenistan. The purpose of this study, while identifying Iron Age settlements, is to analyze environmental factors to explain the patterns of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs plain. For this purpose, a field study was conducted in the plain and by studying the collected works and library studies. It was found that 16 sites have Iron Age artifacts. Some settlements are single-period and some have chronological sequences. The necessity of the present study is the unknown culture of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain. Therefore, the identified Iron Age settlements of Sarakhs plain were analyzed from the perspective of environmental factors and their role in explaining settlement patterns. The output of maps and data of Iron Age settlements in Sarakhs plain showed that among the environmental factors influencing the determination of settlement patterns, Distance and proximity in the range of 300 to 900 meters above sea level, Location of settlements along the rivers of Sarakhs plain (linear settlement pattern) and large urban or rural centers (Mir Ahmad and Bazangan) up to 65 hectares (central location), Communication routes (communication route of Greater Khorasan in the Iron Age), In the formation and distribution of settlements have been more influential than other environmental factors. One of the most important results of the present archaeological study, Identifying the Iron Age settlements represents the culture of Yazd Plain Sarakhs, which will be used to measure the distribution of Iron Age settlements in this area to draw a very accurate and comprehensive perspective for understanding the social life of the people of that period.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Iron Age, Yaz, Establishment Patterns.

Introduction
Sarakhs Plain as the research site has been a favorable habitat for the formation of various human communities due to its natural potential and optimal environmental conditions, including altitude, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions. The study of the collected works of the Iron Age in the Sarakhs plain through archaeological investigation shows that some cultural traditions of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz culture) of the Iron Age were prevalent in the Sarakhs plain, and this plain is probably the link between the southwest of Turkmenistan and the northeast of Iran and culture. Its pottery is noticeably and significantly influenced by the culture of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz area). At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The pottery of this period is generally simple and in red, pea and gray colors.

Materials and Methods
The current research is based on the purpose of fundamental research and based on the nature and method of descriptive and analytical research. The method and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the field survey, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the said sites and recorded in the database. In order to obtain scientific answers, the conventional methods of establishment patterns and GIS and Spss analyzes were used in this research, and after preparing the outputs and maps, two descriptive and inferential methods were used to analyze the questions.

Data
Our information about the land of Turkmenistan is based on the findings of Russian and Turkmen archaeologists’ excavations in the region and presenting their latest findings and reports, some of which have been translated and used, which can be used as library studies. he remembered at this stage, all written sources, images and maps were collected and analyzed. In the field investigation, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database.

Discussion
At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The iron settlement patterns of the Ferns Plain have been formed with the influence of these environmental and natural factors. With these interpretations and based on this, in the current research, the relationship of each establishment and establishment patterns with respect to major and main environmental variables have been analyzed and measured.

Conclusion
During one season of archeology field investigation in Sarakhs Plain and study of collected works and library studies, it was obtained that the extent and continuity of culture in the place, the proximity and location of the settlements along the Tajan, Harirood, Kashafrood, Shurluq and Chakoodar (linear settlement model) in all the geographical directions studied in Sarakhs Plain showed that This plain has a direct relationship with the facilities and environmental conditions, such as the quantity and quality of settlements, the frequency and increase of the Iron Age settlements of the Sarakhs Plain compared to the previous period in terms of population density and the gradual complexity of the relationships between settlements and the relationship with the environment and Direct exploitation of water resources for agriculture and animal husbandry has been on the rise and in the last period of the Iron Age It increased all of a sudden and it is through this plain that this culture spread to other areas of South Khorasan and the plateau of Iran. In order to analyze and explain the settlement patterns of the Iron Age of Sarakhs Plain, a test was conducted between various ecological variables with the distribution of settlements based on the Pearson correlation coefficient and the effect of the significant level. The result of this study was the identification of 16 settlements from the Iron Age, which can be considered and evaluated from the perspective of environmental factors and the size of the sites. In the analysis and explanation of the Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain, the height above the surface of open water, the distance from rivers and other water sources, and the distance from communication routes with Pearson’s correlation coefficient with a significant level, had the greatest impact, and the other variables each implied They have left a significant impact on the Iron Age settlements of the Ferns plain. The results of Pearson’s correlation coefficient indicate that the distribution of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain are regularized in relation to environmental and ecological capabilities and limitations, and these factors have played a significant role in the spatial distribution, determining the type of function and the importance of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain. This has had an undeniable effect on the distribution of the population, the type of livelihood, the settlement patterns and their bodies. The Iron Age settlements that can be seen in this plain are the result of the specific geographical conditions of the region.

Abstract
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.

Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.

Discussion 
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares. 

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.

Abstract
Scholars have been reading Assyrian texts for over a hundred years to locate the toponymys mentioned in the inscriptions. Some of these toponymys are located on the eastern borders of the territory of the new Assyrian empire in western Iran, one of which was the Ellipian kingdom. Inscriptions of the Neo Assyrian Period from Ashurnasirpal II (866 B.C) to Ashurbanipal (639 B.C.), had referring about 250 years to the Ellipian kingdom. Most archaeologists have located the Ellipian kingdom north of Pish-Koh in Luristan and south of Kermanshah. Over the last two decades, after the attribution of Genre of Luristan ware (Baba Jan III painted ware) to the kingdom of Ellipi by Louis Levine and later Yana Medvedskaya, researchers have tried to analyze the different cultural finds such as this type of ware in the context of the kingdom. The reason of researchers for attribute Genre of Luristan ware to Ellipian kingdon is the concurrence and distribution of this type of ware in the territory considered for kingdom of Ellipi. This study seeks to use the Historical archaeology approach, which relies on interpreting historical textual information in the context of archaeological data to provide an accurate and comprehensive analysis of this issue. This research indicates that attributing the archaeological findings of the early first millennium BC such as Genre of Luristan ware, to the kingdom of Ellipi is not valid. This attribution should be considered a hypothesis; basing it on analysis of findings will lead to misguidance and inaccurate results. On the one hand, there is no actual historical evidence for the exact location of the kingdom of Ellipi in the Pish-Koh of Luristan. On the other hand, according to the existence of nomadism in this region, adapting the distribution range of archaeological data such as Genre of Luristan ware with the historical information in Assyrian texts is problematic.
Keywords: Pish-Koh, 1st Millennium B.C, Genre of Luristan Ware, Kingdom of Ellipi, Historical Archaeology. 

Introduction
Scholars have been reading Assyrian texts for over a hundred years to locate the toponymys mentioned in the inscriptions. Some of these toponymys are located on the eastern borders of the territory of the new Assyrian empire in western Iran, one of which was the Ellipian kingdom. Inscriptions of the Neo Assyrian Period from Ashurnasirpal II (866 BC) to Ashurbanipal (639 BC), had referring about 250 years to the Ellipian kingdom. Most archaeologists have located the Ellipian kingdom north of Pish-Koh in Luristan and south of Kermanshah (Fig, 1). According to their studies, Kingdom of Ellipi include original range of Pish-koh, which From the north to the Gareen mountains(Harhar), in the northeast to along the Grien and in the East to Oshtoran-Koh (Media), from the south in the basin of Seymareh(Elam),in the West to Kabir-koh and in the North-West to South Harsin(Bit-Hamban)(Mollazah&Goudarzi,2016:89-92).

Genre of Luristan ware (Chronology, Stylistics& Attribution)  
The genre of Luristan ware, which was first emerged in the early first millennium BC, during the Iron Age IIB(950–800BC)& IIIA (800-650BC), was distributed in the settlement and graveyards of Pish-Koh region(Adachi, 2004: 81). The pottery is often called by Roman Ghirshman »Genre Luristan«, that were found from Giyan Tapeh(Contenau&Ghirshman,1935). Although after excavation at Baba Jan tape by Clare Goff, she named them »Baba Jan III painted ware«(Goff, 1978 : 29). Baba Jan III painted wares, decorated with the bow-tie designs, which has called the kite design. 
The appearance for about 300 years of genre of Luristan ware or Baba Jan III painted wares, can be divided into two phases old style and new style. Old style of genre of Luristan ware (Baba Jan III) is mostly handmade or thrown on a slow wheel. But the new style of this pottery (Baba Jan IIB) is made entirely by wheel. In addition to the Pish-Koh area, the new style of genre of luristan ware has been obtained in the south of Hersin (Goudarzi, 2017: 226). This phenomenon is the result of the expansion of cultural relations and has led to the evolution of technology and wheel maker genre of Luristan ware (Fig.2&3).  
Moorey suggested that genre of Luristan ware in the Iron Age Luristan can be generally attributed to invader from outside of this region(Moorey,1974:19). The invaders have been considered to be Kassites, Cimmerians, Median or Elamite people. Goff thinks that the culture of Baba Jan III was mist probably Median (Goff, 1968: 131). Medvedskaya believes that Baba Jan III painted ware belongs to the Ellipian kingdom (Medvedskaya, 1999:59). She says it cannot be Median, because it is quite different from the pottery found at Nush-I Jan tape.

Discussion 
Over the last two decades, after the attribution of genre of Luristan ware (Baba Jan III painted ware) to the kingdom of Ellipi by Louis Levine and later Yana Medvedskaya, Iranian researchers have tried to analyze the different cultural finds such as this type of ware in the context of the kingdom(Shishegar, 2006; Molazadeh&goudarzi,2016؛Garavand, 2014). The reason of researchers for attribute genre of Luristan ware to Ellipian kingdom is the concurrence and distribution of this type of ware in the territory considered for kingdom of Ellipi (Fig. 4). This study seeks to use the historical archaeology approach, which relies on interpreting historical textual information in the context of archaeological data to provide an accurate and comprehensive analysis of this issue. 
But the available resources for reconstruction of historical geography of Ellipian kingdom is limited to historical texts and analysis archaeological data. The historical data, on one hand, are limited to Assyrian inscriptions, which often look and more political sententious zoom describes their version of victories. On the other hand, no writing among on the land of the Babylonians and especially Elamite inscriptions about Ellipi that according to evidence have been good relationship with Ellipian achieved. In addition to according to Assyrian texts, three times by Assyrian army, the territory of Ellipian kingdom has been occupied. Bat yet no data had been obtained about the presence of the Assyrians in Pish-Koh. For example, Assyrian data such as seals and decorations found on the tapeh Giyan, not obtained in Pish-Koh of Luristan(Fig. 5).  Also finding a type of pottery in archaeological sites, can be no reason for a special ethnicity. Because the main data that anthropologists emphasize, such as clothing, etymology, language and etc., usually not available to archaeologists. 

Conclusion
In this study tried to answer the question that the attribution of genre luristan ware to Ellipian kingdom is true and meaningful? So with the comprehensive utilization of historical sources and archaeological data in context of the geographical features of the region, provide a logical analysis. This research indicates that attributing the archaeological findings of the early first millennium BC such as genre of Luristan ware, to the kingdom of Ellipi is not valid. This attribution should be considered a hypothesis; basing it on analysis of findings will lead to misguidance and inaccurate results. On the one hand, there is no actual historical evidence for the exact location of the kingdom of Ellipi in the Pish-Koh of Luristan. On the other hand, according to the existence of nomadism in this region, adapting the distribution range of archaeological data such as genre of Luristan ware with the historical information in Assyrian texts is problematic. Therefore, we can offer Pish –Koh area, in the historical geography of 1st millennium B.C, for location of Ellipan kingdom. But attribution of archaeological data and putting it on the basis of analysis will be a hasty and unscientific.  

Acknowledgment
Spatial thanks to Bill Partt (Royal Ontario Museum) for access to the excavation data of Jame- Shoran site. 

Conflict of Interest
This paper is an independent research of the author and has not conflict of interest with any organization.  

Abstract
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.

Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages. 
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods. 

Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.

1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.

2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).

3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).

4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.

5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.

Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.