Abstract
In the Qajar period, the relationship between the visual elements and the composition of the paintings follows certain precise principles that are consistent with the art of Laquer painting. In Persian lacquer the base is almost always of papier-mâché. The surface was thinly coated with a fine plaster, or gesso, and upon this the painter executed his design in the miniature-painting technique of the time. The whole was then covered with a layer of transparent lacquer or varnish, which not only protected the painting, but enriched and mellowed the colors. The difference between the iconography of the Qajar period and the previous period is that folk themes are prevalent and their types are found in tiling, oil painting, Laquer, and Lithography. The main questions of the study are: 1- How is the Qajar period illustrated on the Laquer artworks from the iconography approach? 2- What are the intertextual elements in the Qajar iconography on Lacquer’s artworks? The main problem of research is about iconographic reading of the icons in the Qajar period Laquer painting. For this purpose, in this article, two exemplary examples of artworks with emphasis on iconography have been analyzed. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The purpose of this research is to identify the role of the common themes of the Qajar period in the iconography of these works. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to identify literary, historical and artistic sources. Identifying sources and gathering information has been in a library manner. Data analysis has been qualitative. The research hypothesis is that in almost all works there are signs to reach another story or text. Findings and results indicate that: In addition to the common features of the Qajar style of painting, these works have a strong relationship between literary, religious and political texts and intertextual relations.
Keywords: Laquer, Qajar Jllustration, Jconography, Jntertextuality.

Introduction
Lacquer painting during the Qajar era, in addition to the usual Qajar art style, also had visual and practical decorative aspects, and was a good platform for illustration. This type of painting, which was applied to various objects in the applied context, peaked during the Qajar era and then declined. The argument of this research is that the influence and interactions of cultures on each other should not be taken into account, as this transfer of data and information is exchanged across territories in different ways, resulting in the creation of artistic styles over time. It has become indigenous to every region. The present study is descriptive in terms of its fundamental purpose and nature. The issue facing the research is how to characterize the iconography of papier-mache paintings and lacquer paintings. In this period, we see the increasing influence of Western painting on Iranian painting and iconography. Incomplete western perspective principles, the use of color shades to represent the volume, and the use of a variety of angels and a variety of techniques have made artists more instrumental. Each of these techniques also has its own language and makes the theme of iconography different depending on the technique. This study first examines Laquer’s art in the Qajar era and then analyzes its methods, contexts, applications, and themes, specifically, Laquer’s imagery and its types. The purpose of this article is to identify and introduce the values of Lacquer’s works from the point of view of iconography and to study and classify the iconographic themes of the icons in the Qajar period on the artworks of the aliens. The last years of the nineteenth century saw a tendency towards an even more marked Westernization. This took two forms. Firstly, the depiction of single figures and scenes of an almost photographic realism, under the influence of imported Russian pieces made for the Persian market. But, as already mentioned, much lacquer painting of this late Qajar period takes the form of exercises in the Safavid style, There can be no doubt that many of these works in Safavid style were intended to deceive, including endless versions of Shah Ismail at the battle of Chaldiran and Nadir Shah at Karnal derived from the large murals Chehel Sutun in the Isfahan. We will also try to answer the following questions: 1. How is the Qajar period illustrated by the iconography of the Lacquer’s paintings? 2. What are the intertextual elements in the Qajar iconography on the artifacts?

Identified Traces 
In this short paper have made no attempt to present a full and coherent history of lacquer painting in the Qajar period; that would require a full-length book. I have merely tried to draw attention to some interesting points, a handful of outstanding objects, and one or two remarkable personalities. Qajar lacquer may not be great Art with a capital A, but its spirit is light-hearted, its technical brilliance is undeniable, its colors are warm and bright, and it has given, and continues to give, an immense amount of quiet pleasure both in the land of its origin and in the West. This pen-box is belongs to a group known as qalamdan-i kayani or “royal penbox”, notable for their style of decoration, with figural scenes extending to the base of the cover, and to the sides, base and sometimes to the inside of the sliding drawer as in the present lot. The basic template for the layout is common to extant examples and these pen-boxes were clearly made to order rather than as workshop pieces for the market. The figures surrounding the Shah differ from example to example and many represent known personalities. Generally, the theme of kingship dominates the exterior whilst the internal decoration consists of panels showing miracles and other episodes from the lives of Sufis. The importance of this pen-box is not only the colophon, but also the only-known self-portrait of the artist. Sayyid Muhammad was a painter of the Nasir al-Din Shah period. The top has a central cartouche depicting Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar sitting on the Peacock throne flanked by princes on the left, and ministers and court officials, ambassadors and foreign dignitaries on the right, inscription-filled cartouches above and below with a couplet in his praise. Other cartouches to either side of the Nasir al-Din Shah scene contain depictions of the courts of Persian kings mentioned in Firdousi’s Shahnama. 

Conclusion 
In many of papier-mache paintings, the widespread use of epic, religious, and literary texts has established a kind of intertextual connection. In the case Kiyani (royal) penboxes with cartouches framing audience scenes, celebrate Persian kingship by linking the ruling monarch with Iran’s great historic and legendary rulers. This example features the court of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar (r. 1848–96) at the center of the lid. Other audience scenes of Persian rulers, such as Genghis Khan and Khusrau Parviz, as well as legendary kings from the Shahnama (Book of Kings), such as Afrasiyab and Manuchihr, are each identified by inscriptions. Such penboxes were not made for the market but were often commissioned and given as presentation pieces. The image and text element are the main elements that make up this image text. The writing is often about artist signatures or in relation to the subtext that the themes play as the text. Case studies of the present study include Shahnameh, Khamseh Nezami, Mantegh- al-Tayr Attar, and Qessas- al-Anbiya as the textual paintings. In this search, it is clear that the paintings of  Laquer work, like other texts, are not independent and original, but consist of thousands of literary, religious, and political cultural texts.

Abstract
Archaeological surveys have a long history, nearly seventy years, in the Upper Khuzestan plain. Despite the abundance of prehistoric sites, the number of identified Initial Village period settlements is very limited yet. Looking at the encountering history of Initial Village period settlements shows almost all of them were discovered accidentally. Besides the problem of alluvial accumulation, which is a considerable factor, there are several other reasons that affect the visibility of low and early settlements. First of all, villages in this period were obviously small and structures were built mainly using pisé and mud bricks; so buildings were less durable compared to later periods (Early, Middle, and Late Susiana). Secondly, later occupations almost covered up the whole area of early settlements. Hundreds of later sites established in the places that was favorable for earlier settlements. Consequently, at least two main reasons we infer affecting early sites in the Upper Khuzestan Plain not to be found easily are: little attention to the dynamic character of natural alluviation and deposition in the landscape of the region and incompetent field methods. These factors have prevented us to gain a full understanding of the quantity and quality of early settlements in this region. Here, by considering two factors of topography and older flood plains, an early assessment of the concentration of such early settlements in the area between the Shur and Ojirub Rivers is achieved. Boneh Rahimeh is a site that was previously merely recognized as a prehistoric site but not an Initial Village period settlement. In the present study the site is introduced as a potential pair for the Formative and Archaic Susiana site of Chogha Bonut. 
Keywords: Initial Village Period, Upper Khuzestan Plain, Dynamic natural landscape, Boneh Rahimeh.

Introduction
Archaeological surveys by the late R. Adams in the area between the Karkheh and Karun Rivers in the Upper Khuzestan Plain revealed patterns of prehistoric settlements for the first time (Adams 1962). Almost eight years later, Frank Hole conducted a survey in the same area to re-evaluate prehistoric settlements (Hole 1968). These two surveys were conducted when the existence of early phases of prehistory in the Upper Khuzestan plain was still unrecognized. In the meantime, however, in the small plain of Deh Luran, F. Hole and his collogues had introduced Ali Kosh as an early settlement in that area (Hole et.al. 1969). 
In the third season of excavations in Chogha Mish (KS0001), Archaic Susiana pottery was discovered for the first time in trenches 21 and 25 in the deepest gully of the eastern mound of the site. In addition to Archaic Susiana pottery, Trench 25 contained a new type of architecture in which long mud bricks were used (Delougaz and Kantor 1996: 4-5), then Boneh Fazel Ali (KS0002) was identified as another Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement. Discovery of these remains at the latter site was a total chance; rodents’ activities had caused Archaic Susiana/Initial Village potteries to become visible (Kantor 1976). 
During leveling activities of low mounds to the south of Andimeshk, H. Wright found prehistoric pottery in the debris removed by bulldozers. Subsequently, F. Hole started excavations in this leveled area, where became known as Tulai/Tuleii (KS0372) (Hole 1974).
Again, similar developmental activities to the south of Dezful led to the identification of the already damaged and rather small site of Chogha Bonut (KS0109) by Chogha Mish excavation team. On the basis of evidence similar to those revealed in Chogha Mish and Boneh Fazel Ali, Kantor conducted some excavations in the site. Hence, Chogha Bonut was the fourth Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement in the Upper Khuzestan Plain (Alizadeh 2003: XXXi).
During his epidemiological studies in the Dez irrigation Pilot area, F. G. L. Gremliza (1959-1960/1) (Gremliza 1962) collected a large number of prehistoric painted potteries from archaeological sites. Thirty years later A. Alizadeh studied and published Gremliza’s collection (Alizadeh 1992). Alizadeh’s expertise in typology of Khuzestan prehistoric pottery and in particular Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period caused Gremliza’s collection to become a reliable source for comparative studies. There is some sporadic evidence among Gremliza’s survey material that points to early settlements in the area near the Shur and Ojirub Rivers (Alizadeh 1992: 93-95; 100-105, fig.36. V; fig.37. K; fig.38.I).
It is well known that a considerable amount of later cultural remains as well as sediments cover earlier prehistoric settlements in the alluvial plains such as Khuzestan. Hence naturally early small and low occupations are buried and invisible, which makes their recognition a challenging task for archaeologists. Based on geomorphic studies conducted in the Khuzestan plain, it is clear that the sedimentation regimes were not uniform in all areas at the Upper Khuzestan plain. The Ojirub River basin area in particular, where the density of prehistoric sites is higher, bears recorded traces of old alluvium while younger sediments are recorded in the surrounding areas (Map 3). 
Like Boneh Fazel Ali, rodents’ activities led the evidence of early occupations to become visible in Boneh Rahimeh (KS0040). To the southwest of the site and around rodents’ holes, a considerable number of Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period pottery was discovered (Fig. 4), while only Late Middle Susiana and Susa II pottery was visible on the surface. A bullet core – characteristic of Aceramic Neolithic in Khuzestan- was also found in the southwestern slope of the site (currently under cultivation) (Fig. 5).

Conclusion
As stated, almost all Initial Village period settlements in the Upper Khuzestan plain were discovered by chance. In addition to Chogha Mish, Boneh Fazel Ali, Chogha Bonut and Tepe Tulai/Tuleii, where archaeological excavations led to identification of Initial Village period in these sites, evidence from previous surveys and recent investigations have increased the number of Initial Village period settlements of the Upper Khuzestan plain from 5 to 11 sites.
The dynamic nature of geographical features is considered as one of the main factors in the invisibility of earlier occupations in the alluvial plain of Khuzestan. Shifts in the course of major rivers as well as their effluents have caused fluctuations in the nature and rate of sedimentation. This, in turn, has led to form different topographic features in the region. On the other hand, the environmental potential of the region has caused the growth of later occupations, which have hidden earlier phases of settlement. Hence, almost all Initial Village period occupations are buried beneath layers of sequential occupations of later periods. 
To sum up, it seems evaluating the number and character in regards early occupations in the Upper Khuzestan plain requires updated and practical field methods. If our present knowledge about the earliest phases of occupation in Khuzestan plain was so far based on accidental revealing of lower layers of settlements by bulldozers or rodents’ activities, it is now time for applying new methods such as remote sensing techniques, studying geographical landscapes and factors affecting geographical dynamics of the region as well as archaeological intensive surface surveys in order to yield impressive results about Initial Village period in the Upper Khuzestan plain.

Abstract
In 1931, The archaeological sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz were registered in the National Iranian Registry of Sites, but since then, their exact location remained unknown. According to the Cultural Heritage monuments list, the Location of all three sites are in Iraq. In this article we have attempted to find clues about the location of these three sites, according to De Morgan’s reports, satellite photographs, Historical maps and documents related to the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods of the Iran-Ottoman Border conflict. Our evaluations indicate that these three sites are located in three different locations inside modern Iraq- Iran’s political border somewhere around Ilam province. In this article, the authors try to answer these three questions: Have these sites been inside Iranian border in Qajar and Pahlavi periods? Are these three sites traceable? Could the mentioned sites be dated to the Elamite period?
Keywords: National Iranian Registry, Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye, Seba’āt-e Kahriz, Pusht-i Kuh Luristan, borderland.

Introduction
Jean-Jacques De Morgan was a French mining engineer, geologist, and archaeologist who had travelled to all across the Iranian plateau before starting excavations at Susa. During his visit to Pusht-i Kuh, De Morgan was hosted by Hussein-Gholi Khan, the governor of this region for more than a month. in Etudes geographques, he indicates to these ancient sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz (Tchahar-riz) located west and south of Pusht-i Kuh beyond the Iranian current border. André Godard, another French archaeologist was assigned to serve the new-founded Iranian Archeological Service in 1922. He was responsible for registering and restoring the national heritage monuments. The first three monuments that were recorded in Godard’s list were Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz. It seems that Godard had used De Morgan’s book to present Pusht-i Kuh monuments.

Discussion
During the last centuries, the western border of Iran has always been the matter of dispute between Iran and its neighbors. The conflicts between the Iranian and Ottoman governments began in the Safavid era. In 1850 some joint commissions were appointed to settle the border disputes and their work were underway for about 70 years. These commissions were mediated by Russian and British representatives in the region. The present borders of Iran and Iraq are the result of these commissions. During and before these commissions the nomads of the region were easily crossing the border. The Baksaye or Bagh-e Shahi area nowadays on Iraqi soil was part of the Pusht-i kuh governor’s estate. But as the Pahlavi era began, the last governor fled to Iraq and the region was permanently separated from Iran.
De Morgan only gave an explanation of his visit to the Tursaq area. He has been silent about the two districts of the Baksaye and the Tib River Basin. It seems that he has never been to these two areas. It sounds that local people or the governor himself have informed de Morgan about Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz. he may also have access to the map of the Border Commission in which these two sites have been mentioned. In the map of boundary delimitation committee all three areas of Tursaq, Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz Sabah are attested and their location are shown.

Conclusion
Some 90 years after registering of Tursaq sites (Sulaiman and Zirzir Tapa), as well as Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz sites in the of Iranian National list of Registered Sites, an opportunity presented itself to gather information on the latter using written documents, historical maps and remote sensing techniques. The Tursaq complex, which has been registered under the name of Sulaiman Tapa, is essentially two separated, yet nearby settlements. According to the illustrated report by the Iraqi Antiquities Department published in 1967, Tursaq has deposits dating to the Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, whereas according to Jacques de Morgan the sites date to the Kassite period, while the National Iranian Registry of Sites refer to the site as Elamite. As for Baksaye, de Morgan only refers to the site’s name and it is registered on the Iranian list. Based on the Iraqi Atlas of Archaeological Sites, the latter site, a cluster of several small sites in the Baksaye area next to the Iran-Iraq border in Mehran region, dates back to Old Assyrian, Kassite and Islamic times. The third site, erroneously registered on the list as Seba’āt-e Khariz is in fact Seba’āt-e Kahriz (Seven Kariz) in the north of the Maysan Province of Iraq. According to De Morgan and the Iranian list this site is Elamite, but our analyses of satellite and aerial images suggest that the site might in fact belong to Seleucid-Parthian, and perhaps Sasanian periods. 

Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion 
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion 
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

Abstract
In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of archaeological site-formation processes can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary deposits and stratigraphy of archeological layers. This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in Kafiristan Yasen archaeological area to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area.  Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites are mainly built on hillslope erosional terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural ridge consisting of siltstone and sandstone rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural soilas well asexcavation trenches shows that two sedimentary units consisting of very coarse gravelly sediments and fine gravelly sediments in a clay-rich matrix could be distinguished in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found in the context of coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that might have deposited in a different surface morphology to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which have been deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later drainage system.
Keywords: Geoarchaeology, Geomorphology, Archeological Site, Kafiristan Yasen.

Introduction
Geoarchaeology is a rather new interdisciplinary approach that studies the past of human history using geological methods. In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of ancient records can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary content and stratigraphy of archeological layers and materials. Geology has been available to archaeologists over the past two decades as a basic tool for reconstructing ancient environments and understanding the long-term climatic and anthropogenic conditions and interactions of pre-historic human with the surrounding environments. These studies are particularly influential in understanding the Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological and geological backgrounds and materials. Geoarchaeological studies in Iran are mainly confined to Paleolithic sites and the use of geological methods such as sedimentology to describe the details of ancient records in caves and rock shelters. Geoarchaeology is an interdisciplinary discipline between geological sciences and archeology that examines the role of geological factors in the rise, continuation, and fall of ancient settlements. In this field, techniques and methods common in earth sciences such as aerial photography and satellite imagery, sampling, microscopic studies, chemical analysis, etc. are used to solve archaeological problems.On the other hand, inarchaeological geology, archaeological data are used to solve geological problems, particularly in relation to dating of Quaternary deposits, ancient seismological studies, and ancient mining. Large-scale archaeologists study most of the natural landforms and anthropogenic structures and small-scale archaeologists study the soil, natural sediments, and anthropogenic deposits. Archaeo-geology also occasionally covers other interdisciplinary studies such as ceramic petrography, archaeomineralogy, archaeometallurgy, radiometric dating, etc.

Identified Traces
This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in the area of Kafiristan Yasen archaeological site to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area. The Yasen Kafiristan archaeological site comprises a set of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 km southeast of Deylaman. According to previous studies, thechronology of sites in the area varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Therefore, the present study seeks to map the environmental conditions of the Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites in terms of geology, geomorphology and climate and to understand the relationship between environmental elements with the cultural and archaeological features of the cultural sites in the study area.Research method of this study is descriptive-analytical and field study which uses the spatial data related to the research problem to evaluate and investigate the relationship between environmental and cultural characteristics in the ancient sites of Kafiristan Yasen in southeastern Deylaman in Guilan province and to answer the research questions.Gathering information in the field surveys done with the using of observation, survey of landforms and geomorphological and geological processes in an ancient site, justification of features displayed on geological, topographic and climatic maps of the site, as well as utilization of software such as GPS and GIS.

Conclusion
The ancient site of the Kafiristan Yasen comprises a series of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 kilometers southeast of Deylaman. The approximate dating of antiquities in this area, according to previous studies, varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Yasen ancient site enclosures are mainly built on hillslope erosion terraces; the difference between the erosion of the soft layers and the hard layers is probably the main controlling factor for the formation of these hillslope terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces level. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural promontory consisting of silty and sandy rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural profiles and the wall of drill trenches shows that two sedimentary sections consist of very coarse gravelly sedimentary rocks and fine gravelly sediments in the clay-rich can be separated in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found alongside coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that may have deposited in a different hillslope profile to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later watercourse system.

Abstract
In any society, the sources of legitimacy are justified by the traditions that govern the community; the king arrives at a metaphoric royal position in ancient Iran instead of an objective physical entity, and in this transformation it is necessary to reflect the concepts rather than the body. His material is a reflection of the exemplary notions in which he stands. As one of the exemplars of the concept of “divine religion”, a discourse is formed around the king’s body, in which there is a kind of superiority for increasing power and legitimacy. The questions of this study are: How does the material body in power relations become a body that is believable to the people? How did the discourse of the king’s ideal body reflect on the literature and art of that period? The main question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king distinct and superior to the ideal body and legitimacy of power. For this reason, in this article, various aspects of the Achaemenid king’s body functions are examined and analyzed, and how the process of shah’s body shaping discourse is shaped and deepened into a type of attitude toward legitimacy is gained. The purpose of this study is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid king’s body in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, reflected in a series of symbolic functions in the Achaemenid idealist body. The findings and results show that all of these collections are indications that the triple concepts of King Farahmand’s body, warrior and blessings have been enhanced in the interest of power.
Keywords: Ideal Body, Active Behaviors, Legitimacy, Mythology, Achaemenid King.

Introduction
After the establishment, the political ruler has always sought to gain legitimacy by reducing direct influence to maintain the state by making changes in the state discourse indirectly and by deceptive and subtle signs. The government disguises itself in various guises to show the subtle domination of power. In ancient Iran, the king was the most faultless person and representative of the gods on earth, and a creature full of divine powers. In this transformation it was necessary for his objective body to reflect the concepts of the ideal King’s example in order to obtain the necessary legitimacy. Applying the concepts of legitimacy, especially the importance of the Divine Faith as the focal point of ideal King, forms a discourse around the king’s body, in which a kind of material superiority with supranational functions is promoted to enhance power and legitimacy. Transcendental functions of the body, relying on pre-existing knowledge, place the king’s power above the legitimate others.
Evidence of this is seen in narrations and stories as one of the bases of power since they incorporate elements of power within the symbolic relationship. The key question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king different and superior to the ideal in terms of power, which is also believed by the people. The results show that the representation of the Achaemenid King’s body was shaped around a king’s body based on a mythological knowledge in the form of a set of propositions, narratives, stories, and pictures as interactive functions. All of these collections are illustrations that incorporate the triple concepts of the function of the king’s supernatural body in the form of a wise king, a warrior, and a blessing for the purposes of power discourse.
Research Objectives and Necessity: The purpose of this research is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid King in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources.
Research Questions and Assumptions: 1- How does the king’s body become a supernatural and exemplary body in relation to power? 2- How has the discourse of the king’s ideal body been reflected in literature and art? 
The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, dominated a series of symbolic functions to gain legitimacy in the Achaemenid body has been reflected.

Mythological Insights and Knowledge
The legitimacy of an affair emerges when its propositional side is the same as the belief in the propositions of knowledge; this insight provides the legitimacy necessary for legislation. Insight enables one to create a form of expressive, prescriptive, and meticulous speech that is appropriate. The characteristic of this insight is to generate enormous volumes of empowering actions embodied within the subject. One of the most important areas for expanding insight is narrative. The narrative format is used to develop insight discourse. The narrative transmission of insights in the form of folk tales allows the community to interpret the criteria of its power. The narrative has authority, and all morality and legitimacy lie within the narrative. Power-oriented insight is shaped by taking advantage of existing insights or making changes to that set of speech to fit its needs. The king in the Achaemenid era is a mythological vision; in the mythical vision every action is a repetition of practice that has been modeled once and for all since the beginning of myths.

Conclusion
According to the propositions expressed in historical texts, it can be said that each one’s message seeks to induce a single message, which is the authority and legitimacy of the ideal king with metamaterial bodily functions. These statements are not intended to express the true character, but to explain the king’s personality as a sample of the behavior of a specimen of good and apt creation, and represent the king’s attempt to display a godly representation of his personality. His attributes are manifested by the characteristics of the gods and their earthly repetition. Most of the King’s similarity is focused on his position as the authentic seal and supplier of the covenant with Ahuramazda. Farah was a divine and Ahuraic force that shows one’s ability and invincibility. Having a king in Iran required race, archery, equestrian, physical strength, divine power, immortality, and so forth. Applying these concepts around the material body throughout life, the accompanying behavioral, locating, and scheduling behaviors accompany the metamorphosis of the king’s body. The king’s physical ability and skill in archery and hunting is due to the divine power bestowed on him. The king has a heavenly routed birth. His divine election, even when he was a child, is under the protection of the heavenly forces.  In the meantime, he has transformed himself into the king until he attains the role of mediator in the continuation of the cosmic order of the army and by placing his body in courtly relations such as coronation and symbolic deeds. All of this emphasizes the heavenly glory and divinity of the ideal king. The functional functions of the physical body of the king in various spatial and temporal positions have been used as an intangible tool of power in order to show different effects of the king’s distinction and legitimacy. In essence, the constant propaganda of power and knowledge to prove the legitimacy of government and the repetition of coherent propositions in a series of historical narratives and narratives has made the discourse of the body, with its particular formulations, a self-evident truth.

Abstract
The rock art heritages all across Iran have a exceptional importance compared to the rock arts of the world. For example, the Bistoon rock art complex is listed on the World Heritage Sites and some others, like Naghsh-e-Rustam, are located in the cultural landscape of World Heritage. The entities of such rock heritages to an evolving environment, have been threatened, especially with the increase in air pollutants. Threats of Environmental Pollutants might have endangered the Integration of these Cultural Landscapes. The presence of these pollutants is due to the presence of large and small pollutant industries, especially petrochemical complexes. For the first step, it is necessary to evaluate different methods of monitoring air pollutants on rock cultural heritage. Various methods of environmental measurements have been used to assess the condition of the rock heritage. These monitoring techniques can be divided into direct and indirect methods. The main research question is about the advantages and disadvantages of each of these two methods for choosing the suitable rock heritage monitoring system. In this article, next to gathering information from objective observations and theoretical studies, the data were obtained through qualitative analysis. In this article, after examining the characteristics of these two methods, the type of direct monitoring required has been identified to identify air pollutants and control the rock heritage. Meanwhile, new conservation experiences in historic sites can reduce concerns about energy infrastructure constraints and reduce the cost of continuous monitoring of rock heritage. Therefore, the results will be applied in addition to having fundamental and theoretical values.
Keywords: Rocky Heritage, Air Pollution, Environmental Monitoring, Naqsh-e Rostam.

Introduction
Monitoring is the periodic measurement of the environment that compared to the data obtained and the predetermined characteristics (Thomson, 1965). In cultural heritage sites, it is necessary to examine the process of environmental change over the short, medium and long terms, in relation to the historical impact and development centers. It also analyzes whether the two issues of conservation and economic development have been compromised (Íñigo et al., 2006). Continuous monitoring can be considered as a criterion for decision-making in the conservation of cultural heritage and provide shared benefits to heritage sites with the goal of improving site management and preventive conservation (Smith, 1991).
Research Objectives and Necessity: The main objective of this paper is to evaluate air pollutant monitoring methods in rock heritage. The gradual expansion of cities and industries has made it unavoidable to change historic and ancient spaces even in the most remoted areas. This has become a challenging debate about the World Heritage Sites and the cultural landscape around the, and more and more important is how to control the side effects of this condition, so environmental measurements are certainly the first step.
Research Questions and Hypothesis: In the present study, while reviewing the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring methods in rock heritage, has been analyzed a more appropriate system for monitoring of such heritages. It seems that in order to select an effective monitoring method, should be evaluated their impact on measuring the quality of changes in the site and to determine its scale and method according to the objective.
Methodology: In this paper, while classifying environmental pollutants, it is emphasized the necessity of choosing an appropriate monitoring approach. Also have been investigated different methods and experiences of measuring and monitoring air pollutants and have been analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring techniques for selecting the most suitable rocky heritage monitoring system.

Context
Generally, environmental pollutants are divided into several major categories Which include: 
1) Small and Large Industries 2) Large Scale Agriculture and 3) Road Vehicles, that each of these sources produce all kinds of environmental pollutants and can damage the rock structures (Likens Gene E., 2013: 259). Large groups of pollutants are SOx, NOx and COx that have been identified and measured for many years by sensor monitoring (Frassoldati et al., 2005). Monitoring sensor are continuously developing and they are advanced enough to be able to detect the type and concentration of different types of Nitrogen oxides, Sulfur and Carbon oxides both in situ (without the need for a laboratory) and at time (not after time) (Yu et al., 2015: 250 ؛Zhang Y. et al., 2018: 224). In this respect, techniques SPME (Solid Phase Microextraction), DLLME (Dispersive Liquid-Liquid Microextraction) and etc., have been very effective in extracting environmental pollutants (Tang et al., 2011; Farré et al, 2010). There are two main options for monitoring: direct monitoring (active or passive methods) or indirect monitoring (structurally or using extraction methods). Direct monitoring measures and records the amount of air pollutants at specific time periods. In contrast, passive monitoring measures the effect of air pollutants on monuments indirectly at specified times, which are usually longer.

Conclusion
Choosing an effective strategy for rock heritage management with the objective of preventive conservation against air pollutants, it needs to understand the structure of the object, the environment around it and the relationship between the two. In addition to scientific studies, this  is partly dependent on the value and significance of the object from a social and cultural point of view. The advantages and disadvantages of using direct and indirect monitoring methods for selecting the appropriate rock heritage monitoring system and its measurable variables are presented and summarized in Table 1. Therefore, it would be far more useful to have a direct monitoring system for rocky heritage and it is a strategy for treatment and preventive conservation. It should be noted that any strategy definition does not necessarily mean conservation of the objects and it is necessary to continue the environmental monitoring after adopting preventive conservation, in order to determine the effectiveness of the methods and, if necessary, to revise and correct the methods.

Abstract
Identification of resources and quarries used for extraction of raw materials in the ancient time is a very interesting subject matter for researchers and archaeologists. Results of analysis and study of ancient mines and quarries may lead to characterize the know- how of ancient technology of production of materials and tools in the old world and shows the techniques rendered by artists and craftsmen to apply raw materials for producing different artistic and ordinary objects. Moreover, identification of ancient mines and quarries (especially stone quarries) provide unaltered materials for conservators to reconstruct archaeological and historical stone monuments. In this paper, stone blocks used in Anahita Temple in Kangavar and ancient stone quarry of Chel Maran (Chehel Maran) were studied by analytical methods. The aim of this study is to determine chemical composition and microstructure of stones used in the Anahita Temple and their correlation with the stone mining evidences observed in the Chel Maran quarry. For this purpose, some samples from the temple and the quarry were analyzed by X-ray fluorescence and polarized optical microscopy methods. The results indicated that the stones used in the temple and those of the quarry are limestones and Si and Mg were identified in the analysed samples as minor constituents. Microscopic structure of samples presented calcite as the main phase including some dolomite crystals and clay minerals as impurities. Based on the results obtained, the Chel Maran ancient stone quarry was widely used for the construction of the Anahita Temple. 
Keywords: Ancient Mining, Anahita Temple of Kangavar, Chel Maran Quarry, Limestone, Calcite.

Introduction
Stone has been used widely during the ancient time to make different artefacts and monuments including small ritual and decorative objects, reliefs, decorative monuments and buildings. The studies on quarrying and manufacturing of stone objects as well as the provenance of raw materials are an interesting subject in geoarchaeological and archaeometric investigations (Goldberg et al, 2006), and this is a useful study when restoration interventions are required. 
The large archaeological complex of Anahita Temple is located in western Iran, in the city of Kangavar and based on the archaeological excavations and findings, it was dated from the Achaemenid to the Sasanian periods (Azarnoush, 1981; Kambakhsh Fard, 1994). It was constructed on a natural hill and it was erected by stone and gypsum mortars. The main building was built with large stone blocks including cubic blocks for walls and very large and thick circular columns. There are some evidences of stone quarrying in different areas near the Anahita Temple. The main and important stone quarry in this region is Chel Maran (Chehel Maran) stone quarry located in the west of the Temple in a mountain with the same name (Chel Maran mount) (Oudbashi, 2008). The aim of this paper is to analyse the stones from Anahita Temple and the Chel Maran quarry in order to compare their chemical and microstructural features and to find a possible relationship between the building and the quarry. 

Methods
Five fragments from the Anahita Temple and two big samples from the Chel Maran quarry were selected. Ten grams of each sample was powdered for chemical analysis. A thin section was prepared from each sample for microscopic studies. The chemical composition of samples was characterized by X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis by using a S4 Pioneer model X-ray fluorescence spectrometer manufactured by Bruker. Microscopic observation of fragments and stones were done on thin sections by using a Primotech model Zeiss polarized optical microscope. Thin sections were studied by alizarin-red method to identify presence of dolomite in the texture of stone samples (Flügel et al., 2010)

Findings and Argument
The results of XRF analysis of the stone samples are presented in Table 1. The results show that all samples are calcarous stones as can be deduced by the high amount of CaO and the loss on ignition (LOI). Furthermore, SiO2, MgO and Al2O3 were detected as minor constituents in the composition of the stone samples. Other elements were detected as minor/trace content in the compsoition of samples. Although, the stones shows variable amounts of some constituents such as Na2O or Al2O3 , it is visible that the chemical compsoiton of stone samples of the Temple and the quarry is quite similar. 
The pertographic study showed a layerad texture of micrite to sparite in all samples. There were many veins of secondary calcite in the texture of the samples. Alizarine-red test indicated the presence of sporadic dolomite crystals in the texture of the stone samples. Furthermore, some compact clay veins were visible with dark colors in the microstructure of the samples (Bausch, 1968). The compariosn of the petrographic micrographs of samples from the Anahita Temple and the Chel Maran quarry reveals that they are very similar from textural point of view, in particular, sample CM-2 that was taken from the western part of the Chel Maran mount, where many evidences of quarrying and stone extraction are visible in that area.

Conclusion
The results of chemical and petrographic analysis of the stone samples from the Anahita Temple of Kangavar and the Chel Maran stone quarry showed that the Chel Maran stone quarry was used as a main resource to provide stone blocks for the construction of the Anahita Temple. The analysis indicated that the stone samples can be classified as limestone with some impurities such as SiO2, Al2O3 and MgO that are due to presence of clay minerals and dolomite in the structure of both the stone of the Temple and the quarry. The petrographic studies also showed a micrite to sparite texture with evidences of clay veins and small amounts of dolomite spread in the texture of the stones. The results obtained proved the similarity of the chemistry and the texture of samples from Anahita Temple and the quarry which indicate that the ancient quarry of Chel Maran was one of the source of the stones used in the historic monument of Anahita Temple.

Abstract
The bronze coins of Antiochus III that are dated to the time of his great expedition to the East come from a mint in Ecbatana. The obverse depicts the diademed head of the king, whereas the reverse shows a grazing horse or a mare with a foal. Both motifs were absent from Seleucid coinage, but direct analogies can be found in Achaemenid seals. By placing these motifs on his coins, Antiochus III was likely attempting to portray himself as the rightful king of Iran. 
Keywords: Antiochus III, Coins, Horse Motives, Grazing Horse and a Mare, Iran, Greece. 

The coinage of Antiochus III, the Great (223-187 BC) featured various kinds of the horse motif. Whereas some depictions portrayed the king as a charging cavalryman with a spear,II others presented horses by themselves. The obverse of the bronze coins minted in Ecbatana show the diademed head of the king. The reverse depicts a grazing horse with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1264-1967; Newell, 1938: 213-214, cat. no. 618-621, Pl. XLVI, 13-18). The same mint produced bronze coins with an identical obverse and a different depiction on the reverse, although with the same legend. The reverse features a mare with a foal (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1268-1971; Mørkholm, 2001: 118, Pl. XXIV, 367; Newell, 1938: 214, Pl. XLVII, 1-8) (Fig. 1). The horses on the reverses seem to be naturally connected with the place where the coins where minted; Ecbatana, the capital of Media.III The presence of these animals on Antiochus III’s coins is currently interpreted as a reference to the role the Median cavalry played in the royal army. It is difficult, however, to directly link these depictions with battle.  
In accordance with T.E. Newell’s classification (Newell 1918: 6-10), the way Antiochus III’s head is depicted on the aforementioned coins with a grazing horse belongs to the B type, which is analogous to the coins that present the king as a rider. On the coins with a mare and a foal, the face of Antiochus seems to be younger; it should therefore be concluded that they were most likely struck earlier. However, taking their theme, the depiction of horses, into account along with the fact that the coins were struck at the same mint in Ecbatana, it is assumed that they were issued roughly at the same time (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462). The B-type coin is likely from the time period of ca. 211-209/8 BC (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 358-359) or 209/8-207/6 BC (Newell 1938: 216).
While acknowledging the above-mentioned differences, it seems that the issues featuring horses on the reverses should be associated with Antiochus III’s expedition to the East in 212-205 BC,IV which was also indicated by the place of their minting. Media directly bordered the country of the Arsacids and constituted a significant point during Antiochus III’s expedition. The king was in Ecbatana in 211-210 BC, which was memorialized on bronze coins struck at uncertain mint 73, a military mint associated with Ecbatana. The coins, dated to 210 BC, depicted the diademed head of the king on the obverse and an elephant with a mahout and a tripod (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 463-464 cat. no. 1272-1274; Newell, 1938: 220-221, cat. no. 632-637, Pl. XLVIII, 6-11.), or an elephant with an anchor, on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 464 cat. no. 1275-1277; Newell, 1938: 224-225, cat. no. 648-651, 654, Pl. XLIX, 4-6). The depictions of the king’s face on those issues are also recognized as B-type, which suggests that coins with various types of horse images can be dated to a similar time. 
It seems by all means plausible that the horse motif has an association with Media. In ancient times, this country was renowned for its excellent cavalry (Bar-Kochva, 1976: 44) and famed Nisean horses.V Horses played a tremendous role in the culture of Iran (Schmitt 2002). Achaemenid seals have been found to depict a grazing horse (de Clercq 1903: 38, Pl. VII, 102 bis) and a mare with a foal (Tuplin, 2010: 105) similar to the ones on Antiochus III’s coins. The motif of a grazing horse was earlier featured on Seleucus II’s bronze coins from Antioch (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, cat. no. 710; Newell 1941: 168, cat. no. 1163-1166, Pl. XXXVI, 4-8), from where it was most likely borrowed by Antiochus III. Equivalents of this motif as well can be found on Achaemenid seals. A mare and a foal in Seleucid coinage cannot be found in the existing sources, it has to be assumed that this was not a coincidence, but a conscious reference to Achaemenid iconography. 
The objective of Antiochus III’s expedition to the East was the restoration of Seleucid rule over the provinces that had been separated from the empire during the reign of his father, Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226 BC). The successful rebellions of Adragoras the satrap of Parthia (Iust. 41.4.7; Bickerman, 1983: 19; Wolski, 1969b; 1975) and Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria (Iust. 41.4.5; Strab. 11.11.1; Wolski, 1960; 1969a; 1982), together with the Parni invasion under Arsaces I’s command (Iust. 41.4.7; Trog. Prol. 41; Strab. 11.9.2), led to a considerable reduction of the Seleucid territory in the East. The emergence of the countries of the Arsacids and Diodotids significantly weakened the dynasty’s authority and demonstrated that not only the Seleucids were able to rule in the East. This was also vivid proof of the empire’s helplessness, which could encourage other rebellions,- as was indicated by the example of Molon, the satrap of Media and the governor of the Upper SatrapiesVI.
By placing Iranian motifs known from the Achaemenid period on his coins, Antiochus was able to portray himself as the only king of Iran, as opposed to the Parni invaders or Greco-Bactrian usurpers. Neither of the motifs (the grazing horse and the mare with a foal) had military connotations, and their peaceful nature could additionally emphasize the rightfulness of Antiochus III’s rule. From the Achaemenid period came the depictions of a mare with a foal together with a winged disc (Collon, 1987: cat. no 923), which might suggest that this motif had religious connotations. Considering the significance of the horse in Iranian religion, such connotations should not be deemed strange (Briant, 2002: 248-252; Simons, 1994: 170;  Shahbazi, 1987). The accounts of Herodotus (Hdt. 7.40.4), Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.. 8.3.12), and Quintus Curtius Rufus (Curt. An. 3.3.11) suggest the horse was connected with Ahura Mazda, who they referred to as Zeus/Jupiter (Boyc,e 1984; Hoover, 1996: 48; Lorber & Iossif, 2009: 32l; Sherwin-White & Kuhrt, 1993: 76; Olbrycht, 2016: 100). The Avesta described both Tishtrya (Yt. 8.18) and Verethragna (Yt. 14.9) as a white horse, which seems to indicate that the horse was not so much linked to a specific deity but rather represented the idea of the divine. Mare’s milk was used in religious rituals, such as the initiation of Achaemenid kings (Lewis & Llewellyn-Jones 2018: 133). If we are to accept the religious significance of the horse depictions on Antiochus III’s coins, the horse should be construed as a sign of divine support for the Seleucid ruler, which was an important from the perspective of the iconography of power. In fact, Antiochus’ coins had carried references to local cults in the pas as well.VII Reviving old motifs was an important move from the perspective of the iconography of power
Seleucid coinage also featured depictions of horned horses, including the horned horse heads known from the coins of Seleucus  I’VIII and Antiochus IIX Their meaning is interpreted in the context of military strength (Erickson, 2019: 138), although the presence of horns, a symbol of divinity in the Middle East (Erickson, 2013: 124; Troncoso, 2014: 61-62, Svenson, 1995: 40) that, the Seleucids most likely borrowed from Babylon (Anagnostou-Laoutides, 2012: 3-5; 2017: 155-156; Hoover, 1996: 28-29.), suggests that horses had a religious significance. It cannot be excluded that the horned horse symbolized the legitimacy and rightfulness of royal power (Hoover, 1996: 97; Troncoso, 2014: 64).
A horse head, though without horns, is present on Antiochus III’s bronze coin from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The coin, minted after Molon’s rebellion, features the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. Its obverse depicts a young male bust facing three-quarters right in an elephant headdress. The bust is identified with Alexander the Great, although it is also thought to be an idealized depiction of Antiochus III (Houghton & Lorber 2002: 444 cat. no. 1182; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  412A, Pl. XXI, 18; Le Rider, 1965: 25, cat.no. 27, Pl. i, 12). The horse head from the reverse, although it does not feature horns, seems to refer to the coins of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The male bust in an elephant headdress, a symbol or royal power (Troncoso, 2013: 256), has a direct analogy in the coinage of the first Seleucid king, who borrowed this motif from the coins of Ptolemy I (323-283 BC) (Dahmen, 2007: 15, Erickson, 2011: 111; Hadley, 1974: 53).X In his coinage, Antiochus III often used older motifs, which was a conscious reference to the period of the empire’s greatness. The most famous example is the restoration of Apollo with a bow seated on an omphalos in place of the figure of standing Apollo, which had been put on coins by Seleucus II (Erickson, 2009: 195 2019: 125-126). Such a restoration was an obvious reference to the times before the crisis of the monarchy and the loss of provinces in the East.

Conclusion
Antiochus III strove to portray himself as the one rightful ruler of the empire. In the face of rebellions and usurpation not only in the East, but also in the West (Achaeus’ rebellion), the actions he undertook stopped the country’s decomposition and restored the dynasty’s authority. In the East, the king attempted to consistently subdue independent countries, through actions such as fighting a war against Media Atropatene after his victory over Molon or making an expedition to Armenia, which began his great eastern expedition. His goal was to eliminate each center of power that could rival the Seleucids in the East and restore the borders to their status from before the period of his father’s reign. Whether Antiochus III was able to carry out those plans is another issue,XI but they offer context that makes it is easier to interpret the presence of the motifs of a grazing horse and a mare with a foal on his coins from Ecbatana. By using these motifs, Antiochus III made a reference to the Iranian tradition, which enabled him to present himself as the rightful ruler of all of Iran. It cannot be excluded that horses symbolized the divine legitimization of royal power. The sole image of these animals, which were so important in Iranian culture, constituted a clear sign that emphasized the king’s connection with Iran, as well as with the provinces that were separated from the empire and ruled by foreign dynasties. 

Endnote
I. The present article was financed by the National Science Centre in Poland (FUGA 5 scholarship program me, UMO-2016/20/S/HS3/00079). 
II. Bronze coins that feature the king as a rider with a spear come from Ecbatana (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 461, cat. no. 1259-1963). An analogous image is present on the bronze coins of Seleucus II from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (Erickson 2019: 136-138, Fig. 3.11-12; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, 274-275, cat. no. 709, 767-768; Newell 1941: 167, cat. no. 1162, Pl. XXXVI, 1-2). This motif, in the form of a horned rider on a horned horse featured on the drachmas, hemidrachms and tetradrachms struck in Ecbatana, also appeared in the Seleucid coinage of Seleucus I Nicator (Erickson 2019: 43-46, Fig. 1.8; Houghton & Steward, 1999: Pl. P.5.1, 1A; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: cat. no. 203; Newell, 1938: cat. no. 481, Pl. XXXVI, 9, 10). 
III. In his description of Media, Polybius highlighted its unique location in the center of Asia, as well as the country’s wealth and military significance. According to him, there were many cities and villages in Media, and Ecbatana itself was surrounded by Greek cities (Plb 5.44; 10.27.1-3). When describing Media, Strabo mentions the earthquakes that were to destroy numerous cities and two thousand villages (Strab. 11.9.1). Even if those figures are exaggerated, this account indicates the wealth of the country. When Strabo moves on to describe the country under the Parthian dominion, he mentions multiple Greek cities founded by the Macedonians, which demonstrates the degree of Media’s urbanization (Strab. 11.13.6). Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was an important administrative center during the Seleucid period (Aperghis, 2004: 42).
IV. Antiochus III took over Armenia in the first place (Plb. 8.23.1-5, but his real target was the country of the Parni (Plb. 10.28-31), and Bactrian Greeks Plb 10.49; 11.34) . For Antiochus III’s eastern anabasis, see Grainger, 2015: 55-79; Kuhrt & Sherwin-White, 1993: 190-200; Lerner, 1999: 45-62; Wolski, 1996: 87-88; 1999, 75-78
V. The most famous horses of antiquity were named after the Nisaean plain in Media (Azzaroli, 1985: 89; Herzfeld, 1968: 8; Schmitt, 2002). In the New Assyrian Period, these horses were part of the tribute the Medes had to pay to the Assyrians (Shabani, 2005: 8). Herodotus wrote about Nisean horses taking note of their presence in the army of Xerxes I during the period of war against Greece (Hdt. 3.106.2; 7.40. 2-4). According to Strabo, these horses were used by the Persian kings (Strab.11.13.7; 11.14.9). When describing the parade of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daphne, Syria, Polybius lists Νισαῖοι as one of the horse units present (Plb. 30.25.6). The name, which clearly refers to Nisean horses, suggests that the unit was comprised of Iranian riders who came from Media (Sekunda, 1994: 22). According to another interpretation, they may not have been from Media, but were armed in a similar manner as the Medes (Bar-Kochva, 1979: 74). 
VI. The causes and course of Molon’s rebellion were described by Polybius (Plb 5.43-54).
VII. In order to memorialize his victory over Molon, Antiochus III struck coins at Susa featuring a female head in an elephant headdress on the obverse and the goddess Artemis with a bow on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 454 cat. no. 1224-1225; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  410-411). Nanaia from Susa and Anahita from Iran, who were identified with Artemis during the Hellenistic period, were probably also portrayed as the Greek goddess (de Jong, 1997: 273; Martinez-Sève, 2015; Le Rider, 1965: 293-296; Tarn, 1966: 69). The image of the goddess can be interpreted as an expression of the local deities’ support for Antiochus, similarly to an analogous image known from a coin of Seleucus II that wad also struck in Susa (Iossif & Lorber, 2009 109).
VIII. The image of a horned horse head is known from the obverse of silver tetradrachms that feature an elephant and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ on the obverse were struck at Pergamon (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 1.2.) and an uncertain mint likely located y in Asia Minor (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 2). A half of a horned horse appears on coins minted in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 474, add. 16, 18).
IX. A Syrian mint in Europos (Dura) struck bronze coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and a bow on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 115, 136-137, cat. no. 367-368; Newell, 1941: 80, cat. 882-883, Pl. XIII 9-10). In Bactria (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 161, cat. no. 469, 471; Wright, 2010: 117-118, Fig. 67) and in Carrhae (Newell, 1941: 47-48, cat. no. 784-787), coins were struck with a horned horse head on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ as well as the head of Seleucus I in a horned diadem. An identical set of images is featured on the coins from Sardes (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 124, cat. no. 322; Wright 2010: 117, Fig. 66) and, Europos (Dura) (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 136-137, cat. no. 363, Newell, 1941: 79, cat. no. 878-879), but with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. From Aï Khanoum (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 151-153, cat. no. 426-434) and an uncertain mint also located in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton, Lorber 2002: 475, add. 21) came coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ with the head of Antiochus I in a hornless diadem on the obverse.
X. For information on the motif of Alexander in an elephant headdress with ram horns in Lagid coinage see: Dahmen, 2007: 42; Mørkholm, 2001: 63-64; Meeus, 2009: 248.
XI. J. Wolski, when indicating the actual failure of Antiochus III’s expedition, referred to his activities in India and comeback to Seleucia through southern Iran as “a military parade”; in fact, Antiochus did not manage to dismantle the country of the Parni or the Bactrian Greeks (Wolski, 1999, 78).

Abstract
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran. Numerous archaeological and artistic works as well as written manuscripts have been remained from the Sasanian period. In the meantime, oral traditions of the period and its inspiration on Islamic era cannot be denied. The Sasanian inscribed bullae are among the most important heritages of this glorious era. This article deals with a technical analysis based on “electron probe microanalysis” to understand compounding materials of the Sasanian bullae. It also stresses on the mineralogy of the bullae’s compounds and raise a question if their manipulation follow any standard(s) or not? Evaluating such a hypothesis, the authors have selected small sample pieces of the bullae from three well-known historical sites: Takht-e Soleyman (West Azarbaijan Province), Qasr-e Abu-Nasr (Fars Province) and Teppe Kabudan (Golestan Province). To answer to main question of the paper, EMPA technique has been selected, which is one of the most accurate tests. Initially, fixed compound elements of each bullae were discovered and then an attempt was undergone to evaluate and compare the bullae compounds of the three Sasanian sites.
Keywords: Sasanian, Bullae, EPMA, Mineralogy, Compound Materials.

Introduction
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran, which was founded by Ardashir I (224 AD), and constituted the last great Iranian empire before the advent of Islam (651 AD).The collapse of this dynasty was so bitter for Iranian identity and nationality, that it can be equal to Zoroastrian final resurrection in some texts.
Varied cultural heritage of this magnificent era, including royal inscriptions, coins, gold and silver vessels, glass containers, seals and bullae belonging to nobles and officials, including  priests, governors and army commanders, can be a proof of the claim. Such archeological evidences have been discovered in most of the historical sites of Iran, especially in Sasanian homeland: Fars province (cf. Gyselen 2006: 25).
Nevertheless these Zoroastrian Pahlavi manuscripts, written heritage, or the Sasanian heritages in the other countries, is out of this paper.
Although so many scholarly works have been published about the history, art and culture of the Sasanian in the past 100 years up to now (Malandra 2005: online), but less effort has been made on technical tests such as fingerprinting of the bullae, analyzing glass works with non-destructive testing, etc. in Iran.  These technical tests are obviously a part of Iranian Studies, Archaelogy and Museum studies. So, we decided to conduct a highly accurate EPMA (electron probe micro-analyzer) test on some Sasanian bullae in three different geographic regions. This paper describes the results for the first time. We avoided ICP (Inductively Coupled Plasma) test or other destructive technical tests. EPMA is one of the safe ways to examine and preserve objects without any damages. In professional ICP technical test a solution, i.e. part of an object with a liquid should be made, but such a test runs counter to the rules. 

Sasanian Bullae 
The Sasanian inscribed bullae are one of the most important remnants from this great cultural period. These works are most important references in archeological studies and Iranology, etc. such as research on artistic aspects and inscriptions (including individual names, their designation and religious legends). The bullae were also used in administrative matters, both in political affairs and in commerce (Gyselen 2002: 24). Several collections of Sasanian bullae has been discovered in Iran’s provinces most of which have been printed by Western scholars (cf. Gignoux and Gyselen 1987). These works have been made out of raw mud which has been kneaded with hands and are mostly in rounded form. In an overview, most of them are looks like the same in shape and color. The largest collection of Sasanian bullae is discovered from Takht-e Solayman. 
However, this article doesn’t focus on historical, artistic and administrative aspects of the works (cf. Azarpay 2003: online; Gubaev et al 1996: 56); but the authors of the paper are looking to find out how well the makers of these bullae were familiar with the knowledge of mineralogy? Whether they used any standard(s) to extract mines or select initial mud for the creation of these works? Whether technical tests, based on analyzing of the compound materials of the samples, can improve us about ability and knowledge of the makers? How much similar or dissimilar are those compound materials from a site to another one? 

Background
In the past years, some scholarly works were published based on the technical tests (or chemical) on metals, ceramics, bronze and porcelains. Most of them used “XRF” or “PXRF” (cf. Ashkanani 2013: 245; Tanasi at al 2017: 222-234). Meanwhile no chemical or other tests have been reported on bullae
Furthermore, the results of the tests such as XRF and the like cannot be comparable with the technical test of EPMA. While the other tests are destructive, EPMA is completely safe. Moreover, it is much easier for scholars to access to the ancient archeological works such as ceramics and bronze rather than bullae.

Selecting Samples of the Bullae from Three Historical Sites 
To answer the above mentioned questions, we selected samples from three known Sasanian sites (Iran) including: Takht-e Soleyman in West Azarbaijan ProvinceI, Qasr-e Abu Nasar in Fars ProvinceII and Tappeh Kabudan in Golestan ProvinceIII . The samples were selected from the Department of Seals and Coins of the National Museum of Iran, where the bullae of these three sites are kept. The samples were sent to Research Institute of Processing Minerals of the Ministry of Industry, the only holder of EPMA instrument in the country; Mr. Qolizadeh and his colleagues were responsible to do the technical test. Two small pieces of bullae were selected from each above mentioned site (Bullae) and sent for the EPMA test. Meanwhile, the team was unable to use the “polish section” test on the basis of BSE because of ICHTO rules; also the EPMA photos are of a higher resolution.  Obviously the resolution of %10 - %15 is enough for such a test and there is no need for resolution of %1 -%2. In this work, the expert team used the BSE shooting method, which means “backscattered electrons (for photography)”. The following, charts indicate the compound materials of the samples:
According to the charts, close similarities have been seen in the compounds of the Takht-e Soleyman samples except iron. Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s samples could be considered of having the same similarities next to Takht-e Soleyman. In fact, remarkable dissimilarities between the examples of these two sites can be seen in those of Teppeh Kabudan. 
Meanwhile the question arises as: “why there are such similarities and dissimilarities between the compounds?” 
Takht-e Soleyman is one of the most sacred, important and well-known Sasanian sites. Enough has been said and written about the religious aspect of the site for the Zoroastrianism (Boyce 1987: online) and Iran under Sasanian; the very important works of the Sasanians have been discovered in this site (Gobl 1976). This site is geographically surrounded by the nearby mountains so that the craftsmen accessed probably to the mines of clay. It is not reasonable to suppose that they transferred mud from far away!
Although Qasr-e Abu Nasr is one of the most important Sasanian sites, but it cannot be compared with Takht-e Soleyman. Meanwhile archeological excavations attest its rank in Sasanian studies. The Achaemenid evidences from Qasr-e Abu Nasr can be considered as a part of archaic background of the site (Frye 1973: 8).
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is almost unknown,in which the least excavations have been conducted. Sasanian bullae from Tappeh Kabudan in the National Museum of Iran have been discovered in the site accidently. The lack of the archeological excavations to get more information about the site from one side, and its special geographical location in Golestan Province which has been surrounded by the mines, fertile hills and rivers from another side, differentiate Tappeh Kabudan from the previous sites. Most probably the craftsmen who worked in Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr cannot be compared with those in Teppeh Kabudan. Post-Sasanian texts have frequently referred to Sasanian kings who visited Takht-e Solayman for the ritual rite. Also a royal gateway of Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s site can be assumed as a connection between the site and the Power, while there is no trace in this regard on Tappeh Kabudan. It seems that Takht-e Solayman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr were two significant political and religious sites in Sasanian era.
In spite of this, we need many other samples from the north, south, east and west sides of the country to determine similarities and dissimilarities of the bullae. However such destructive tests on objects are illegal, we were unable to find more samples. 

Conclusion
The Sasanian bullae are one of the most outstanding heritages for understanding the administrative geography of Iranshahr in the eraIV These bullae have been widely used in administrative matters, especially in the trade.
They belonged to the nobles and ranked class such as the priests, army commanders, provincial governors, tradesmen and etc. Despite the scholarly works, the technical tests to analyze the compounds of the bullae have not been done yet. As any destructive test is prohibited according to the rules, we need broken fragments and pieces for doing such a test on the bullae. In fact we hardly received a few number of the samples for EPMA test from the National Museum of Iran. 
The EPMA is one of the most accurate technical tests for analyzing the compound elements of the archeological clay objects; thus it can serve as a gateway to other tests on the other clay works such as jars, bowls and etc. The result of our technical test testifies that the bullae compounded from fixed elements, the issue that has not been studied during the last century. 
The results of the tests show that the makers prepared raw mud very accurately; so that they did not use the raw mud of anywhere. The similarities of the compound’s elements of the two most important sites of the Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr show that the makers have had good information for selecting the mud. These similarities have been certified as a standard selection of raw mud for Sasanian bullae. However, a question arises as to whether those who provided the mud were same as who kneaded it?
 It cannot be also ignored that most of these bullae date back to the late Sasanian (sixth century A.D.). Obviously during the sixth century art, music, coinage technique, and probably the knowledge of how to prepare mud for such a work had reached its peak. At least The percentage of silver in Sasanian coins is a good attest for standardization in this century. However the tests, which have been done on the bullae, testify the skill of the makers of these works.
Furthermore this achievement is a significant event in archeology, Iranian studies, and etc. Takht-e Soleyman, as a sacred religious site, was probably a place where craftsmen and masters worked in. The specific geographical location of this Zoroastrian site would have possibly provided the artists with a unique opportunity to look for their required mud within the site and nearby. Perhaps the similar compounds of the bullae can be considered as a proof to testify that makers extracted mud from specific mine(s) of that region.  
Many masterpieces have been discovered from Qasr-e Abu Nasr site in Fars province.  Similarity in compounds of the bullae of this site, same as Takht-e Soleyman, can be a claim that craftsmen followed a kind of standards for their works. Historical sites of Fars province, homeland of Sasanian kings, have played a significant role on Sasanian studies since the last century.
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is a less known site in archeological studies, especially on Sasanian era. A considerable difference is being noticed in the percentage of the compounds of the samples of this site in comparison with the two discussed sites. The geographical location of Tappeh Kabudan can be a notable factor that causes dissimilarities between this site and Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr. Against to the archeological knowledge about Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr in the past fifty years, our information about Tappeh Kabudan is not enough. In fact, the results of the tested samples of this less known site, in northern part of the country, cannot be compared with the two mentioned well known Sasanian sites.

Endnote
I. The site was excavated by German archaeologists in 1960s. They discovered a most important collection of the bullae and seals (Osten and Naumann 1961). Meanwhile Mr. Y. Moradi (RICHTO) excavated the site some years ago and discovered more than 300 new bullae: cf.RICHTO, Archive).
II. Qasr or Takht-e Abu Nasre is located in Fars Province, near Shiraz city. The collection of the bullae (and other objects) was published by R. Frye (Frye 1973).
III. Cf. Akbarzadeh and T. Daryaee 2012: online.
IV. The term used by Sasanian inscriptions and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts (Daryaee 2009: 5).

Abstract
In the classical society of the Sassanid era, the clerical class was one of the most important pillars of the community. It had influence, credibility and popularity, and represented an important and influential institution from the lowest to the highest levels of society. This important institution is however not well-known and many uncertainties remain about it. One of these ambiguities is the inner structure of this class, which is still almost unknown. Due to the vagueness of the information coming from various sources other than a few titles, there is almost no precise data about its hierachy. Due to the great importance of this class, a proper understanding of the Sassanid era would not be possible without a proper understanding of the clergy class. This is the topic of the present paper, mainly based on literary material. It could notably be proven that the Zoroastrian clergy of the Sassanid period can be divided into two general groups in terms of the presence or absence of governmental professions and official titles. It is not possible to determine the upper ranks of this class, such as Rad, Dastour or Mowbed, while the head of the clergy class (as the Mowbedān-Mowbed) was a member of the class known as the Sassanid privileged ones (Vozorgan).
Keywords: Zoroastrian Clergy, Sassanid Era, Structure and Hierarchy of the Zoroastrian Clergy.

Introduction
It is difficult to reconstruct the internal structure of the institution of Zoroastrianism. It is due to two fundamental factors: first, the length of the Sassanid era and the dynamics of the society that inevitably led to profound changes and transformations in various institutions during these 430-year periods.  and the second the final prophecy What happened during this time was long after the collapse of this dynasty, which was modified by the same institution in accordance with the goals and purposes of this institution and in accordance with the conditions of the time.  Thus the texts further complicate matters rather than the help solving the problems. For example, in the Sad Dar Nasr is written: “In the case of sin, one should try to repent to the Hirbads and the Dasturs and the Rads.” In this phrase, three important cleric titles or positions are mentioned without any precision concerning their precise attribution (Sad Dar Nasr, Dar-e 45). It is probably explained because the main target audience of these books were familiar with these definitions and titles, and that the authors of the texts did feel consequently the need to explain them clearly. So what is the meaning of the titles used by clerics during the Sassanid period? How did this social class evolve? Almost all scholars who worked on the Sassanid period inevitably dealt with Zoroastrianism, and consequently the institution of the clergy (Christensen, 1368. Frye, 1382. Shaked, 1384. Zarinkob, 1388. De Yong, 1390. Daryaee, 1383. Shaki, 2011. Miri. 2013 &...).

Discussion
Daryaee segregated the Sassanid clergy class “in terms of their rank and duty”, including “Mowbeds, Hirbbads, Dasturs, Dadvars, and Rads”, which meant: the senior clergy, the Fire Worshiper clerics, specialist theologians or jurists, judges and scholar clerics “ (Daryaee, 1392B: 144). It is further shown in this study that it is not possible to deal with the internal division of this class clearly. For example, while Manouchehr, the author of the letters of Manouchehr, introduced himself in his letters as the Rad of Pars and Kerman, at the beginning of his third letter to all Behdinān, he called himself the Hirbad-e Khodāy. On the other hand, some of the categories are sometimes mentioned for a specific task, so it becomes very difficult to determine exactly what each of these positions was. In the Ravayat-e Azarfranbag-e Faroxzadan, in response to the question, “If all members of a family are to be Behdin except one woman, can she become the Padehah Zan?” it is said: “Rads, Mowbeds and Dasturan have to choose a guardian for her.” There are many similar cases in Sassanid texts which make it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions in this regard. Unfortunately, seals are not really helpful as Gyselen points out: “It should be noted that glyptic does not offer anything other than a very few titles or whether the lack of findings was because some authorities needed Have they not used the seal? Or the cause of something else is unclear “(Gyselen, 1995: 123). Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts. The first deals with the official titles and ranks of the Zoroastrian clergy and the second part deals with the informal titles.

Conclusion
- Some clerical titles correspond to official titles, employed in government offices or bureaucracies, while most of clerics were not State employed and devoted themselves solely to religious activities.
- There were clerics who had no position in the clerical hierarchy and were usually referred as clergymen with specific characteristics, such as the title of Zartoshtom, which was probably something like a polar and a disciple.
- Although it is possible to imagine Rads, Dasturs and Mowbeds in the top ranks of the clergy, it is not possible to determine precisely the position of each of these titles in the hierarchy and their priority.
- The clergy class, like other classes of Sassanid society, had a leader whose title varied in different eras. The title Mowbedān-Mowbed is only attested since the middle of this period and probably did not exist in the early Sassanid era. It is still unclear what was the title or name of the head of this class at that time.
- It seems incorrect to distinguish the titles of Mowbed and Mog (Magi), and to place them in two separate degrees in the Zoroastrian hierarchy, at least until the mid-Sassanid era. They have the same linguistic meaning. Of course, in the later periods, and given the dynamics of Sassanid society, a distinction may be drawn between these titles, in which Mowbed took precedence over Magi.

Abstract
The Fars province is one of the most important areas in Iran in term of pre-history archeological studies. This region has good natural talent due to its diverse environmental infrastructures. During the Samnard’s archaeological exploration in the year of 1972 AD, according to the identification of polished red plain pottery in several sites of the Marvdasht plain and excavation of the Tel Bakun in layer 5A, an important period was identified in the Fars chronological sequence which called the Lapui period. Over the past few decades, due to limited recognition of the material-cultural characteristics of the Lapui period and the short duration of cultural continuity (3900-3400 BC), uncertainties such as the precise beginning and end of this period, livelihoods, socio-cultural mechanisms, specialized production and economic remains. The variety of cultural materials obtained has consisted of several layers of settlement, architectural structures, pottery, handicrafts and stone utensils, animal figurines, materials related to administrative and administrative techniques, ornamental and miscellaneous objects that have been studied and evaluated. The present study is related to the study of cultural and settlement materials obtained from the excavation of Lapui mound and its conclusion is a confirmation of the cultural-settling continuation of the 4th millennium BC and the Lapui period in Marvdasht plain which in this research has been addressed.
Keywords: Fars Province, Marvdasht Plain, Lapui Period, Excavation of Lapui Mound.

Introduction
The Kor and Syvand rivers are the important rivers in the Marvdasht plain that have been effective in establishment of settlements and sustaining of them. There are numerous mid- mountain plains along the course of these permanent rivers, the most important of which is the Bayza and Marvdasht plains. The beginning of archaeological activities and sequence identification of the Fars chronology is based more on the sounds of the Louis Vandenberg (Vandenberg, 1952: 54-75). The Lapui period is one of the most important phases of the pre-history chronology of this region and south of the Iranian plateau. This period was named by the characteristic pottery of layer A5 of Tal Bakun and derives from the name of the Lapui Village in the Zarghan area and was recorded in the Fars chronology. The cultural horizon of this period dates from about 3900 to 3400 BC and fills the gap between the cultures of the Bakun and Bansh.
Necessity and Purposes of Research: The importance and necessity of excavation of the Lapui Mound is actually the accumulation of cultural data within the archaeological deposits that have led to an understanding of objective relationship of the material and layers with each other, and so far this has not happened in the excavations of this cultural period in the Marvdasht plain. The main objectives of this study are to clear up the ambiguities mentioned above in the Lapui Period and to determine its cultural sequence in chronology of the South Zagros and Fars cultures in Marvdasht plain.
Research Question and Hypothesis: The most important question in this research is to study and analyze the cultural and settlement data which obtained from excavation of mound, in order to explain the 4th millennium BC of the Fars. To explain such a journey, the hypothesis of the achievements of excavation of this site can be stated that the diversity of cultural materials found in the various sections of architecture and the various cultural materials is categorical and noteworthy in some respects, identical and close to other similar cultural sites and some are unique.
Research Methodology: In this study, we tried to utilize the results of field research of Lapui Mound and comparative library studies. The most important method of data analysis in this research is based on statistical methods with comparison and analysis. By excavation of the site, significant quantities of cultural material have been obtained. Therefore, the identification of Lapui period and cultural features of this period on the Lapui Mound in the 4th millennium BC, based on the study and analysis of cultural data through field studies, documentary and interdisciplinary studies begin and has been dealt with.

Geographical Location of Lapui Mound
The Lapui Mound is located 3 kilometers south of the Kor River. Its height is about 2 meters, 140 meters’ length and 130 meters wide which cover an area of about 1.2 hectares. The mound is located 1573 meters above sea level (Abdi, 2016).

The excavated trenches in the Lapui Mound
The excavation focused on two trenches, T-1 in the middle of the mound toward to southwestern part of the mound and T.2 in the central part of the mound.

Material and Cultural Data from Excavation of Lapui Mound
During the excavation of Lapui Mound, a total of 6249 pieces of pottery with a total weight of 80.497 kg were obtained. According to the studies, the stone as raw material obtained in the excavation of Lapui Mound with a variety of heated stones, small stone decorative containers, artifacts and stone tools are mentioned.
Findings and evidence of politico-administrative and economic documents such as seals, seal impress, counting tokens, seal the container door and pieces of baked mud have been found in the settlement layers of the Lapui mound.
In all from excavation of the Lapui Monud from Trench 1 in layers 04, 05 and 06, five pieces of intact shale in type of bivalve and fragments of average length 6.5 cm (largest) and 3 cm (smallest), width 4.2 cm (largest) and 1.7 cm (smallest) obtained.

Conclusion
The most important achievement of excavation of the Lapui mound is the identification of archaeological deposits in the site that have been identified and classified into 20 layers and the settlement phases associated with that have been identified in the trenches and stratigraphic sound up to virgin soil. Cultural - material remains obtained from the excavated layers of the Lapui mound along with coherent architecture and variety of identified functions, including workshop, kitchen, residential, and uninterrupted settlement sequences identified in stratigraphy, as an integral part of studies Lapui mound has been great importance in the cultural explanation of the 4th millennium BC and the Lapui period of Fars. The variety of types of structures in the layers reflects the type of temporary settlement with a permanent architectural style, with a coherent and intensive architecture in the site. According to the studies, all the layers and cultural materials belonged to the Lapui period, which dates back to the 4th millennium BC. The results of study and analysis of the little cultural material obtained of Lapui mound indicate the presence of inhabitants of this site during the 4th millennium BC and coincide with the late Bakun period (new Bakun) and the beginning of the Lapui period until the middle of this period clearly and possibly later.

Abstract
Khoy Plain has attracted various tribes in terms of geographical conditions and suitable environmental capacities over the course of thousands of years, and has been the basis for establishing human settlements in different periods. The pattern of dispersion of the areas identified in this mid-range plain in the Bronze Age reveals the emergence and existence of a large center called “Dozdqi”, which in this period becomes a very important center. Dozdaqi with a height of 1200 meters above sea level is an area with more than 16 hectares and 24 meters above the surface of the surrounding area, the highest prehistoric area of the plain, which is located along the permanent river of Ghodvokh Boghan and the springs and wetlands. The existence of a salt mine as an export commodity in this area, as well as obsidian artefacts (imported goods) in 7 different colors. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center Of the 16 hectares.The existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age pottery sherds were collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.
Keywords: Dozdaqi Khoy, Bronze Age, Pottery.

Introduction
The late fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, one of the most important milestones not only in Iranian history, but also in the history of the Near East. This period coincides with major events such as the formation of the first city government, the beginning of urbanization and the expansion of its line.
The ancient Bronze Age in the northwest is part of a widespread culture called the Culture of Kura-Aras (Rezalou and Zaban Band, 2016: 17) or Yaniq’s Culture (Burney and Lang, 1971: 44, Dayson, 1973: 686-7) Is known. n this regard, Dozdaqi  Khoy with an area of more than 16 hectares of the largest settlements in the north of Lake Urmia is related to the Bronze Age, which has cultural works of the Neolithic, Copper, Bronze and Iron Age periods. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center center Of the 16 hectares, he said that the existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. Therefore, attention to the above-mentioned cases, as well as the study of the status of the Dozdaqi area in the Bronze Age, is one of the most important goals of this research in terms of the presence of cultural materials related to the three old, middle and new bronze periods on the site. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age clay collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.

The Dozdaqi Khoy Area
The Dozdaqi area consists of two parts of the east (Dozdaqi area) and the western one (Hill Dozdaqi) separated by a sandy road (Picture 1). This ancient site is located 1.5 kilometers southwest of Khoy city, in the central part and 1 kilometer north of the Amirbiq village, in longitude N: 38.31 23, and latitude E: 44.5514 with an average elevation of 1200 meters The water level is formed in the middle of a mid-range plain and the fertile part of the plain on the eastern side of the Qodwokh Boghan River.
 The most important bio-properties of the Dozdaqi field are as follows: the area of the fertile and cultivated land, the amount of precipitation, the appropriate height, access road, the presence of pastures and suitable vegetation available around the site, fuel resources, abundant water resources and most importantly, there was a salt mine in the east of the area. This ancient work has brought the most important potential and conditions of economic exploitation based on agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and cultural exchanges (salt, rock quarrying, etc.) with neighboring areas.

Typology of the Bronze Age Crystal Enclosures
In this paper, 20 pieces of samples of pottery sherd that were collected during the speculation of the field and area of 1395 from the surface of the site were studied and typified (Plan 1 and Table 1). The color of the pottery is varied, and in this regard, the pottery of the collection can be divided into three groups: brown dumplings, gray dwarfs, red pottery, besides in one color case Black beetle. In making most of the samples, the binder is used in the mineral and the surfaces of the clay are smooth and smooth. On two levels, most of the pottery is covered with thick or thin flowers to peppery, light brown, cream and red. There is also a wheel maker in the collection of handmade pottery. The temperature required to bake most of the pottery has been sufficient. The specimen of the Bronze Age is a hot dip galore comparable to the clay samples obtained from the hills of Yannick (Burney, 1961), Burton-Brown Hill (1948), Haftevan (Burney, 1973), Gijler (Pecorlla,and Salvini, 1984), Cole Tape (Abedi, 2011), the Kohneh Tappeh Cy (Zalaghi and Akhalari, 2007) the Kohneh Pasgah (Akhalari 2008) and the Barouj Tappeh (Alizadeh and Azarnoush, 2002).

Conclusion
The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and prosperity of this site has been in the era of urbanization and urbanization, and it seems that during this period, and for the first time in the plain, there could be a center with an area of more than 16 hectares said that the existence of such a center in the Khoi Plain is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade.

Abstract
Western Iran during the first millennium had been fraught with significant incidents in the Assyrian and the Urartian era. In this historical period, the Mannaean local government had been frequently invaded by the Assyrian and the Urartian. Therefore, these invasions and the need to defend the country and its national structures had obliged the Mannaean government to construct strongholds so as to prevent plunder and destruction. Apparently it is the time a structure is built on Ziviyeh hill which is known to be a castle by researchers. In the present study, according to the major structure of the building and the tombs around this site, Ziviyeh is suggested to be an important temple. Paying careful attention to this structure and the excavated areas around the Ziviyeh hill, it is claimed that at that time, besides constructing castles, Mannaean government used to build some buildings for undertaking specific rituals. This must be noted that religious rituals had always been of considerable importance for the governments. The major question is: lf the structure discovered in Ziviyeh is not a castle, what had been used for? Explaining this, the authors have tried to hypothesize that the probable use of the Ziviyeh structure had been religious and ritualistic circa 7^th to 9^th century B.C. in the Western Iran. This study having an analytical-historical approach, using field studies and library data, tries to introduce the structure and study data and their co-relations.
Keywords: First Millennium, Mannaean, Castle, Worship, Ziviyeh.

Introduction
In 7^th to 9^th centuries B.C the Mannaean, an independent Iranian government, was located in the West of Iran. It was on the way of bordering governments of the Assyrian and Urartian and therefore it was invaded frequently. These invasions caused the Mannaeans, similar to other governments, to start constructing castles and strongholds in order to survive these attacks, as well as other constructions such as temples. Due to their locations on the way of invading governments they constructed these temples on highlands to prevent plunder age. One of these temples is located in Ziviyeh on high hills. So far, this structure has been considered to be a castle by researchers. Based on new researches, considering the structure of the enclosure, its location on the hilltop and the variety of cemeteries surrounding it, this study is an attempt to suggest that the structure is a temple.

Problem Statement
 The ancient hill of Ziviyeh has been introduced as a castle for seven decades. The important point is the believability of this structure functioning as a castle. Researchers may have considered it to be a castle because it was located on the way of invading bordering governments or because it was on the hilltop. This study tries to suggest another probability; regarding the centrality of the Ziviyeh structure and close studying of the surrounding sites within a particular radius of 10 kilometers with due regard to the excavated cemeteries surrounding the hill, the structure is probably a religious temple. 
  
Goals and Objectives
The Mannaeans were frequently invaded by neighboring governments which like other governments it resulted in construction of strongholds. Constructing other structures such as temples alongside governmental castles was a governmental obligation. Regarding the remaining of its structures and various golden artifacts found there, Ziviyeh hill’s structure has more characteristics of a temple than those of a castle. If we could prove that Ziviyeh’s structure was a temple, we might be able to change the attitudes and the approaches of Iranian archeological investigations on religious beliefs of those people.
    
Methodology
Historical descriptive-analytical approach has been used for this study; and by using field and library studies the structure and its function are introduced and the data has been analyzed and its relations to the structure has been discussed.  

Argument
The Ziviyeh structure is built on an uneven area which its natural slope rocks helped its architects. The remains consist of a stone stairway entrance surrounded by pillars, chambers, warehouses, a pillared hall, stone benches, and a paved yard. The achieved divisions can be categorically compared with those of Nush-i jan. With due regard to lack of any battlements being found, primarily we may deduce that it has only an adoptive structural likeness of a castle. It has to be mentioned that one of the most important characteristics of a castle is the existence of battlements, which is absent in Ziviyeh structure.   
In case of considering Ziviyeh a temple, regarding where it is located on highlands, it should have been an important temple in Mannaean era. The entrance stairway has three pillars which are redundant in a military castle because they have decorative purpose. Moreover, the existence of numerous chambers used to store grains and provisions, also could have been places to store gifts presented to the temple by people. The existence of a pillared hall is another redundant element in a castle because a castle is a military structure which is invaded frequently and may sustain huge damage.  Based on my hypothesis the hall was used as a place for congregations.        
The variety and quantity of graves including familial, individual, shared, and in some case buried collected bones and skulls (similar to Changbar graves) indicate the respectability of this structure circa mid-9^th century to mid-7^th century B.C.
 
Conclusion
Ziviyeh was on the way of frequent invasions of the Assyrian and Urartian and as it could be considered a castle to defend, it also could be considered a temple for performing religious rituals, being placed on hilltop to prevent plunder age. This hypothesis is worthy of attention due to the found artistic and decorative artifacts, probably offered to the honored resident of the structure. It may be deduced that Ziviyeh structure was a sacred temple, where people offered gifts to in order to worship their God(s) and honor the resident person. They buried their loved ones near this sacred place. Changbar and Malamacha cemeteries are of these types of cemeteries which the variety of burial methods indicate ritualistic burials. 

Abstract
The motifs in Iranian art carry the concepts and themes that represent the worldview of human societies; the motifs that embody the seals reflect the legacy in which the context was created. The present study studies and analyzes animal motifs on lattice seals in southeastern Iran; one of the most interesting phenomena of the Bronze Age cultures in Iran is the prevalence of lattice seals in the southeast of Iran. These types of seals are generally made of bronze as well as silver in rare cases, and various alloys made with the missing wax method. The purpose of the present study is to identify their concepts and themes and to identify the factors that were involved in creation of the motifs of this period. It should be noted that these seals are made in the form of squares, circles and triangles and include geometric, plant, human and animal motifs. No substantiated theory has been put forward regarding the importance of substances on metal lattice seals. Obviously, information extracted from specimens used in the lattice seals of the southeast Iran during the Bronze Age can greatly shed lights on many of the ambiguities in this area. From this point on, we attempt to document the various conceptual and content dimensions of the design, based on a descriptive-analytical research method, relying on a library study method and assuming that the design of these designs is based on the surrounding nature and Indicates the importance of animals in the live hood of the people in this area, we discuss and analyze. The findings of the study indicate that these animals depicted on the seals have a significant influence on the lifestyle and status of these animals in the religious and intellectual beliefs that overwhelm in this area.. 
Keywords: Iran, South East, Seal, Compartmented Seal, Animal Motifs.

Introduction
Since the emergence of man on the scene, his attention has been focused on animals. animals have become an integral part of his life. This attention in the Paleolithic times was in the form of paintings on the caves wall, which somehow created a sense of power and superiority over these creatures, and somehow reflected his mastery over hunting. In this way, archaic man, without writing, only made the future known to his imagination and beliefs, instead of just visual arts. However, today’s human beings cannot experience their ancient culture and discover their mystery. Because some of the elements that today seem trivial and are part of human biological practices were once sacred and divine to them. Scientists and anthropologists have different views on the emergence, evolution, transformation, and diversity of the gods. But we can still draw a weak line from this. It may be somewhat plausible that it has a direct relationship with the production system and the environmental characteristics of humans in the emergence and development of gods. From the logic of practical philosophy, man has created gods at the shepherd stage that are different from the gods at the agricultural stage (Darwish, 65: 1355). During the Neolithic period, this dependence was inseparable from the extent to which humans were interested in domesticating animals and using them in their daily life (agriculture and animal husbandry). He also designed and used animal bones on his artifacts, including pottery. And it has benefited from agriculture and commerce. During the Bronze Age, the interest in animals was not only diminished, but also had a special place in the way that the role of animals was performed on reticular seals specific to southeastern Iran. Important questions that are addressed in this study are: What is the role of the applied seals and for what purpose? The purpose of this study is to determine the status and importance of these animals in the life cycle of these populations, and the hypothesis is that the function of animals is essential in the economic and livelihoods of these populations.

Animal Motifs
Thousands of years have passed, and humans have continued to ambush, trap, or hunt for their own livelihoods and for the survival of their generation. The hunter-gatherer thus established a long, intimate, unbroken bond with the animals through hunting, and owed his long life to them. It is not clear to us what kind of animal that human was feeding at that time, or what beliefs, beliefs, and beliefs they had. Our scant information only includes the remains of bones and the kind of tools that come from ancient sites and give a very clear picture of those communities. However, this little information suggests that from a Paleolithic perspective, everything was sacred. “Everything that human beings have used, felt, seen and loved, has become a holiness magazine,” says Mircha Eliade. Therefore, even the animal, which was all human, could not be sacred (Eliad, 32: 1372). The first evidence that we can find in the hunter-gatherer beliefs and ideas is the paintings they left in the dark caves. And. Perhaps these paintings “were a means of human control of the animal and of the animal being called to the hunt. In this way, the man was supposed to first capture the prey in the depths of the cave and to take his carcass out of the cave easily” (Asadian Khorramabadi, 58: 1358). Animals such as eagles, scorpions, cows, goats and fish are found in the lattice of southeastern Iran. It seems that due to the presence of such animals in this region, they have been engraved on the seals.

Conclusion
Thousands of years have passed and humans have been lurking for animals to feed themselves and their offspring, trapping them or hunting them with very simple and basic hand tools. The most important manifestation is the role of animals in their beliefs. Totem and totem worship. According to them, their great soul has become an animal or a bird after death, as a result of which all of them have been created from an animal or a bird. Therefore, this animal or bird was sanctified by them, and in all aspects of their lives, such as religion, magic, ordinary and everyday currents, especially artistic creations, it was manifested and found a significant presence. By examining the animal motifs used on the south-eastern lattice seals, their importance in the life of the people of this period can be achieved. This importance has been so highlighted and valuable that they have illustrated their artifacts. It is also possible to understand the existence of this type of animal in its bed and environment and its functional role in providing livelihood and subsistence economy of the people of this period. Animals whose importance and position are rooted in the thoughts, ideas, beliefs of these people.

Abstract
The present paper is about the result of two seasons of archaeological exploration in the southwest of Kaleibar Township in the Arasbaran Area of the East Azerbaijan Province. The first season of archaeological exploration was conducted in 2014 and the second season was conducted in 2016. The purpose of the first season of exploration was salvage exploration to identify ancient sites in the area within the Peiqam- Chay Dam. Regarding the Tumulus that were discovered in the area of this dam, and considering their incomparability in the northwest of Iran, the second season of the exploration was carried out and in 2016, the area was re-examined. In this survey, the role of geographical factors such as altitude, distance and proximity to the river and the springs, the percentage of slope and access to pastures in the creation of ancient rural settlements were analyzed. concerning the distance and proximity to the river, it was found out that almost 95% of the ancient settlements were located 500 meters or less far from the rivers and most of them were located at altitudes of 1400 to 1500 meters, considered a suitable altitude for residence. In terms of slope, the settlements were created at a slope of less than 10%. With the Geo-Reference of the map, the nowadays nomadic roads were estimated on the map of the study area, which the sites identified on that, the human has used the path to migrate three thousand years ago, as today’s tribes also traverse. Therefore, it can be proven that the migration pattern has continued here for three thousand years, and the chosen human model has been a nomadic or semi-permanent life style. 
Keywords: Kaleibar, The Analysis of Settlement Patterns, Spatial Distribution, Peiqamchay River.

Introduction
In archeology, reconstructing the natural environment is trivial in order to understand how ancient settlements taking advantage of geography science, since the influence of human and environment throughout the life of the planet has been unequivocal.
In this study, the factors affecting the formation and distribution of human settlements and the spatial distribution were considered. A total of 72 ancient sites were identified in two seasons with two types of settlement patterns, permanent settlement and pastoral nomadic settlements. The method of exploration in this study was pedestrian survey and stepwise scrolling. The whole study area of 306 square kilometers was surveyed and scrolled. The relationship between the identified sites with the river and its distance, height from the sea level, the proper slope of the land for settlement and its overall environmental status were carefully analyzed. 
The exploration was carried out based on maps of 1.25000, site visits and surface sampling. Finally, the findings were analyzed in the Global Mapper program. The study area was morphologically taken intoconsideration from the past, by the livestock communities due to its high mountains, deep valleys and mid-mountain plains and its placement in the nomadic tract. Because of its proximity to the valley of the Aras River, the small Caucasus Mountains (South) and the Qara Baq of Azerbaijan, as well as the Kaleibar Chay River, and suitable annual rainfall, it has a humid climate, the existence of the Arasbaran forests was its most important feature. All of these factors have made the climate suitable for a settlement of at least 3,000 years ago for the communities in which it resides. 

Field Work
The method of this study was field survey and almost all the study area was surveyed. the majority of the sited restricted into the historic Kurgans and sites of the first millennium BC which were obtained in the southern regions. The study of sea level elevation indicated that almost all of ancient settlements were formed at altitudes of 1400 and 1500 meters above sea level. Slope percentages showed 5 Kurgans (first millennium BC) less than 5% slope, 18 slope effects between 5 to 10% slope, 20 slope effects between 10 to 20% slope effect, and slope between 20 and 30 slope effects. And 1 effect on the slope between 40 and 50%. There is a direct correlation between the river and the number of sites. As we move away from the riverbank, the number of yards’ decreases, and the closer we get to the river, the greater the number of yards. But in the southwestern part of the region the volume of sediments is higher and probably part of the buried archeological findings. The item of Resilient lands indicates that the topography of the river bank in the southern part due to the mahogany collision was not necessary for settlement.
The adaptation of the modern nomadic tribes showed with the map of the identified ancient sites. The route of the ancient nomadic nomads is somewhat in line with the present-day route, and of course there is some change in direction.

Conclusion
In general, this paper seeks to examine the role of environmental factors on shaping the human ecological spaces of the first millennium in the city of Kaleibar, and finally, the ecological factors have been survived three thousand years ago in the life of the modern nomad tribed, are being analyzed.
Referring to the types of landscape, it should be noted that those areas which are located closest to the Peiqamchay River and its main valley, due to their location on agricultural land, are within the average height of 1500 m. suitable climate, proximity to the river, easy access to exchange routes, the richness of alluvial soils, forest cover and the rich rangelands of its peripheral parts make it possible to establish permanent habitats. The best example of these areas is in the southern half of the Peiqamchay Valley. The type of landscapes in the northern part of the city can be very difficult to identify, but given the high altitude of this part of the city and its cool climate for half a year, the existence of mounds, river avoidance and proximity to many springs, the rich rangelands, along with the slight scattering and excessive corrosion of the pottery, may be attributed to the settlers in this area. The relative results in both the north and south sections of the study area of the valley indicate the dominance of the nomadic or semi-permanent settlement patterns.

Abstract
Pottery as one of the major handcrafts of human societies plays an important role in rebuilding past culture and civilization. Classification, typology and chronology of pottery are of great importance in archaeological studies. The abundance and variety of pottery in situ has made it possible for the archaeologist to obtain the best cultural evidence for the recognition of ethnicities and communities. Pottery documentation and species identification is one of the technical principles in archaeological studies. One of the less well-known areas in the archaeology of Iran’s historical period, especially in the Sassanid period, is the present-day area of Isfahan Province in the Central Iranian Plateau. Introduction and study of Shirkouh Naein area previously carried out by Alamdar hajiAlian was selected for the research since it was evaluated in terms of statistical population and type of cultural materials of the Sassanian era from both architectural and cultural point of view. 
Keywords: Classification, Typology, Chronology, Sassanian Islamic Pottery, Epistemology, Shirkooh Naein.

Introduction
The research method is descriptive-comparative and the results have been analyzed based on comparative studies. In fact, this article focuses on documentary studies, especially and studying written documents and field studies. Also, using the results of archaeological field survey, the obtained pottery was classified, classified and finally compared with the key archaeological sites of this period, and their results were compared.
 
Describe the Area of Shirkooh Naein
Naein, in Isfahan province, is a town located in the desert margin. Pakooh region is one of the villages of Naein located in the northwest. The ancient site of Shirkooh is in the vicinity of Separo Village located 6 kilometers away from the west of it. Due to its strategic location, this region has always been suitable for human settlements. Among the evidence which represents a Sassanian settlement in Shirkooh, one can mention a fortress, a Čahārṭāq (four arches), and Soffeh (Terrace platform). Before briefly discussing the main topic of the article, each will be briefly mentioned.

Čahārṭāq (Four arches)
The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh, located in the central part of Naein, can also be placed in this category. In 2002 (1381) the monument was listed as a national property of Iran with the registration No. 7222 and after that, it was restored by Shah-Hosseini. The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh is a square-shaped structure with approximate dimensions of 10 meters. Its current height is 12/40 meters, dome height is 6/10, and the internal height is 6/59.

Shirkooh Fortress 
The position of this fortress is in such a way that on top of it the Čahārṭāq is visible and on the other hand, the fortress is pretty obvious from the center of Čahārṭāq. Thus, these two structures are not far from each other. The plan of the fortress is almost irregular and a steep slope makes it hard to reach. The materials used in the construction of the fortress are cobblestones for the walls, mud-brick in towers and plaster as the main mortar of the entire building. At the interior of the fortress there is a rectangular structure which its directions are north-east south-west and somehow overlooking the low level of the plain and the village. Due to unauthorized excavations inside the fortress, a piece of plasterwork was found; this piece is 16 cm long and 9.5 cm wide and its surface is engraved.

Terrace Platform of Shirkooh (Soffeh)
Terrace platform is located at 38 7.33 N, 52 59 24 E. It is constructed at the farthest end of the site which connects it to the mountain. The main construction material of this Soffeh consists of cobblestones of the river. Since this terrace platform is flat and elevated, from the top of it the fortress and Čahārṭāq are remarkably visible.

Classification and Typology of Shirkooh Naein Pottery Found
The Sassanian Islamic pottery of the Shirkooh area of Nain County is varied in form Data were obtained from three Čahārṭāq sections, Shirkooh fortress and Soffeh. A total of 760 pieces of pottery (Sassanian and Islamic) were collected in the study of Alamdar haji Alian. Then, during field re-examination by the authors, 80 pieces of pottery (Sassanian and Islamic) were collected from the surface of the site; The present study was classified 63 stratigraphic fragments, typology and finally chronology. From a comparative study of 63 pieces of pottery obtained from surface examination, the number of fragments is as follows: edge 52, body 3 and floor 8; From the above-mentioned pottery, 42 pieces from the Sassanid era and 21 pieces from the Islamic era were identified. The color of the pottery is one of the most prominent features of pottery considered in the classification of pottery. This color is divided into three main groups of brown, pea, and red in the Sassanian Shirkooh pottery.
In addition to the aforementioned cases, the classification of the studied pottery of Shirkooh Naein into its fragments has also been considered. Accordingly, the rim components can be classified into eight distinct groups. Based on the typology of the pottery, five types were identified: Bowls, jars, earthenware, dish and bottles that make up the largest number of bowls and jars in the earthenware collection.

Suggested Chronology of Sassanian Shirkooh Pottery
One common way to identify the presence or absence of communication between cultural communities in neighboring areas is to compare their cultural artifacts with each other. To relate these potteries to relative chronology, to match the samples to Sassanian sites excavated and to have chronologies and sites found from archaeological excavations in Iran: Hajiabad, Mellian, Abou Nasser Fars Palace, Yazdgerd Castle, Oltan Ghalasi Dasht Moghan, Torang Tapeh Gorgan, Defensive Wall, Bandan Darges, Siraf and ete, and out of Iran archaeological excavations of Tal Aboushrifa, Kish and Bergotiat in Iraq, Kusad United Arab Emirates. Accordingly, it was found that the type of pottery studied in Shirkouh was most similar to the set of pottery obtained from surface surveys of Farsan plain, Torang Tapeh excavations in northeast of Iran, Yazdgerd castle and Tall Abusharifah in northwestern Iraq. Given this, Shirkooh is one of the Sassanian sites in the Naein region that has pottery traditions of this period.

Conclusion
Specifications of Shirkooh pottery and their comparison with different Sassanid zones indicate the taste of Sassanian pottery in this region and similar shapes in different periodic zones Sasanian is recognizable. Therefore, Shirkooh pottery is a local and indigenous species that can be seen in other areas. In general, the Shirkooh region is culturally influenced by western evidence such as Yazdgerd castle area and central Iranian plateau, especially east of Isfahan province, Chaharmahal Bakhtiari province and Farsan plain. In fact, based on the typological studies and comparisons of pottery with other Sassanian and Islamic sites, it seems that the settlement is located in Sassanian and early Islamic periods. As we know, the pottery at the end of each period is usually early or even later in the period and does not disappear all at once, such as the area where the Sassanian pottery of the early Islamic Times There has also been a continuing trend and it is difficult to identify.

Abstract
Lowdaricheh is a neighborhood in the town of Burkhar 9 km north of Isfahan. This monument is adjacent to the ancient cemetery, which has become a receational spot today. The northwest-southeast direction of the momument and its plan is a quadrilateral that later interferes. Due to its location 4 kilometers east of the historic city of Gaz (with settlements from the Parthian and Sassanid periods), the study of this building is important in its historical-cultural context. In this regard, while taking advantage of the archaeological survey of the Lowdaricheh quadrangle, it provided a relative understanding of the history of its construction and it’s use and as a basis for future comparative and comparative studies in the area, as one of the first studies of archaeological activity in the city. The most important research questions are the time of construction and the use of the building since its construction. According to preliminary assumptions and with a description of the plan of the building, the Lowdaricheh building of the Sassanid Period and the early Islamic centuries was considered to be religious. This research has been done by examining the history of the building in historical texts, evaluating the materials and decorative elements of the building, analyzing the architectural plan and comparing it with other neighboring and simultaneous buildings. The results of the research indicate that the chartaqi-e- Lowdaricheh building of the Sassanid Period or Early Islamic centuries was used by the (Zarvan-Ardashir) Fire-Temple, which was built by Ardeshir Babakan after the capture of Isfahan at noon in (Khar) village. The entrance of the Islam into the area has changed it from a Fire-Temple to a Hoseiniyeh and to this day its inhabitants use it as a religious building. 
Keywords: Chartaghi, Sasanid, Early Islamic Centuries, Lowdaricheh, Burkhar County in Isfahan.

Introduction
Burkhart city is located in the central areas of Isfahan province. The Mountains Karkas of Height 3000 meters north and northeast and the rest of the area forms a relatively flat plain. The Lowdaricheh quadrangle was visited by the authors in the summer of 2014, during the enlargement of its adjacent bypass. Upon visiting the building, the four-story plan was built and immediately mapped by experts on the site and its contemporary adjacent spaces and with the permission of the Isfahan Province’s Cultural Heritage Office, some of the interior areas were peeled to identify the materials. The historical identity of the building remains unknown to this day.
Aims and Necessity of Research: To understand the identity of the building, it was attempted to provide a relative understanding of the history of construction and use of the building concerning historical texts and archaeological evidence. 
Questions and assumptions: The most important research questions are the time of construction of the building and if the evidence is found and discovered and the know- how of it’s restoration. One of the most important research questions regarding the use of the building since its construction. According to preliminary assumptions and with the outline of the building plan, the chartaqi building of the Lowdaricheh of the Sasanian period and the early Islamic centuries was considered religious. This hypothesis was confirmed by conducting research.
Method: Fortunately, with the permission of the officials of the Isfahan Cultural Heritage Bureau, supervised by the Cultural Heritage Representation of Burkhar, the plasterboard was exfoliated in some parts of the internal body. 3 phases of architecture with different techniques and materials were identified, the first phase having two different sub-phases. Finally, it is attempted to introduce the Chartaqi of Lowdaricheh with a descriptive-analytical approach, in its historical-cultural context and its spatial range, and then to perform comparative studies with a relative land-use approach and dating. 

Description and Introduction of the Building
The monument is Situated 60 meters west of the ruined aqueduct, which is one of the most important water resources in the area. The floor of the building is street well-nigh 122 cm high and all Building wall 466 cm high from level to below the dome. Is Dome height 333 cm. The dome of the Shengeh is 122 cm high. The sides of the building vary from 470 to 480 cm. The width of the current porch is 179 cm and the base of the base is 114 cm. According to the trustee of the building, the entrance to the southeast of the building was blocked by him in 1358 Hijri Shamsi, which shows the entrance to the exterior of the building. The date of blocking the northeast entrance was unclear during the layering and visibility of the materials was found to be of the second phase of the building’s architecture (mid-Islamic period - Seljuk period) and indicates that The rebuilding time is blocked due to the near and unnecessary passage, and only the opening and arch of this entrance can be seen in the interior of the building.
Exfoliation revealed that the building has three phases and several phases of architecture: 1- The first phase consists of a primary building with local materials that has a base of crushed mud and extensions of walls with 32 cm adobe and 8 Cm 2- The second period, which features with interior tile decoration, dome shingle, and shingle tile decoration. This architectural course was created due to the demolition of the original dome and with the aim of rebuilding it by a comparative study with other monuments in the Seljuk period. The materials used in this architectural, 23 × 23×5 cm mud brick, which were common materials during the renovation of the building and were used only in the dome to strengthen the mortar. In the second period of architecture, two rows of the niche have been built in the interior of the building 3- The third phase belongs to the contemporary era with materials of brick and cement to consolidate the main building created in 1358 by the trustee and other residents.

Conclusion
In this article, Lowdaricheh chartaqi is introduced with a descriptive-analytical approach in its historical-cultural context and spatial limits and then the function and history of this structure are explained using a comparative approach. Research results and evidences ranging from similarity of local building materials and plan of Lowdaricheh chartaqi with the pattern of Sasanian fire temples and Chartaqis throughout Iran as well as Marbin and Ardestān fire temples in Isfahan, orientation of Lowdaricheh Chartaqi opposite to Mecca, the absence of signs of Mihrab (the main element of religious buildings of the Islamic era), The use of local materials in construction, lack of tomb signs and the difference with rectangular vaulted tombs of Islamic period, limited interior space of chartaqi and its isolation similar to other chartaqis of Sassanid period, presence of porches and hallways around the structure before the changes made in 1358 Hijri Shamsi and its current religious use, proximity to water resource (a Qanāt is located 60 meters West of the structure), all suggest that Lowdaricheh Chartaghi was a construction from  Sassanid period or early Islamic centuries with religious usage. Upon the advent and spread of Islamic religion in this area, this structure has been preserved like many other monuments because of its religious importance and status as well as clairvoyance of Muslims relative Lowdaricheh to other religions and has changed application as a liturgical-religious structure for newly convert Muslims and is now a Hoseiniyeh. Muslims and is now a Hoseiniyeh.

Abstract
Pure religious and mystical thoughts in the minds of Muslim artists have led to the emergence of a common spirit in all Islamic artworks. Understanding the nature and purpose of Islamic art in the last century has attracted the attention of many scholars and researchers and their studies have led to various theories about the philosophy and wisdom of transcendent Islamic art. Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, including intellectuals who use a traditional approach based on religious and mystical views to explain what, why and how Islamic art - architecture, applied arts and visual arts. The question is: Islamic miniature of Iran based on traditionalist thinkers such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr on what features are similar to other Islamic Arts? In this study, the visual and content characteristics of the Islamic miniature of Iran are explained based on the religious and mystical views of Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr and the degree of similarity of Iranian miniature in form, expression, and meaning with other Islamic arts has been studied. Accordingly, after collecting some of Titus Burckhardt’s and Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s theories on Islamic art and examining several Islamic era miniatures through surveying and documenting, the data obtained have been drafted in a descriptive and comparative method. Finally, data analysis was performed using inductive reasoning. Based on the findings of the research, elements such as form, color, specialization, non-representation and use of writing (in the form of poetry) have given Iranian miniature, like other forms of Iranian art and architecture, special meaning. On the other hand, the form, expression, and meaning of Islamic miniature in Iran are in line with the mystical and religious views of Titus Burkhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and these views are not only true about non-religious and court images. 
Keywords: Islamic Art, Burckhardt, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Iranian miniature, Religious and Mystical Views.

Introduction
Pure religious and mystical thoughts in the minds of Muslim artists have led to the emergence of a common spirit in all Islamic artworks. Like most Islamic arts, Iranian miniature has been subject to the temporal and spatial requirements of each era and has passed developments. Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hussein Nasr are among the scholars whose in-depth studies of nature, why and how of Islamic art have led to theories of Islamic art. In their works, they have described the characteristics of Islamic arts in a mystical and religious approach, and in the meantime, they have sometimes explained them in the visual arts, sometimes in the applied arts and sometimes in architecture.
Research Objectives: The purpose of this paper is to first study and understand the characteristics of Islamic art from traditionalist thinkers (Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr), secondly to compare and analyze the features mentioned in Iranian miniature with other Islamic arts. And third, recognition of the consistency of miniature Iran in form, expression, and meaning to other Islamic arts.
Question: The question is: Islamic miniature of Iran based on traditionalist thinkers such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr on what features are similar to other Islamic Arts?
Research Methods: The research method is descriptive-analytic and research data (images and miniature and taking notes) to the style library (documents) collected. Data obtained by descriptive statistics and comparisons have been drafted. Finally, data analysis using inductive reasoning in terms of the miniature of painting, as an extension of the total is made. On this basis, a number of the miniature have been studied and analyzed and the result has been generalized to the whole miniature in Iran.

Identified Traces 
in this article, important points are explained in a separate heading, including Tradition and Traditionalism, the Relationship of Islamic Art with Pre-Islamic Art in Iran,  Burckhardt and Nasr’s View of the Nature of Islamic Art, the Human Position in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Paint in Islamic Art and Islamic Painting in Iran, Poetry in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Balance between form, Expression, and meaning in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Spaceship in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Lack of Views on Islamic Painting in Iran. For example: In Burckhardt’s view, the characteristic of Islamic art is to be consistent with the spirit of Islam, and this compatibility is at least evident in its core manifestations, such as the architecture of sacred places. Burkhardt states: “Islamic art itself is the concept that comes from its name, without ambiguity” (Burkhardt, 1986: 16).
Nasr also argues that the Islamic view of Islamic mysticism is “art for human” and since man is the caliph of God on earth and a central being at this level, it means that “art is for God” (Nasr, 2013: 291). According to Burckhardt: “Colors are the richness of the story’s inner illumination. Because they are confronted, they are blinding and in harmony with the harmony of the colors that we find in the true nature of the spectacle itself (“ Burkhardt, 1986: 88). According to Nasr: Every color has its allegory. As some mystics and poets have directly pointed out, such as the military sage, and every color has a connotation with one’s inner being and his soul, and its use in various aspects of life has a profound effect on the morale of the people (Nasr, 2004: 5).

Conclusion
According to traditionalist scholars such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, elements such as form, color, specialization, and use of writing (in poetry form) have played an important role in Iranian art. Iranian miniature based on the mystical and religious beliefs of Islam does not merely portray the outward appearance of nature and, by combining tangible and intangible forms, goes beyond material nature.
Colors have also helped to instill Islamic mystical and religious notions in their symbolic and semantic functions in Iranian miniature. Literature, poetry, and written works in the nomadic culture have also had a prominent place, as the word of the revelation of the Qur’an was a written miracle in the Muslim community. Literature, poetry, and written works in Islamic culture have also had an important place, as the word of the Qur’an’s revelation was a written miracle in the Muslim community. The importance of writing culture was that painting was at the service of verses, literary poetry.
Thus, the form or form, color, spatiality and enjoyment of the text as illustrated by the views of Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr in the Iranian-Islamic miniatures also have more or less similar features. It should be emphasized that the above features are common to Islamic miniatures and Islamic art, and this cannot be generalized to non-religious and courtesy examples.

Abstract
Muhammad Zaman, painter of the Safavid era, in some of his paintings has copied the western (“Farangi”) works. He has also used some of the techniques of the Western Modern age painting in some of his original works, having a traditional theme. Among these techniques, perspective has a great significance. In his copied works, Muhammad Zaman has used the perspective correctly, but in his original works, sometimes the perspective has been done correctly and sometimes incorrectly and unaligned. Until now, some commentators have argued that the use of perspective by Muhammad Zaman was due to a kind of incompetency and lack of academic education. In this article, in contrast to this view, it is argued that the point about Muhammad Zaman’s correct/incorrect use of perspective has been underestimated and therefore, there is a need to reinterpret what has hitherto been considered as a simple inaccuracy. In his original works, Muhammad Zaman, has arisen a question about the relation between traditional Persian miniatures and Western painting. Hence, in this paper, by examining some of the original works of Muhammad Zaman, this question is discussed and it is claimed that in the absence of theoretical discussions concerning the relation between the old and the new elements in painting, the inevitable result was the domination of Western perspective on Iranian painting. In other words, the works of Muhammad Zaman can be considered as a vehicle for “thinking”. Imaginary atmosphere of Persian painting and the Western perspective are mutually exclusive, and Muhammad Zaman transformed this incompatibility to the image as a “question”.
Keywords: Muhammad Zaman, Perspective, Painting of Safavid.

Introduction
The title of my Ph.D. thesis was “The problem of basis in theoretical Iranian art studies”. While writing the thesis, I encountered issues that needed further study. Perspective was one of those issues. Formerly, I had read important works such as Panofsky’s Perspective as Symbolic Form and Belting’s Florence and Baghdad: Renaissance Art and Arab Science, but it seemed to me that the Perspective issue in Iran had certain conditions that had to be examined in the greater context of the nature of art in Iran. It is not possible to describe that framework in detail here, but I would point out that at the time of the emergence of perspective in Iranian painting, there was not even a word for “Fine Arts” in Iran. Of course, in Europe at that time such a term had not yet been formed as well, but the situation in Iran was different. So, there was no theoretical understanding of the arts at that time and there was also no treatise on perspective. The issue of perspective was important because, unlike other western techniques, the structure of Iranian painting and western perspective were mutually exclusive. Muhammad Zaman was among the first painters to use perspective, but as I will explain, this use was problematic. In this article, I will try to show how his works can be considered as a vehicle for this problem.   

Muhammad Zaman and the Problem of Perspective
In some of his paintings, Muhammad Zaman has copied the western paintings. In Persian, it calls “Farangi-sazi” (This terms means making paintings by imitating western themes or techniques). In these paintings perspective has been used almost correctly and shows that he was briefly acquainted with this technique. But he also has “original works” which are more important to my discussion. In the latter works, sometimes the perspective has been done correctly and sometimes incorrectly and unaligned. Although these “original works” have a Persian theme, their form is a combination of western and Persian principles.  Contrary to the supposition of a group of researchers, some other scholars have proven that Muhammad Zaman has never traveled to Italy and India. In this article, this issue is not discussed and, instead, his remaining works are addressed. So, in this article, five “original” paintings of Muhammad Zaman are examined: “A meeting between Afrasiab and Garsivaz”, “Fitna and Bahram Gur”, “Simurgh appearing at the birth of Rustam”, “Bestowal of a ring”, and Finally “Head of Iraj presented to Salm and Tur”. I will first show that in them the structure of Iranian painting is combined with the wrong and correct perspectives. There are two hypotheses about the combination of incorrect and correct perspectives of these works: First, Muhammad Zaman did not have a proper understanding of the western linear perspective, which indicates that he had not traveled to Italy and he did not have academic education in painting. The other hypothesis is that he, consciously or unconsciously, realized the contradiction between the Imaginary atmosphere of Persian painting and the Western perspective, and therefore transformed this contradiction to the image as a “question”. In this paper, taking into account some considerations, the second hypothesis is defended. In the final section, two issues are considered: Before Muhammad Zaman and after him. Before him, Behzad, Reza Abbasi and their followers had provided a groundwork for the encounter between Western and Iranian paintings. But perspective was never a problem for them. It was Muhammad Zaman who, using perspectives in his original works, dared and crossed the boundaries of tradition (“Sunnah”). However, he could not find a clear answer. After him, this question was neglected and considered as a style in Iranian painting, the so-called “Farangi-sazi”. His question, however, had the potential to be viewed as a question of painting style, as well as the question about the larger context of our relation with the West.

Conclusion
Iran has inevitably encountered West since the Safavid era, and its arts were no exception. In that time, Muhammad Zaman made new experiences in painting, of which perspective was the most problematic one. His style continued until the Qajar period among some painters. According to some scholars, Kamal-ol-Molk eventually corrected them. But did they make a mistake? Can art be said to be true and false? No! I finally conclude that Muhammad Zaman’s “gaze” was lost, and today we can regard his work as a “visual question” that helps us understand the nature of Iranian art in the modern era.