Abstract
Historic cities, as reflections of the interaction between natural and human forces over different periods, have always provided a basis for studying physical structures and spatial transformations. From this perspective, the historic city of Narāq—due to its particular geographical location along the communication routes from Kashan to western Iran and its access to natural resources and physical elements—has so far remained largely unexamined. The main objective of this study is to investigate and analyze the role of both natural and human geographical factors in the formation of the spatial structure and the physical transformations of Narāq throughout its history, an issue that has not yet been addressed in a comprehensive and systematic manner.   This study employs a descriptive–historical approach, utilizing both documentary and field data collection methods. Historical written sources—including geographical texts, travelogues, waqf deeds, and local documents—were analyzed.  The findings indicate that Narāq’s location along major historical trade routes and its access to water resources, combined with the region’s specific topographical conditions, played a pivotal role in its economic prosperity and in shaping the city’s linear spatial pattern during the Safavid and Qajar periods.  The findings indicate that Narāq’s location along major historical trade routes and its access to water resources, combined with the region’s specific topographical conditions, played a pivotal role in its economic prosperity and in shaping the city’s linear spatial pattern during the Safavid and Qajar periods. The interruption of these communication routes and the economic changes in the contemporary era have led to a decline in the city’s urban functions, creating a spatial disconnect between the historic core and the new urban developments. The research highlights the need to formulate conservation strategies and spatial regeneration plans that aim to restore the relationship between the historic elements and the city’s contemporary structure.
Keywords: Narāq, Historical Geography, Communication Routes, Spatial Structure, Historic City.

Introduction
Previous studies on the city of Narāq have primarily provided a brief examination of its physical fabric and individual historical monuments, without offering a systematic understanding of the role and impact of natural and human geographical factors in the city’s spatial and physical formation and transformation. Moreover, the alteration of communication routes in the contemporary period and the resulting disruption in the continuity of physical and functional connections have posed serious challenges to the city’s historical identity and spatial cohesion.
The central question of this research is how natural factors—such as climate, water resources, and topography—and human factors—including economic, cultural, and political relations—have, at different historical periods and in various ways, contributed to shaping the spatial and physical structure of Narāq, and what consequences this process has had for the pattern of the city’s contemporary development.
The study and analysis of the historical geography of ancient cities—particularly Narāq—is significant because these settlements represent a living reflection of the interactions between natural and human forces throughout history. Understanding the processes that shaped them provides a valuable basis for interpreting their spatial and historical identity, for planning sustainable development, and for formulating policies aimed at conserving urban heritage.
At a time when many of the country’s historic cities are facing crises of identity and physical integrity as a result of contemporary spatial and functional transformations, examining the factors that influenced the spatial formation and evolution of Narāq—as a prominent example of a strategically located settlement on the Iranian Plateau—can help identify development patterns that are better suited to local and historical contexts.
The necessity of this research also lies in filling the existing gap in systematic historical–geographical studies on Narāq and in clarifying the role of communication routes and natural resources in its spatial formation and subsequent transformations—an issue that has been largely overlooked in both national and regional research so far.

Research Questions and Hypothesis: The primary research question aims to identify the key factors that influenced the historical development of the city of Narāq. In particular:
• What role have human factors played in the city’s formation?
The primary hypothesis proposed in response to these questions relates to Narāq’s distinctive geographical position—specifically, its location along major communication routes. Although environmental factors such as water resources and agricultural lands played a crucial role in the formation and subsequent transformation of the city’s spatial structure, these developments were fundamentally shaped by regional connections and the city’s position on important trade routes.

Urban Structure of Narāq
The principal structural elements of a traditional Iranian city typically include: the Arg or Kuhandezh (citadel), the Shahrestan (main residential city), the central urban complex—comprising mosques, madrasas, bazaars, and neighborhood centers—urban connecting spaces such as alleys (guzar), squares, hosseiniyehs, and shrines, the outer section (rabad) with surrounding villages, gardens and farmlands, as well as water-related features such as qanats, cisterns, and icehouses (Tousili, 2012: 34).
Field surveys show that among these elements, Narāq essentially lacks a Kuhandezh (old citadel) that would have formed the basis for the city’s secondary development. This absence may be attributed to the history and type of early settlements in the region, characterized by numerous farmlands scattered across the geographical setting of Narāq. Kalantar Zarrabi, in his History of Kashan, describes it as follows:
“From Narāq, a great river and torrent descend from the mouth of Suk Cham, first from the southern and western highlands of Kashan, crossing the travelers’ road to Iraq-e Ajam and Arabia, and finally reaching the Kashan plain. Along the banks and surroundings of the river lie green and flourishing villages and farmlands.” (Kalantar Zarrabi, 1962: 17)
From a morphological perspective, Narāq exhibits a compact urban fabric oriented east–west, following the course of the river and parallel to the northern and southern mountain ranges. This layout clearly reflects the influence of geographical location on the city’s form. The urban fabric is shaped by two main thoroughfares:
• Imam Khomeini Street, which extends in an east–west direction, and
• Fazel Naraqi Street, which runs parallel to Imam Khomeini Street, starting from the eastern part of the city and leading westward to the Jame’ Mosque.

Conclusion
This study aimed to explore the historical geography of the city of Narāq and to explain the role of natural factors in shaping the city’s formation and spatial–physical transformations. The findings reveal that Narāq’s distinctive geographical location along the historical communication routes between Kashan and western Iran—especially during the Safavid and Qajar periods—provided an effective foundation for spatial development, economic prosperity, and the consolidation of its urban status. Abundant water resources, the linear topography, and the close relationship with surrounding fields and gardens, together with communication corridors running parallel to the river and valley, led to the formation of the city’s unique physical structure and the establishment of functional elements such as the bazaar, squares, and religious centers along east–west axes. Chronologically, it was shown that during the pre-Islamic and Sasanian periods, settlements were primarily located in the surrounding areas and on the elevated fringes. Gradually, in the Islamic era—particularly during the Safavid period—the city’s spatial and communicational center became firmly established near the river. This spatial pattern reflected the natural setting and the functional needs of the traditional society of that time. The analysis of more recent developments indicates that the redirection of major communication routes and the consequent disruption of the city’s functional connection with its former strategic networks have resulted in economic decline, spatial disjunction within the historic fabric, and the diminishing role of the bazaar, placing the city on a path of uneven contemporary transformation. Given Narāq’s limited population and the modest pace of migration, no major transformation of the city’s structure has occurred; its historical evolution continues to be shaped largely by natural advantages and geographical factors. The research demonstrates that a thorough understanding of historical geography and the application of traditional models compatible with the natural setting and the socio-cultural context play a crucial role in preserving and enhancing the city’s historic structure, both now and in the future.

The site of Velem is located approximately 500m from the village of Velem, about 36km from Behshahr in the east of Mazandaran province. In 2020 during the construction of a road near the village, this cemetery site was accidentally discovered. In the following year, the rescue excavations were conducted, and burials from pre-Parthian and Parthian period were uncovered. In the first season of excavations twenty-six shaft burials from Parthian period were revealed. This study focuses on the Parthian burials. Since there is limited knowledge about the historical era of northern Iran, especially Mazandaran, the results of excavation at Velem are particularly significant. Furthermore, only a few Parthian sites have been identified in Mazandaran, and the historical knowledge of northern Iran during this period is also limited. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, we try to study the findings from Velem in the first season of excavations to answer the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the graves and the burial methods at Velem? 2) Considering the prevalence of shaft burials in northern Iran, what is the origin and cause of the spread of this burial practice in this region? The field study results show that the Parthian funerary type identified at this site is shaft burial including a corridor, entrance, and burial space. Additionally, a comparative analysis of the graves at this site with similar examples in northern Iran and beyond suggests that this type of burial was common among nomadic peoples. Given the geographical location of northern Iran, it is very likely that this funerary tradition was penetrated to region by north-eastern nomadic population as the movement of a group of nomadic people of Dahae, or it was appeared as a result of the close interactions between nomadic and settled peoples. 

Among the most significant historical and ancient sources in Iran are local handwritten deeds and manuscripts. Through their examination and study, valuable historical information can be obtained. These documents contain detailed accounts of geographical, economic, social, cultural heritage elements, customary laws, and traditional customs. Today, they serve as valuable and primary historical resources. In this context, the province of Isfahan stands out as one of the richest regions in terms of historical depth and the tradition of deed writing in Iran’s local and traditional history. Notably, the handwritten deeds related to the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan (Eastern Jay) have not yet been studied from historical, archaeological, or codicological perspectives. This research aims to present the writing style, structure, and valuable historical content of these documents, introduce them by their original and traditional names, and highlight their importance as precise historical and archaeological sources. It also seeks to showcase the artistic features used in their illustration and decoration as part of the region’s art history. The central question of this study is: How can we extract historical and artistic information from handwritten deeds and evaluate them as credible historical sources? To achieve this goal, three historical manuscripts from the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan have been scientifically and analytically examined: Deed of the Dove Tower at Darb Deh (Aziz Tower), Deed of the Dove Tower of Agha Hossein, (New Tower) Deed of the Gourt Farm Qanat. These manuscripts belong to a private local collection, preserved as family heritage, and have all been registered as movable historical artifacts by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Isfahan.

From the perspective of pottery production during the Chalcolithic period at Tepe Ghabrestan (ca. 4200–3100 BCE), the Qazvin Plain constitutes one of the most important archaeological sites in the north central Iranian Plateau. This study was conducted with the aim of identifying the technology of pottery manufacture and the mineral compositions present in the ceramics. The research is significant for sourcing the provenance of Ghabrestan pottery and assessing the level of craftsmanship among its producers. The central research question concerns the quality of production and whether the pottery was locally made or imported. In this study, twenty pottery sherds from excavations at Tepe Ghabrestan selected from the ceramic repository of the Institute of Archaeology, University of Tehran were analyzed using physical tests (porosity measurement, water absorption, and density), petrography, X ray diffraction (XRD), and X ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF), to perform elemental analysis and investigate the technological processes of pottery manufacture in the Qazvin Plain during the fourth millennium BCE. The results indicate the use of advanced and specialized production technology, reflecting the potters’ skill in controlling the firing process and selecting high quality raw materials. Petrographic examination of thin sections confirmed the presence of minerals characteristic of the region, including quartz, biotite, calcite, and augite. A major finding was evidence of the use of high speed potter’s wheels in producing Ghabrestan pottery, as shown by the uniform wall thickness and smooth surface finishes. Microscopic analysis confirmed the presence of inorganic tempers (mineral additives) incorporated to enhance mechanical properties and reduce cracking during firing. The clay used matches the geological composition of the Qazvin Plain, indicating local production of the pottery.
 

Among the finest artistic productions of the Safavid period is lusterware, which continued the tradition that flourished during the Middle Islamic era. Despite brief references in some sources to the distinctive nature and form of Safavid lusterware, no independent and focused study has been conducted to date. Therefore, given the formal characteristics of existing lusterware, this study aims to classify them in detail to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of their forms and then to conduct a comparative analysis with blue-and-white ceramics. To achieve this goal, the following questions have been raised: “Into what formal categories can the lusterware of the Safavid period be classified?” and “In terms of form, how do Safavid lusterware correspond to, or compare with, their contemporary blue-and-white counterparts?” In this research, data collection has been carried out through library and field methods, and the study has proceeded with a descriptive-comparative-analytical approach. The statistical population comprises 69 Safavid lusterware pieces and 40 blue-and-white vessels, which, in turn, represent 486 lusterwares and 106 blue-and-white ceramics selected as representative samples of each type based on their formal characteristics. The results of the typological study of these vessels indicate that the lusterware comprises 17 groups, which fall into two main categories: Open forms, such as dishes, bowls, and cups (Piyaleh); and closed forms, such as ewers, bottles, and pitchers. Moreover, although the two pottery types exhibit considerable typological similarity, the lusterware demonstrates greater formal diversity, whereas the blue-and-white ceramics are relatively finer in execution and somewhat larger in scale.

The archaeological site of Tell-e Geser has long suffered from the absence of a comprehensive final excavation report and the fragmented publication of its materials. This problem is particularly evident in the interpretation of five burials discovered in the Fort Mound, which have been inconsistently dated and stratigraphically positioned in successive publications. Previous studies have attributed these burials broadly to the Neo-Elamite period, often assigning a single burial assemblage to multiple and widely separated chronological phases. This paper presents a critical reassessment of the burial data from the Fort Mound through a systematic re-examination of published excavation plans, stratigraphic sections, elevation records, and associated grave goods. Using a historical-archaeological methodology that combines stratigraphic reasoning with comparative typological analysis, each burial is evaluated independently rather than as part of a presumed homogeneous group. The results demonstrate that several inconsistencies in earlier interpretations stem from errors in plan orientation, misreading of elevation data, and the cumulative misinterpretation of archival materials. When these issues are corrected, the burials can be placed within a coherent stratigraphic sequence, revealing that they do not belong to a single chronological horizon. Instead, the evidence indicates multiple phases of burial activity spanning from the Middle Elamite to the late Neo-Elamite period, allowing the identification of six separate burials in a relatively regular chronological sequence that were previously conflated and misidentified as five. This reassessment not only clarifies the burial sequence at Tell-e Geser but also highlights the broader methodological risks of relying uncritically on legacy excavation data.

Pottery has long been one of the key mediums for expressing cultural elements in Iran. The decorative motifs used in this art form are deeply rooted in Iranian culture, literature, religion, and political contexts, immortalized through the innovative creativity of Iranian artists. Among these motifs, the “Waq Tree” or “Talking Tree” stands out as one of the most prominent decorative elements, particularly gaining attention during the Ilkhanid period. This motif, which combines natural, imaginative, and mythical elements, was employed in the luster tiles of Takht-e Soleyman and reflects a profound connection between humans, nature, and animals. This study aims to address why this motif was prominently featured and executed by artists during the early Ilkhanid rule at Abaqa Khan’s palace in Takht-e Soleyman. It seeks to explore both visual representations of the examples and their associated cultural foundations. Using a descriptive, analytical, and historical approach, supported by imaging of historical samples, this research concludes that the painters of Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles depicted wild animals such as deer, gazelles, and rabbits instead of humans—who are typically central to illustrations of the Talking Tree. The choice of wild animals over human figures may reflect the nature-oriented tendencies of the Seljuks and Mongols. This selection also highlights the influence of Mongol culture on Iranian art—a culture that introduced animal anthropomorphism as a prominent element in literature and art. The Waq Tree, rooted in Iranian and global folklore, symbolizes a deep connection between humans, nature, and living beings. This mythological concept is intertwined with ideas such as the sanctity of nature and the bond between the human world and the natural world. The depiction of this motif on Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles demonstrates the artists’ efforts to convey these concepts, which were innovatively reimagined during the Ilkhanid era.

The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.

In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.

Timurid coinage functions as a material repository, mirroring the significant economic and political shifts characterizing the era, thereby offering crucial insights into the socio-economic structure of the Timurid Empire. This investigation critically examines a collection of Timurid numismatic artifacts housed in the Avicenna tomb Museum utilizing X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy. The meticulous re-evaluation of preliminary XRF spectroscopic data is paramount, particularly within the discipline of numismatics, as it constitutes a foundational requisite for mitigating analytical errors and augmenting the precision of interdisciplinary assessments. While XRF technology provides a non-destructive means for the precise determination of elemental composition within the coinage, a failure to implement rigorous monitoring and comprehensive data scrutiny risks introducing substantial historical misinterpretation and analytical uncertainty. This study addresses core research questions concerning the substantive value of re-analyzing and interpreting XRF spectral outputs, specifically concerning their utility in authenticity verification (counterfeit identification) and the delineation of underlying economic and cultural characteristics. The central hypothesis asserts that unprocessed XRF spectral data lacks inherent accuracy and necessitates expert-driven, in-depth analysis for conclusive artifact examination. Furthermore, the research underscores the necessity of detailed spectral profiling, acknowledges inherent technical complexities in data interpretation, and advocates for interdisciplinary methodologies to substantially enhance result validity. The findings conclusively demonstrate that a profound reinterpretation of XRF analytical data significantly advances the comprehension of material provenance, safeguards cultural heritage assets, and yields more nuanced understandings of Timurid economic governance.

The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks.  The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.

A fragment of a votive slab dedicated to the god Apollo was found during the 2023 season of the archaeological excavations at Kız Island in Apollonia a.R. The depiction of Apollo on the stele bears a close resemblance to the votive tablets found in 1991 at the site called Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhood on the south-eastern shore of Uluabat Lake, south of the city of Apollonia a.R. The inscriptions on the fully preserved Akçapınar votive plaques indicate that the offering was made for Apollo Daphnousios. The honouring stele among the finds points to a settlement named Daphnous Katoikia. The article discusses the location of the cult site of Apollo Daphnousios and the Daphnous Katoikia according to the finds from Kız Island. According to the similarity between the Akçapınar and Kız Island votive reliefs, the sanctuary of Apollo should be localized to Kız Island, whereas the Daphnous Katoikia should be located to the Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhoods. It is emphasized that the Seleucids were interested in the city of Apollonia a.R. because of Apollo’s cult, while the Daphnous Katoikia was a garrison settlement established against the Kingdom of Bithynia not far from the cult area.

The earliest evidence of human exploitation of the wild date palm in the Middle East dates back to the sixth and fifth millennia BCE. Despite the scarcity of archaeological data, it is commonly assumed that by the end of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3300–3100 BCE), the Sumerians founded the earliest date palm orchards. However, this hypothesis has thus far not been substantiated by scientifically verified and documented evidence, rendering the matter a subject of scholarly controversy. To date, since the Proto-Elamite script has not yet been fully deciphered, our knowledge of agricultural activities within Proto-Elamite society remains considerably limited. What has been learned so far regarding the structure of this society’s economic system is derived mainly from comparisons between signs found on Proto-Elamite clay tablets and comparable examples in Late Uruk Mesopotamian Proto-cuneiform tablets from the late fourth millennium BCE; signs that primarily pertain to labor activities, animal husbandry, and livestock products. This study outlines the phenotypic characteristics of the date palm that can be identified, and examines their similarities to known Proto-Elamite examples. The authors suggest signs representing date palms in the Proto-Elamite script and consider them as key resources for a better understanding of the subsistence economy of the Proto-Elamite period, an issue previously absent from the scholarly literature on this era. Employing a comparative approach, the article correlates the signs for palms in Proto-Elamite texts with contemporaneous and later Iranian, as well as Mesopotamian, visual motifs. By introducing these signs into the archaeological discourse of the Proto-Elamite period, the research enables a more accurate reconstruction of the economic system and assessment of the level of date-palm horticultural knowledge in southwestern Iran during the late fourth millennium BCE.

The city of Sahneh, located 54 kilometers northeast of Kermanshah in the central Zagros passage, plays a crucial role as a strategic crossroads, linking the Iranian central plateau to Mesopotamia and connecting the internal plains of Kermanshah to Hamadan. Archaeological surveys in Sahneh County, conducted in 2003, employed the site survey method, whereby all ancient sites were studied in terms of their geographical location and settlement sequence. This approach provides the necessary data for interpreting the settlement history of the region. As a result of this field research, for the first time, two archaeological sites containing cultural materials from the Middle Elamite period were identified in this area. This discovery significantly extends the cultural domain of the Middle Elamite period in the Zagros toward the east and northeast, indicating that the influence of this civilization extended beyond its known centers in the southwestern provinces of Iran (such as Khuzestan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, Fars, and Bushehr) as far as Kermanshah Province. Given the importance of these findings, further surveys were carried out in 2024 and 2025 to identify Middle Elamite sites in Sahneh. Following this research, two additional sites with Middle Elamite cultural materials were discovered. These findings not only confirm the existence of an active cultural-commercial corridor in this region but also highlight the necessity of revising cultural-geographical maps and historical developments of the Middle Elamite period in the central Zagros. Continued studies and targeted excavations at these sites can clarify the role of this region in the network of cultural interactions between the Iranian Plateau and Mesopotamia and are expected to lead to a fundamental reassessment of current perspectives on the history of this era.

Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.

Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.

Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.

Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.

Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.

Abstract
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.

Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.

Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.

Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.

 Abstract
The motif of “Lion and Sun”, which has become an important visual-culture discourse in recent years, has always been questioned and was the subject of scholarly inquiry regarding its origin and meaning, and different analyzes of the motif have been offered. However, it appears that the literature on the subject has not been able to resolve the prevailing disputes and there are still a great deal of divergent viewpoints and disagreements over motif. In order to resolve the equation of these conflicts, one must first know the quality of previous studies and the degree to which it can be relied upon as a source for new studies. The aim of this research is to evaluate the quality level of studies and find their advantages and disadvantages. Every study that has directly addressed the motif “Lion and Sun” as well as other studies in which there are texts concerning the motif, printed or gray sources, has been subjected to a systematically review and meta-analyze. A total of 150 studies were examined using specific search techniques in Persian and English search databases like Google, Web of Science, Noormags, Irandoc, etc. (without a time limit). Following a screening process using predefined criteria, 27 studies were chosen for qualitative meta-analysis. The results of the qualitative meta-analysis are expressed using tables and distribution and frequency charts. The findings of this meta-analysis demonstrate that a significant portion of all studies have referenced earlier works and quoted earlier speeches in their publications, without conducting the essential study and investigations. Additionally, it was found that research on motif has stagnated for 20 years, which needs investigation and pathology in its place.
Keywords: Lion and Sun, Qualitative Meta-Analysis, Screening Studies, Searching Strategy.

Introduction
The number of depictions of “Lion and Sun” on the national flag of Iran or coins and other works of art from the Qajar to the Pahlavi period has made it become an important visual-cultural discourse. This discourse, with its continued presence in Iranian art and culture and role-playing as a national-patriotic symbol and finding a way to political and social issues, has caused the history of the presence and the meaning of it in Iranian art to be questioned and researched, and different analysis has been made on it. Be provided. It seems that the texts written about it have not had reliable results and there are various opinions about it. In the meantime, the connection of socio-political powers with cultural symbols and signs creates serious conflicts in people’s lifestyles, so that the simplest cultural actions may be involved with the most complex layers of political, economic, and social structures. This research, by rereading the studies done on the motif, tries to contribute, however little, in clarifying this cultural issue to achieving a new way of understanding the issue. The main goal of this research is to analyses the qualitative level of the studies conducted on motif, which is done to answer the question of to what extent and how can these studies be cited. Firstly, it is necessary to know what research has been done so far regarding the motif, what research elements and components they have, and what strengths and weaknesses should be considered in them. Finally, the expected results of this research are reaching a conclusion from the qualitative evaluation of the studies conducted and showing the gaps and research needs in this field.
The present research is practical in terms of purpose. Data collection is done in a documentary way from library sources and the data analysis method is a systematic review and then a qualitative meta-analysis. For this purpose, studies focusing on the research question are identified and reviewed in Prisma’s instruction, and the results are combined, statistically analyzed, and qualitatively evaluated. The statistical population of this research is all studies related to the motif, including articles, books, theses, and gray texts. After a systematic review of 150 studies, 27 studies were selected for qualitative meta-analysis. SPSS was used to draw graphs.

Discussion
Of the 27 meta-analyzed studies, 9 studies are books (33%), 11 studies are articles (41%), 3 theses (11%), and 4 sources contain gray texts (15%).
The period of conducting studies in 6 studies related to the 1960s (22%), 4 studies before that (15%), 1 study related to the 90s (4%), 9 studies in the 2000s (33%), 7 studies were done in the 2010s (26%). It seems that in the 1970s and 1980s, no research was done on the motif.
Because most of the studies are related to the period before the 70s, the method of conducting research in them is often not stated correctly. But with the evaluation, the method was diagnosed in 15 studies as descriptive-historical (71%), and 6 studies as descriptive-historical-comparative (29%). In newspapers, data has been collected through quotations and interviews.
18 studies (67%) have a direct connection with the motif in the title, and 9 studies (33%) have mentioned it only in a part of their research.
Out of 27 studies, 6 studies (22%) were conducted abroad of Iran, 21 studies (78%) were conducted inside, 25 studies (93%) were conducted by Iranians and 2 studies (7%) were conducted by non-Iranians.
Almost from the 2000s onwards, citing previous studies instead of citing primary sources and works of art and objects increased. Before 2004, historical texts in 11 studies (26%), literary texts in 6 studies (14%), motif on coins in 10 studies (24%), motif on the flag in 9 studies (22%), and other works of art in 6 studies (14%) have been cited. These studies can be classified as primary studies and the research after that can be called follow-up studies using secondary sources.
In at least 18 studies out of all the studies, sources from the 60s and earlier have been cited. Minavi in 5 studies (12%), Kasravi in 11 studies (26%), Nafisi in 10 studies (24%), Nayernuri in 10 studies (24%), Zoka in 6 studies (14%) the most have been cited. This means that the data from these 5 studies (primary studies) has been replicated in follow-up studies. In 8 out of 27 studies, sources other than those mentioned in this research and other references are cited sporadically.
In all the meta-analyzed studies, words and terms related to the concept of “Lion and Sun” have been repeated, which are classified as follows:
Kingdom: power, king, Georgian princess
Astrology: Leo sign, Sun, Star
Religion: Shiite, Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad, Lion of God, Shamsa
Mythology: Ahuramazda, Mehr, Mithra, Anahita, the guardian Lion of the temple
Mythological concepts were inferred in 10 studies (20%), religious concepts in 11 studies (21%), astrological concepts in 10 studies (20%), and kingdom concepts in 20 studies (29%).
The composition of the time of analyzed-studies and the concepts inferred by their authors is shown in the following table:

Conclusion
After reviewing the findings and after quantitative and qualitative analysis of the statistics, it was found that 37% of the studies were conducted before the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a stagnation in conducting studies, and since the 1990s, 63% of studies have been conducted. Among the 27 meta-analysed studies, only 67% of them have directly addressed motif, and the remaining 33% have devoted a part of their research to it. This result shows that there are still a few specialized studies, unlike the importance of motif in Iranian culture and art. In the studies before the Islamic revolution, historical texts were cited in 26%, literary texts in 14%, motif on coins in 24%, motif on flags in 22%, and other motif on works of art in 14%. Kasravi’s book is cited in 26% of all studies. After that, the books of Nafisi and Nayernuri have been cited in 24% of the studies. This means that the data from 5 studies before the Islamic revolution (primary studies) has been repeated in the studies after that (follow-up studies). In general, it can be said that 40% of all studies completely relied on sources before the Islamic Revolution which have been cited frequently. By respecting the efforts of previous researchers, regarding research pathology, it seems that the weak points of previous research have been repeated in subsequent studies and subsequent studies have not been free from the domination of previous and repetitive data. The concepts of motif mentioned in 27 studies were divided into 4 mythological, kingdom, religious, and astrological groups based on the keywords used in the study. Among all studies, 39% considered motif to be related to kingdom concepts, 21% considered religious concepts to be valid, and mythological and astrological concepts were considered in 20% of them. Mythological and religious concepts have been considered more from the 2000s onwards, and the concepts of kingdom and astrology have been almost important in all periods. The research method was identified as descriptive-historical in 71% of studies. Since the research method in historical studies is about a new subject, and in the past, the authors have not adhered to the use of scientific methods to write historical research, it can be safely said that none of the previous studies have been a scientific study in line with modern research methods in the present era and, despite the number of studies, the aforementioned works have serious weaknesses in terms of quality and methodology. On the other hand, the results of this research show that the socio-political conditions have marked stagnation in the study and research. As a result, the studies that have been done so far are rarely referable.

Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.

Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.

Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.

Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.