Abstract
Having a favorable environment, the southern coasts of the Caspian Sea have hosted human settlements for millennia. So far, as a result of archaeological excavations as well as illegal diggings, a considerable number of ancient artifacts have been unearthed from archaeological sites in this region. The nature of many finds from unauthorized excavations and accidental discoveries are still unclear. These objects, generally found as hoards, often have unknown provenance and unknown fate. However, some of the objects, which are discovered from the Mazandaran region during the last centuries, are unique and their analogous have never been found from elsewhere. These are the main questions this research tries to answer: 1. given quantitative aspects of the accidental or unauthorized finds from Mazandaran, what sorts of information can be achieved by the study of these objects? 2.Which groups of sources can be helpful for the study of historical objects found by accident in the territory of the Mazandaran province? In this research, we will focus on certain historical objects from Mazandaran, which have been discovered either accidentally or by unauthorized diggings during the last two centuries. A number of these objects are currently kept in museums not only in Iran, but also in some western countries. Their provenance and fate can sometimes be traced in historical books, newspapers, travelogues and oral narratives. This study attempts to show the necessity of reconsideration of the provenance of certain objects as well as their historical and artistic significance. 
Keywords: Mazandaran, Ancient Objects, Qajar and Pahlavi Periods, Unauthorized Excavations, Accidental Discoveries.

Introduction
The name of the treasure and desire to achieve it, has always been tempting for some people, even kings and princes. Treasure finding, antiques, buying antiques and collecting of antiques have been prevalent among the Iranians, at least since the Qajar era. At the time of Naser al-Din Shah (1264-1313 AH), some scattered concessions have been granted to the various western governments for excavation in some historical sites of Iran. In the historical books of Mazandaran, during the Islamic Middle Ages and even in the works of ancient poets such as Omar Khayyam Neyshabouri (440-536 AH), have been mentioned to the treasury and the legend of its discovery, which some of them are fictional. For example, in the book of Tabaristan history, have been mentioned to the digging of Hissam al-Dawlah Ardeshir (636-647 AH) in the city of Amol and discovering of a woman’s skeleton. As well as it is said about the Marashians that they seized the property of the defeated clans and people’s and buried part of it underground and hiding another in the fort of Mahaneh-sar. This treasury was so important that Taimur Gurkan (771-807 AH) always said that the Marashian Treasury was more than the property of several monarchs which he had dominated over them. In common belief, historical objects have often of a commercial and profit-making nature, and of course many exaggerated stories and narratives have been made and discussed about it. In the past few centuries, some of the folk tales about the monuments of Mazandaran have been mentioned by Orientalists and Western travelers. Similar to such stories that derives from the folk notions about the historical treasuries, is heard from the whole of Iran. In general, the narratives related to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran are scattered, but significant. This article points to the discovery of historical objects in Mazandaran that are more relevant to the contemporary period (before the Islamic Revolution of 1979).

Discussion
In the contemporary era, many unique historical objects have been obtained in Mazandaran while digging in agricultural lands, road construction, landslides, floods and so on. According to Ezatollah Negahban, before the excavations of Marlik and Pileh-Qaleh, most of the ancient artifacts in the Mazandaran and Gilan areas were obtained as a result of unauthorized and commercial diggings.  many of these discoveries are including of silver objects, especially silver coins. In generally regarding to the accidental way in which such objects were discovered, the available sources do not give much detail about them and the available references are usually transient and sometimes ambiguous. Some of the most important artifacts or collections found in the Mazandaran accidental discoveries that have been specifically studied in this article include: Historical objects obtained from the cemeteries of Voraw, Ozirak and DerooshKor all located in the vicinity of Kandlus village in Kojur section of Nowshahr city at the time of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, which included pottery wares, earrings, necklaces, beads and so on. The accidental discoveries of Konim village and Hezar-jerib of Mazandaran which discovered by a shepherd in time of ruling of Nasser al-Din Shah including three inscribed vessels belonged to the Islamic period, the Sassanid silver mirror frame discovered from Chalus with a Pahlavi inscription, three Sassanid silver vessels discovered from Sari in 1333, three other Sassanian vessels from Mazandaran purchased for the National Museum of Iran in 1334; the Kelardasht treasury discovered in 1318 in Reza Shah palace including exquisite objects such as a famous gold cup and some Sasanian silverwares, the treasury of Adineh mosque of Jawaherdeh acquired in 1330, the Sawadkuh Shirgah treasury discovered in 1334, 129 silver coins belonging to the Sassanid and Islamic periods from the village of Islamabad and Zaid and some other scattered objects which discovered from accidental discoveries of Mazandaran.

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the Mazandaran region is one of the most prominent historical and cultural regions of Iran. A look at the position of this region in the Iranian history and mythology as well as the quality of its historical monuments and artifacts remain from different periods attests the historical importance of Mazandaran. In the folk narratives about Mazandaran have repeatedly referred to the discovery of historical artifacts by various rulers which indicating their attention to such objects and artifacts. However, many of the existing narratives are exaggerated and some time the validity of some of them is questionable. The treasure and trove searching has historically been popular among the people in this area, which some of them has been mentioned in this study.
In this article, we only study some historical objects discovered from unauthorized excavations or accidental discoveries during the last two centuries until the Second Pahlavi Period. The mean of accidental discoveries is the artifacts which discovery in result of actions such as plowing, various constructions, floods, unintentional destruction, and so on and constraint by related offices. The sources cited in this article are mainly are historical texts and documents, travelogues, and press of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. The fate of many historical objects discovered from unauthorized diggings or accidental discoveries is unknown. Some of these objects are scattered in internal museums or in the foreign museums and private collections. These objects are often unorganized and have not an obvious condition. However, some of the artifacts found in Mazandaran, including the Gold Cup of Kelardasht and the Sasanian silverwares, are unique in terms of artistic and historical value. In this article, we tried to explore some of the hidden and explicit angles related to these objects. Achieving better results depends on the efforts of other researchers.

Abstract
The invention of writing is considered one of the hallmarks in the human eveloution. Writing has not been invented all at once. Indeed, it had a gradual process from the Neolithic period to the end of the fourth millennium BC. In its early stages, it was similar among the Middle Eastern cultures, but at the end of the fourth millennium BC and the formation of the states in Uruk, Khuzestan, and Fars, two writing systems (Proto-Elamite and cuneiform) were invented at a same time. Both scribes are rooted in a common communication system. Some words with exactly the same iconography are obtained in the scribes of two lands which have been translated with different semantic uses thank to the progress of decipherment. The purpose of this study is to investigate the phonetic structure between the common early scribes in the second half of the fourth millennium BC in West Asia, which paves the way for the emergence of literature in the coming centuries. By using a descriptive-analytical methodology, the authors try to deduce that the reason for the similarities in the writing systems of the both areas is becuause of their identical roots by finding the roots of writing in two lands and examining the reasons for the formation of the first differences arising from understanding the environment and archaeological data. Also, the reason for the semantic differences of the words with the same iconography is due to the diversity of social and subsistance changes between the Iranian plateau and southern Mesopotamia, as well as the linguistic differences between the two regions. 
Keywords: Proto-Writing, Cuneform, Proto-Elamite, Susa, Phonetic Value.

Introduction
There are various theories about the origin of writing in Iran and the Middle East. Some argue that with the advancement of agriculture, rapid economic growth and lack of confidence in memory, the loss of many business and accounting information, and over-complexity of computing and business communications, the need to preserve information had increased. It was necessary to invent a way to maintain them. The invention of writing was not revolutionary nor suddenly is taken by an individual at a certain time; rather, it has evolved over several thousand years, and the period of Susa II and the emergence of complex societies and the specialization have greatly contributed to its growth. In the second half of the fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, tokens became more advanced, and were made in various forms with economic themes and were used in trade, then, the clay envelopes, also called bullae, became frequent. This clay envelopes date back to the mid-fourth millennium BC. Following the develepomental procees of the administrative system, the numerical tablets were invented.  

Disscussion 
The stages of writing up to the Susa II (Uruk) period were exactly the same, and from this period onwards the difference between the two scribes becomes apparent. The only major change of this period is the formation of a dense community in southern Mesopotamia. Since many ideograms were taken from the symbols around the environemnt, to better understand the roots of these differences, we need to fully understand the climate, environment and archaeological data of the two regions to comprehend these differences by taking the the environmental variety into account.
A) Mesopotamian climate in the fourth millennium BC: Mesopotamian communities due to alluvial soil and rich in minerals and nutrients that river water was washed from the surrounding mountains, in the field of agriculture and grain collection had access to surplus. On the other hand, the existence of large gardens near the permanent and water-rich rivers of the Tigris and Euphrates, vast pastures for sheep, goats and cattle, as well as abundant fish, poultry and wild animals for hunting, etc., led to extensive progress compared to other areas. In the fourth millennium BC, the population in these areas increased enormously, while the city of Uruk reached an area of about 2.5 square kilometers. Of course, there is no direct evidence of the exact number of inhabitants of Uruk, but with the help of anthropological data from the pre-modern Middle East, 100 to 200 inhabitants per hectare has been accepted for the residential sector. Apart from the the central monumental area of Uruk, It has reached approximately 230 hectares in the residential sector, which refers to the population of 25,000 to 50,000 people in Uruk in the late fourth millennium BC. Over 90 percent of the tablets were found in the garbages of the Temple of Eanna (the largest religious monuments of Uruk) presenting that this scribe was only used by a gropu of elites of the Mesopotamian society.
B) Climate of Iran in the fourth millennium BC: Iran is a clear example of the impact of natural structures on the cultural development. Iran is one of the arid lands of the ancient world and this determines the climatic relations of this land and the climate of its different regions. The summer heat in the lowlands forces people to migrate to the highlands with their herds. Due to the climatic conditions in these areas, a large part of the inhabitants of valleys and foothills are forced to live in their tents. Among the most important nomadic areas, we can mention Dar Khazineh, Tal-e Bakun and some settlements of Ramhormoz in the fifth to third millennium BC.

Conslusion
Management system has been one of the needs of human social development since the Neolithic period onwards which in the fourth millennium BC this need was felt quite clearly and at a high level, which led to a significant development of management in West Asia. At this time, the formation of different systems of government between the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia probably led to the formation of different management systems, but since for more than four thousand years, both regions had used a completely identical writing system, it is not far-fetched that the two different types of scribes are affected by common roots and have evolved according to the management needs of their environment.
As was said before, In Mesopotamia the scribe was only used by a group of elites. Hence, the ideogram and pictogram were enough to respond the needs of conveying a message. But in Iran, due to the special climate in the past, it was devoid of the centralized populations; instead the main populations were scattered in different parts of the Iranian plateau and the use of this scribe was over an area of one million square kilometers from the Shahr-e Sokhte in Sistan, Tepe Yahya in Kerman, Tepe Ozbaki in Qazvin plain and Tepe Sofalin in Tehran to Tal-e Malyan and Susa in southwestern Iran which probably there were different ethnicities and dialects in these areas. Due to the scatterness of proto-writing caly tablets in different part of Susa, one can conclude that this scribe became common in the society to respond to the needs of such a large society. Consequently, a scribe with the use of pictograms and ideograms was invented. We believe, according to the percentage of repetitions, the phonetic use of this scribe is probably high, and since this scribe was common among the different tribes of the Iranian plateau, perhaps with the phonetic use, it was effecient to convey meaning from different languages on the Iranian plateau in the second half of the fourth millennium BC.

Abstract
Spindle Whorls are among the main cultural materials and needs of animal husbandry and semi-”frozen” societies and are among the works that are directly related to the pattern of livelihood and production in the clothing family and fibers of early societies. to be. Which are interpreted in the analysis of the findings of ancient sites. The area behind Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe is no exception to this feature, and the number of 123 Spindle Whorls found among its archaeological excavation findings has a significant presence in terms of type and f. The main stones of this area can be divided into two groups: convex and conical, each of which is divided into two sub-branches: painted and simple, and in terms of quality of construction, they can be divided into two groups: medium and Roughly divided. All Spindle Whorls are made of baked clay with a mixture of herbs and in different sizes. The purpose of this research is in the first stage, typology and study of saddles and in the second stage, analysis of livelihood model related to the production of textiles in the hills posht forodgah. A significant number of Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and its application in the production of yarn by analyzing it on the produced fibers and how to organize this production can help a lot. The method of the present research, based on comparative studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer these questions: What kind and forms of hymns discovered Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and what threads are used in its production? Given the Semi-Unilateral of the Tepe communities Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and the abundance of Sardok, the production of textiles in this area has been for local and domestic use and trans-regional trade? Considering the Semi-Unilateral and nomadic settlement and the method of economic production based on animal husbandry in the early communities of the Central Zagros and the hills Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, it seems that based on the variety of mounds in type of material, quality of species, shape and size, these wool fibers They are mainly used for local use and trade outside the region to meet basic needs.
Keywords: Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, Typology, Spindle Whorl.

Introduction
Spindle Whorl is a cultural object and cultural material that is mainly made of stone, bone, wood, etc., which provides the first manifestations and old evidence from different stages of fabric production.
Analysis and typology of Spindle Whorls provide good information on how ancient tissues rotate, but it is necessary to establish a methodological typology of this type of ancient cultural finds. Type and packaging in type, shape and size provide an effective way to determine how yarns work. The shape, type and appearance of each yarn is directly related to the type of production, spinning. Therefore, the appearance and functional typologies of saddles are other ways of knowing the type of spinning and other stages of textile production. For example, the typology, shape and function of a highly effective method of the characteristics of the fibers produced and used and the final product produced from yarn or fibers (such as: wool, silk, fabric, etc.) are presented through rotation in the production of clothing. Gives. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Finally, sawdust should be placed in significant categories that determine spinning and textile production, and these categories are based on the characteristics that determine the use of sawdust. Spindle Whorls discovered from the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe The most abundant cultural finds in the hills behind the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe after pottery are all kinds of Spindle Whorls. These chestnuts come in a variety of shapes and sizes, from circular and semi-circular to conical, all made of fine-grained clay and then heated. The Spindle Whorls of the hills behind the polished Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, in terms of simple appearance, is less decorated and less decorated. Alone and on some of them, a linear and crescent-shaped dimple (or a kind of sign and symbol) can be seen, which is apparently created with nails. The Spindle Whorl have a hole in the middle for the passage and the wooden handle to rotate. The central hole of the Spindle Whorl is usually made in such a way that it is narrower at one end to prevent the movement of the wooden rod that was placed in this hole. And the thread was twisted around it; However, some cases of Spindle Whorls have been obtained from this area that did not have holes. It seems that the process of making these Spindle Whorls is incomplete and due to the similarity of Spindle Whorls, they can not be classified as Token or counting objects. It should be noted that no stones were found on the slopes of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe From all the new Neolithic stages to the Old Copper Age and the Stone Age of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, three main types of oval, pyramidal and conical shapes have been obtained. These Spindle Whorls do not have the desired construction quality in the lower layers (new Neolithic of phase c). Because it is deformed and rough in appearance, and in terms of cooking, it gets a little hot and a kind of raw hand can be seen in making them. With the development of higher stages and the age of copper and old stone, Spindle Whorls have advanced in terms of variety and quality in terms of construction and have gained high resistance.
These heads vary in weight. The lightest Spindle Whorls weigh about 5 grams and the heaviest Spindle Whorls discovered from this hill weigh about 160 grams. From this point of view, it can be said that the production of yarn and the use of fibers in this region also have a diameter. Produced from the thinnest yarn to the thickest. As mentioned, the weight and diameter of the saddle circle is the most important determining factor in the process of spinning and yarn production, which is one of the important features among Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe saddles. What can be said about the diameter and size of Spindle Whorls in this area? In order to increase the diameter of the rotating shaft with the light weight of the saddle, the hollow feature of the saddle has been used so that the weight of the saddle does not increase. This feature (in the emptiness of the saddles) is one of the examples of the ridges of Qalangap hill (Abdollahi and Sardari Zarchi Figure 14, 130: 1392) and Chaghamish... and Tal Bakun (Alizadeh 1382: 349, (Figure 9) is also considered and large and hollow Spindle Whorls are produced to produce the weight of thin fibers with high flexibility and elasticity.
Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe headboards are made in the simplest possible way in terms of decoration, and the least amount of decoration is seen in terms of design compared to other areas, and only a few examples of designs are created compactly (Figure 7). The simple-edged conical saddle, which is also one of the most common types of saddles, is similar to the conical specimens of the Tel Bakun, which in some cases have compact linear or circular shapes (Alizadeh 2004: 146 and 349)

Conclusion
Using a comprehensive comparative method, 123 Spindle Whorls obtained from a season of excavation at the Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe were discussed in response to questions:
In response to the first question, in addition to a coherent typology, this type of cultural findings (based on compatibility with Spindle Whorl of Charo, Chaghamish, Tal Bakun and Qalagap regions) were identified in 6 species.
The heads of this region are divided into two main groups: convex (oval and two-sided pyramid) and conical (one-sided and cylindrical pyramid).
Each group is divided into two subgroups, carved and simple, and in terms of construction quality, they are in two groups, medium and rough.
All chests are made of clay with vegetable chamotte and in different sizes (2 to 5 cm and weighing 5 to 160 grams). Some heads have pressure patterns created by a sharp tool. Depending on the type of semi-resident settlement and the method of economic production based on herding (sheep and goats) in the early communities of Central Zagros and also the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe area due to the high volume of goat bones (due to jaws and horns) based on the variety of Spindle Whorls in this area In terms of shape, size and weight of the species, these Spindle Whorls are mostly used in fleece fibers.
Accordingly, heavy and long Spindle Whorls with high rotation axis are used to twist thick and long fibers (goat hair) and small short Spindle Whorls with low rotation axis are used to twist thin and short fibers (fleece) with different thicknesses. In this study, Spindle Whorls weight was considered as test variables on yarn diameter, yarn rupture and elasticity and yarn warp.
In response to the second question, considering the semi-monolithic location of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe based on various ash deposits to a depth of about 160 cm and the vertical migration approach of the communities present in it, it seems that most textile products are for endogenous use and sometimes for trade. It has been trans-regional in meeting basic needs.

 Abstract
The Varjuy rocky temple is one of the prominent buildings with religious purposes and troglodytic architecture on the slopes of Sahand volcanic mountain. It is located in Varjuy village, Maragheh City, East Azerbaijan Province. Verjui Village is located Varouy in the vernacular. The name “Varouy” is composed of two words of “var” with the meaning of sun and “ouy” with the meaning of house in Turkish. So, the name “Varouy” means the house of sun. This name plays a key role in understanding the meaning of this valuable Varjuy complex. Maragheh City was one of the most important cities in Azerbaijan during the Seljuk period. As the first capital of the Il-Khanid (or Mongol) dynasty, this city played a key role in the developments of that era. Maragheh city, with an area of about 5388 km2, is located on the southern slopes of Sahand Mountain in East Azerbaijan Province. It is located in 130 km of Tabriz and limited to Tabriz city from the north, Hashtrood City from the east, Urmia Lake from the west and Miandoab City from the south.
Keywords: Maragheh, Troglodytic Architectural, Varjuy Rocky Temple, Architectural Decoration, Inscription.

Introduction
Today, that room of this temple which was decorated with Muqarnas is known as Mullah Maso’om Imamzadeh, which is the burial site of Mullah Maso’om Maragheh (a scholar lived in Maragheh in the 13th century AH). Until recently, it has been the dome-shaped cover above the openings of Varjuy Rocky Temple but is now destroyed. In previous references, less attention has been paid to the architectural decorations of this troglodytic complex, and in general, many previous studies have repeated the history, use and rock reliefs of this troglodytic buiding. Since no specialized studies have been done on the architectural decorations of this complex so far despite a variety of architectural decorations in this building and the evidence of the use of decorations made by materials other than stone in this building, the present study aims to recognize and introduce the architectural decorations applied in the troglodytic architecture of Varjuy rocky temple in Maragheh. Considering the research objective, field study (coding, photography of architectural spaces and architectural decorations, and detailed exploration of them) and library study are applied to verify the obtained information and then, content analysis is performed. The present study is applied-developmental research.
Data collection methods: A. Review and study of Persian texts in the field of troglodytic architecture will be done to extract historical and technical information. B. Field study and documentation of the status quo: Field studies will be performed to understand the troglodytic architecture of Varjuy Rocky Temple and especially, its architectural decorations. In the present study, observation is one of the necessary methods for deep understanding of the nature of the phenomena and variables studied. C. Analysis: After analyzing the information obtained from field studies and observations, at this stage, a more detailed analysis of the data and identified components will be performed and in this regard, important concepts and points will be extracted.
The review of historical and comparative studies on the troglodytic architecture of Varjuy Rocky Temple showed that there is still no single opinion about the uses of this complex in different periods, especially about its temple use. However, current studies show that this building was used in the Middle Islamic period (around the Il-Khanid period). Moreover, after introducing the spaces and their architectural and structural features, as well as studying the surfaces of the interior of this rocky temple, it was found that this building has architectural decorations, which have been not described and studied in other studies on this building. In addition, there are shortcomings in the identification and accurate reporting of the verses carved on the building body, as well as the lack of recognition of architectural layers and decorations of this building in previous studies. This building has been considered and applied in the Middle Islamic period and some architectural decorations of calcareous mortars have been executed on the body of its main Gonbad-khaneh (the space under the dome), and there is a need to revise the previous interpretations of rock reliefs of this building. We now know that in addition to rocky decorations in the form of Quranic Surahs, interior plaster is observed in the troglodytic architecture of this building and all the decorations in the interior of the main Gonbad-Khaned (V-6 space) were of plaster and not rock. In addition, the plaster has been renewed in different periods and different plastering techniques have been used for the interior.
Another point is that in most of the interior spaces, a plastering mortar has been used. The plaster in this building is considered architectural decoration. Considering the stiffness, color and materials of the mortar, it seems a kind of Pozzolan-lime mortar. The mortar has been applied in several layers, all of which belong to the Middle Islamic period, because there are Thuluth calligraphies below these layers. In the architectural decorations of this collection, the inscription has been executed in two different spaces using two different techniques: carving technique in space V4 and painted inscription technique in space V6. This point was identified for the first time in this research. Evidence shows the three layers of mortar applied to the dado of the main Gonbad-Khane of the studied temple. Among the characteristics of the abovementioned mortar, one can mention the high stiffness, gray color, low thickness and similarity of the bottom layer to the surrounding stone. Evidence also indicates the use of red pigment in the structure of the mortar, which made it red (top layer). Also, in the middle layer, plant fibers have been used extensively and their remains can be clearly seen.

Abstract
Arrajan had been one of the important xoras of the Fars state in the Sasanian and Islamic eras. Regarding the toponym of Arrajan, there is numerous differences both in written sources and among researchers. One of the main reasons for these differences is the different information of written sources and the inconsistency of archaeological evidence with these sources, which has slightly led to various points of view as to this issue. Here, the author tries to reach an obvious understanding of the subject matter by mentioning different views and combining them with archaeological evidence. Among other things that will be noted in this article is the issue of geographical changes that have undergone Arrajan in a span of different periods. Arrajan has gone through many border and administrative changes in different times, as in the early centuries of Islam, it had the same structure and scope as the Sasanian epoch, but in later eras it saw a shift from one state to another, renaming and diminishing its boundaries. This article is an attempt to address two important questions: The first, how have administrative changes been in Arrajan up to the present? And the second, what are the main reasons for existing discrepancies among scholars over the real name of Arrajan? It is obvious that researchers have made many references and explanations in order to recognize the picture of Arrajan and its administrative and border changes; however, the combination of historical and archaeological data is less common in the studies of these researchers. Therefore, the author tries to combine both historical and archaeological approaches to the subject of toponym and administrative and border changes of Arrajan during the Sasanian and Islamic eras. The article under study is conducted by examining and comparing archaeological evidence and materials with information extracted from written sources.
Keywords: Arrajan, Qobad-Xora, Behbahan, Sasanian Era, Islamic Epoch.

Introduction
The connection between archaeology and historical geography can be traced back to both time and place. Today, in the field of archaeology, there is the identical attention to time and place, and in order to understand and recognize the past with all its features, both elements of time and place must be considered together. There are various definitions and approaches regarding historical geography and its field of study, and no clear consensus exists over it. Historical events do not occur in a vacuum, but come under the influence of temporal-spatial conditions. In space, no phenomenon - whether natural or man-made - is stationary and evolves over time. Research in the field of historical geography is valuable because it can provide a clear picture of the historical geography of events in a place and its surroundings. In the present article, in addition to studying the process of administrative and border changes of Arrajan during these periods, an attempt is made to examine the written and archaeological evidence such as seals and coins and to put together prominent experts’ points of view to a new understanding of the toponym of Arrajan and resultant changes in its historical geography.

Archaeological Backgrounds
The Behbahan Plain is archaeologically known as a part of “Greater Susiana” (Darabi et al. 2017). The existence of numerous pre-historic sites, Elamite ones, the historic period manuments and the Islamic city of Arrajan have led to field studies in the area. Field studies of Nissen and Redman (1971) are the first ones conducted in Arrajan. At the meantime, Hans Nissen carried out an excavation in the area in 1973 (Nissen 1973). The greatest archaeological discovery on the plain was the Neo-Elamite tomb which was haphazardly found in Arrajan in the early 1980s (see Alizadeh 1985; Majidzadeh 1992; Potts 1999; Alvarez-Mon 2006). Since 2000 on, surveys and excavations have carried out in Behbahan area. One of the studies specifically dedicated to the hydraulic structures and facilities of this region is Esmaeili Jelodar’s (2004) one. Since 2005, excavation team of Behbahan Plain headed by Kamyar Abdi commenced the survey in the region. Of the most important studies done in Behbahan after 2010 may be mentioned Abbas Moghaddam’s (2016) excavation and Hojjat Darabi’s (2017) one. A few researchers have investigated the historical geography of Arrajan. Among them, it can be refered to Heinz Gaube (1980) who, in a detailed and specialized manner, using historical, geographical and archaeological findings, has been focusing on the evaluation and analysis of Arrajan since the time of the conquest of the Arab by the end of the Safavid era. Ahmad Eqtedari (1996) is one of the other important researcher who worked on the region. Although the aforementioned has benefited from the Gaube’s valuable studies as to Arrajan and its areas, there are some positive points in the Eqtedari’s studies. Eqtedari was able to see the parts of the northwest of Behbahan, where today they are located in Bahmai County and its dependent areas (those parts that Gaube could not see due to insecurity in that areas) and published his valuable results. Ebrahim Rayegani and colleagues also discussed reasons behind the decline and recession of Arrajan in the Sasanian and Islamic eras (Rayegani et al 2015).

Conclusion
In the present article, an attempt was made to study and analyze written sources, both historical and geographical ones, archaeological evidence and researchers’ opinions, for better understanding the toponym of Arrajan, as well as historical geography and developments in its political borders from Sassanid era to the present. As mentioned above, there is a consensus about the creation of Arrajan by Qobad I and its location between Fars and Khuzestan, but no agreement on its exact name has been reached. Tabari’s reference to two names, Ram Qobad and Barm Qobad, led researchers to believe that the two names were for the same area. Researchers such as John Walker believes that Barm Qobad was the name of a large area that Arrajan was the name of its ruling part; H. Gaube considers Bram Qobad the official name of the region and Arrajan the unofficial one. However, numismatic evidence does not support these claims and shows that Arrajan and Barm Qobad are two separate places. Ardashir Babakan points to Arrajan as he crossed the area, prompting other scholars to believe that the region were probably inhabited before establishment of Qobad-xora near the Tab River. Regarding the geographical and administrative changes in this region, it seems that from the beginning of the sixth century A.D. to the Seljuk period, Arrajan was part of the Fars state. During the Buyid dynasty period, Arrajan not only preserved borders of the Sasanian epoch, but also expanded from the north and northeast, and the ports of Siniz and Janabah were joined to it. During this period, we are witnessing the prosperity of this region, as Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami says: “I want Iraq because of its name and Arrajan for its income.” However, during the Seljuk period, the region witnessed changes; all northern parts of Arrajan were attached to Shapur-xora and Arrajan itself was joined to Khuzestan. There is no mention of Arrajan in the historical books of the Ilkhanid period, but other areas of xora are mentioned. It is possible that Arrajan was nothing more than a ruin during this period.

Abstract
One of the main types of rock monuments is hand-carved ritual-religious spaces. These handmade spaces have long been considered, sanctified and respected by religious social groups who were committed to religious practices. From this perspective, it can be stated that Maragheh region has been one of the most important, rich and long-lasting centers of ritual-religious architecture in the history and culture of Iran. In an era, in which ritual manmade spaces have lost their influence in many areas of ritual prosperity and sacred power, some ritual-religious manmade spaces in Maragheh still have an active and prominent presence. Accordingly, the present study, while identifying, introducing and explaining the special features of the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces of this region, has also addressed the formation factor of these ritual spaces; and seeks to answer the following question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh divided? Therefore, along with the field study method applied for recording and explaining the current situation, library studies were also used to identify the factors influencing the formation of ritual-religious architecture in Maragheh. The results of the studies indicate that 8 religious-religious rock monuments have been identified in the county of Maragheh. Typologically, the above-mentioned rock architecture can be classified into surface and subsurface forms. Also, in terms of typology and classification of the application nature, these works have had different uses, such as: a) mosques, b) monasteries, c) churches, d) Buddhist temples, e) open temples, f) crypts, and h) rock graves. Many of these sites are now ruined, however, some spaces have retained their sacred position and are being used with some modifications.  
Keywords: Maragheh, Rock Architecture, Typology, Ritual-Religious Use.

Introduction
The county of Maragheh is located in the northwestern part of Iran in the province of East Azerbaijan, on the southern slopes of Sahand Mountain. According to national divisions, the county of Maragheh has two districts (central and Sarajo) and six villages. The county of Maragheh consists of two separate parts: the northern areas of the county that are mountainous and the central and southern areas which consist of plains and flatlands (Khamachi, 1991: 459). Sahand mountainous mass is one of the most important topographic features of the county, and the southern slopes of this mountain form the configuration of the main part of the county. The general slope of the land in this county is from north to south and the three rivers of Leylan Chay, Mordagh Chay, and Sufi Chay are the important rivers that supply the water needed by the region (Morvarid, 1981: 12).
In the county of Maragheh, numerous historical monuments are remained from different periods, some of which are used as ritual-religious hand-carved spaces. Ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh, in particular and other areas in general, have long been considered, sanctified and respected by social groups, according to the existing evidence; Therefore, in this paper, it has been attempted to explain the formation factor, analyze the use nature of spaces and the period in which they have been applied using the a spatial archeological approach and archeological surveys after introducing the ritual hand-carved spaces. The current research has been conducted in order to answer this fundamental question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh divided? Moreover, the purpose of this study is to investigate and analyze the typology of the mentioned hand-carved spaces. 
Methods: The present study has been conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and data collection has been performed using library methods and field visits from a large number of hand-carved spaces in different parts of the county of Maragheh.
The Significance and Necessity of Research: The rocky and cave nature of worship places and the study limitations of the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Iran have caused any religious hand-carved spaces to be associated with Mithraism; however, little evidence of Mithraism has been identified in these sacred spaces. Accordingly, by conducting studies on the ritual-religious hand-carved architecture in the county of Maragheh, it is possible to provide a comprehensive classification of this type of architecture and determine the general appearance and nature of their spaces in this region. 
Research Question and Hypotheses: The current research has been conducted in order to answer this fundamental question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in the county of Maragheh divided? One of the hypotheses that can be proposed in the present study is that the ritual-religious spaces of Maragheh have been formed in two periods: the first period is related to the pre-Islamic period, which was influenced by the Urartian culture. The second period is related to the Islamic period. In the Islamic period, the greatest influence in shaping these spaces has been the influence of beliefs from eastern cultures, especially Buddhists and Christians.

Conclusion 
Hand-carved architecture is a special type of architecture that has been created by humans in order to adapt themselves to their environment. In the extensive territory of Iran, due to climatic, ritual and cultural diversity, remnants of this type of architecture can be seen in its different regions. One of the important reasons for the tendency of human beings in different schools towards the rock architecture was the ritual and religious structure of the society, which required turning to rocks and mountains. In the meantime, the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces of the county of Maragheh have been a manifestation of the spiritual life and cultural knowledge of the residents of this region. These spaces have a special place in the whole beliefs of the residents of the region; this has made the decorative elements, architecture and special location of these spaces to be different from other rock works. Following what has been discussed in the text of the paper, the results of library and field studies of hand-carved spaces have demonstrated the influence of ritual and religious structures of Maragheh society in the formation of some of these spaces. Due to the special geographical location of Maragheh region throughout history, the region has witnessed different ethnic groups and special religious beliefs. According to this view, the ritual-religious spaces of the region in the pre-Islamic ages have been created in the form of hand-carved burial spaces (crypts); and in the Islamic period, these spaces have been mostly carved into rock contexts in the form of hand-carved worship temples. 
In the mid-Islamic eras, especially during the Ilkhanid period, Maragheh was the center of various beliefs and this factor has formed the basis for the formation of ritual-religious spaces of Buddhist, Christian and Islamic followers. From this perspective, the county of Maragheh, especially on the banks of Sufi-Chay River, is one of the lively, active, and rich centers of tradition and ritual hand-carved heritage. Accordingly, most of the investigated worship spaces are concrete, objective and real manifestations of the cultural-religious continuity and spiritual life of the people of this region from the Ilkhanid period, and even today some of these places have retained their sacred and ritual status.
 

Abstract
The city of Ghorveh is located in the south east of Kurdistan province and in the east of central Zagros. This city is a part of the Qezal Owzan River Basin. This region has an archaic history from prehistoric periods to the Islamic ones due to favorable geographical conditions. According to the surveys, in the Ghorveh City, 35 sites dating to the Parthian period have been identified. This paper studies the Settlement Pattern of Parthian sites and their relationship to the geographical environment. The settlement pattern initially divided into four clusters based on the area of the premises and then five factors were considered based on the maps drawn from the GIS. These factors include: Altitude from sea level, The distance from the river, The slope, steep direction and Land use. In addition, taking advantage of Spss software, the settlement clusters have been statistically studied and their correlation and relevance using factors were discussed. Based on the results, there is a significant relationship between clusters and some factors. In general, most of the sites are located in clusters one and two that are less than two hectares. In terms of settlement pattern, some of these sites were temporary settlements that were grazing and a number of others are not known exactly, but probably there were fixed settlements that were small villages of agriculture and livestock. But clusters three and four were all permanent settlements that were engaged in agriculture, horticulture, and animal husbandry. In general, two types of temporary and permanent settlement patterns observed in the Parthian period in the city Qorveh.     
Keywords: Ghorveh, Parthian, Settlement Patterns, GIS Software, SPSS.

Introduction
The Parthian dynasty is one of the most important Iranian historical kingdom who entered the arena in extremely difficult political and social conditions and revived some of the ancient Iranian features (Mohammadi, 2010: 4). This dynasty ruled Iran for nearly five centuries from 248 BC to 224 AD (Mohammadi, 1391: 13) they were able to establish cities and government centers (Kiani, 1374: 240). And their territory expands from the eastern parts of Iran to the Tigris and Euphrates. During this period, in addition to Sedentary and urban settlements, there are nomadic settlements. Examples of this type of nomadic settlement during this period can be found in the Central Zagros (Niknami & Mohammadi, 1394; Mohamadifar & Niknami, 2013; Niknami et al., 2013).
In Qorveh city 35 sites have been identified related to Parthian period (Behnia, 2008). Most sites of this city are small settlements (Mafi et al., 2009. 85). Parthian pottery is simple, glazed, imprinted, and clinched in Qorveh. But the most prominent Parthian pottery is in western Iran as well as in the Qorveh city of Klineik pottery. The pottery has been scattered from Kermanshah to the northern parts of Zanjan in terms of its geographical extension. Also from Chamchamal plain (Mohammadifar, 2007). Kangavar Plain (Young, 1975) and in historic sites of Bistoon, Jogar Malayer Tape, Noshijan, Ray, Shush, West Islamabad and Boroujerd have also been reported (Hernik, 1997: 117). 
In this area, there have been Sedentary and nomadic settlements since the pre-historic time. It is necessary to study the continuity of these settlements in historical periods. It is necessary to study the continuity of these settlements and types of Sedentary and nomadic settlements in historical periods. This research is based on data obtained from the field survey. In this research is used a descriptive-analytical method, and for accurate analysis of Parthian period settlement pattern in Qorveh city has been used the Gis software and Spss statistical software. Based on the available data, 6 factors are considered. Including: 1. Altitude above sea level 2. Distance from river 3. Distance from road 4. Slope 5. Slope direction 6. Land use. To analyze the settlement patterns, it is divided into four clusters based on size of the sites. Then, to analyze these clusters using factors and according to data type and purpose of research were used one-dimensional, regression and R-pearson tests of Spss software.

Identified Traces
In order to analyze the settlement patterns, the sites are divided into four clusters based on by size. According to the type of data which are nominal and scaled and the purpose of the research were used One-Dimensional, Regression and Rpirson tests of the Spss software. This analysis consists of two descriptive and inferential stages.  
The cluster one is the largest in the series. sites of this cluster are less than 1 hectare. According to the data, %57/1 of the sites belongs into this cluster. Cluster two consists of sites between 1 and 2 hectares. The third cluster is sites ranging from 2 to 3 hectares and the fourth cluster consist of sites of more than 5 hectares.
The size of the sites was considered as an independent variable and the six factors mentioned as dependent variable. According to the results of multivariate regression test, there is a significant relationship between the size of the sites factor with other factors. This relationship was strongly inverse between The size of the sites and the distance from the river was Relatively Severe Reverse.  Briefly, Larger sites are closer to the river and as the sites are smaller, they appear farther from the river. But there is no relationship between the size of the sites with the factors of altitude and slope. In addition, to understand the test results, the Cluster diagrams need to be studied. By studying the cluster diagram it can be seen that clusters one and two are in all factor categories. For this reason, there is no correlation between all factors. 

Conclusion
Based on the results of the analysis on four clusters. Cluster One is the largest cluster, There are two types of settlements. The first type of settlements is far from the river so they are located at higher altitudes. The second type located on the lower elevations and slopes near to the river. In the second cluster, the settlements are closer to the river. these sites are located at higher altitudes and different slopes. In the third cluster, the sites are closer to the river. These sites are located at low slope and low altitude. The fourth cluster settlements approach the water source. But in terms of slope and altitude are at different altitudes. In clusters one and two, there is Sedentary and nomadic settlement, But clusters three and four are Sedentary settlement that constituted a small percentage.
In general, the settlements of Qorveh city in Parthian period are in two forms: Sedentary and nomadic. Sedentary settlements have agricultural and Husbandry economies due to their geographical Charactristics, But seasonal settlements used to grazing. In fact, most of the sites include seasonal settlements. This type of settlement in this region have been prehistoric times of chalcolithic and Bronze Ages (Kura-Araxes) and in this period we also see the continuation of this type of settlements.

Abstract
According to the common chronology of the Bronze Age and Iron Age of Iran, the period (2000) 1900 to 1500 BC is known as the introduction of the new Bronze Age and about 1500 BC is known as the beginning of the Iron Age. Archaeological evidence does not provide a clear picture of the chronological and cultural sequence in most of the sites of this period in the northern half of Iran. This limitation is mostly due to the nature of the materials and documents of this period, which are often the result of excavations in cemeteries, and the information available about the exact sequence of stratigraphy in the settlements of this period is scarce. At the same time, the available evidence shows that most of the main centers of this period, especially in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, southern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to the Indus and Punjab valleys, between 1700 to 1500 BC. They are abandoned and there is an obvious cultural and chronological rupture in the settlement sequence of these areas. Hypotheses have been made regarding the causes of the abandonment of the sites of this period and the rupture created in the middle of the second millennium BC. Most of these hypotheses, with an archaeological approach to cultural materials, especially the study of changes in pottery traditions, have justified the causes of the rupture and factors such as migration and invasions of new peoples and cultures, environmental changes, and suggested a change in the way of subsistence economics as the reasons for the rupture. In this article, based on the results of linguistic studies of religious texts attributed to Vedic-Gahani Indo Iranian, a hypothesis has been proposed that the changes resulting from the religious reforms of Zoroaster in the period from about 1700 (1800) to 1500 BC. In the east of the Iranian plateau, alone or in combination with other factors can be the main driver or factor influencing and accelerating the process of abandonment of centers and areas of the end of the Bronze Age of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau and one of the main factors in the transition Communities from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Transition, Northern Half of Iran, Northeast and East of Iran.

Introduction
One of the archaeological questions of the second millennium BC in the northern half of the Iranian plateau is how (and causes) societies transitioned from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Mousavi, 2008: 105). In this regard, some hypotheses have been proposed (Mousavi, 2001: 15). These hypotheses generally justify and interpret the trend of cultural developments at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age in the northern half of the Iranian plateau, and the nature and reasons for the phenomenon in the societies of this period have not been addressed.
The invasion hypothesis is one of these hypotheses that was based on changes in pottery traditions and other cultural materials between the Gian II (Bronze Age) and Gian I (Iron Age) periods (Contenau and Ghirshman, 1939: 76, Mousavi, 2001: 15). These studies led to the assumption that migratory cultures from the second half of the second millennium to the beginning of the first millennium BC entered the Iranian plateau from the northwestern regions (Caucasus crossing) and settled in the Kashan plain (Mousavi, 2005; 94, Ghirshman, 1939: 62). In general, the hypotheses based on displacement, invasion and cultural substitution are based on the results of “Indo-European linguistics” studies (Bahar, 1996: 135, Sankalia, 1963: 312, Weidengren, 1998: 10, Muscarella, 1966: 121).
Another hypothesis presented in this regard is the hypothesis of “gradual evolution” (Medvedeskaya, 1982: 96), which is based on the results of the excavations of Yaniq Tappeh (Burney, 1994: 50, Dyson, 1969: 15,). Based on this hypothesis, a special type of gray, black, and black pottery indicates the presence of new (Iranian) tribes from the beginning of the third millennium BC. In the northwestern regions of Iran and its gradual expansion through the Caucasus Pass (Burney and Lang, 1972: 116) or the northeastern routes into the Iranian plateau (Burney, 1994: 47 and Derakhshani, 1998: 33, Schmidt, 1937: 112).
The hypothesis of “cultural movement and substitution” is another hypothesis in this regard (Young, 1965: 59, Mousavi, 2001: 17). This hypothesis formed the basis of the theory of “cultural dynamism at the beginning of the Iron Age” (Young, 1967: 34, Dyson, 1989: 125). Based on this hypothesis, some researchers have suggested routes for ethnic and cultural migration at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Deshayes, 1969: 16, Muscarella, 1974: 140).
Hypotheses have also been made regarding the causes of chronological rupture at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age of the northern half of Iran. The theory of “urban crisis” is one of these hypotheses. According to this hypothesis, the imbalance between population growth and environmental capacities and increased utilization of natural resources led to population displacement and the resulting cultural disintegration (Young, 1985: 372).
Another hypothesis, emphasizing “change in the Method of economic production”, considers the extinction of Bronze Age cultures in northeastern Iran as a result of changes in the livelihood system of these cultures (Mousavi, 2005; 94 Ghirshman, 1977: 25 Ghirshman, 1939: 104). 
Zoroastrian Religious Reforms and Its effect on the Abandonment of the Bronze Age Areas of Northeast and East of the Iranian Plateau
According to the theory of linguistics, the religious reforms of Zoroaster took place in the eastern regions of Iran between the 18th and 15th centuries BC. In line with this hypothesis, the time and Locality of the emergence of Zoroaster and the social conditions of this period are examined as the basis for the formation of developments.
In relation to the time and Locality of Zoroaster, there are a total of three theories (Christiansan, 1997: 17) including the traditional theory of Zoroastrians, the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, and the theory of linguistics and history (Ashtiani, 1987: 78).
In traditional theory, the time of Zarathustra is mentioned around the 6th century BC (late Median, early Achaemenid) and its Locality is in western Iran (Aria, 1997: 87, Khodadadian, 2000: 63, Vermazen, 1993: 21). According to the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, the time of Zoroaster is mentioned 6000 years before Xerxes’s invasion of Greece (480 BC) (Razi, 1993: 3, Rajaei, 1993: 69). Linguistic and historical theory is also based on comparative studies of the remaining religious texts attributed to the Aryan tribes. The oldest of these texts is the Indian Rig Veda which most scholars believe belongs to the Vedic era (Khodadadian, 2000: 43, Abazari et al, 1993: 155, Aria, 1997: 86, Boyce, 1998: 43, Shaygan, 1966: 4, Ashtiani, 1987: 87). On the other hand, the Gathas are the oldest part of the Iranian Avesta (Celns, 2007: 12), which is attributed to the poems of Zoroaster himself (Dushan Gimen, 1984: 42, Pourdavoud, 2006: 63, Christiansan, 1997: 20, Binas, 1993: 450). From the point of view of comparative linguistic studies, the lexical connection and common linguistic roots between the Rig Vedas and the Gatas are very close (Widengeren, 1998: 95, Jalali Naeini, 1993: 4, Boyce, 1998: 93, Ashtiani, 1987: 83). However, Gataha and Rig Veda are almost simultaneous in terms of linguistic features and belong to the Vedic era, ie between 1700 and 1500 BC, and consequently the time of Zarathustra also belongs to the Vedic era. At the same time, linguists believe that the language of the Gataha is not Western Iranians, but Eastern Iranians (Moule, 1998: 112, Christiansan, 1997: 21, Vermazen, 1993: 16; Weidengren, 1998: 95) and consequently Zoroaster. He has lived and appeared in eastern Iran.
The social context of Zoroaster’s message, based on the ancient texts of the Avesta (especially the poems of the Gatha) shows that his teachings and message, especially in the beginning, were strongly opposed by important sections of society, especially the nomadic warrior tribes, affluent classes and followers of the clergy. The ancient Indo-Iranian religion (Kavis-Usigs and Karpans) was the result of civil wars and conflicts and social disintegration (Weidengeren, 1998: 99 and 102).

Conclusion
According to the Collection of documents presented, if we accept Zarathustra and his religious reforms belong to the Gataha or Vedic era (ie between 1800 and 1500 BC) and consequently accept the environment and social context in which Zarathustra appeared and religion It is the eastern regions of Iran. According to the image presented in the Avesta religious texts regarding the social, political and religious situation of this period, it is possible that Zoroastrian society in the Gataha era is a reflection of a society in transition. Imagined Basically, the emergence of social reformers is the product and result of a society whose stability and social system has lost its effectiveness and requires a new plan to create new social stability and get out of the current stalemate. According to religious texts, Zarathustra’s message inevitably went beyond social reform and approached a fundamental reform of the social, economic, and religious structure of society. However, it can be said that the society of the time of Zoroaster is really a society that has been at the peak of tension and has reached a dead end, and such a society evokes the characteristics of a society in transition in social, political and economic. A society that has lost its primary stability (Vedic-Gahan system) and is transitioning to secondary stability (Mazd-e Yasna system). Such a situation (willingly or unwillingly) puts society on a path called the “transition path.” The end of this path is either the achievement of re-stabilization (secondary stability) or chaos and collapse. From an archeological point of view, it may be possible to find an important part of the materials and documents of cemeteries such as Qeytariyeh, Khorvin, Sialk (period V), Sarm, etc. They have the Bronze Age of the Northeast, the product of such developments, and as cultures in transition in the period from about 1700 to 1500 BC. Cultures that are changing by keeping in touch with the previous period. Changes that develop over the next century or two (beginning of the Iron Age) as characteristics of a stable culture in large parts of the northern half of Iran. The culture that in the process of its evolution in the first half of the first millennium BC, was consolidated, stabilized, gained strength and finally was able to change the socio-political equations of the ancient East by presenting a new plan, after about a millennium of Semitic culture.

Abstract
Tabaristan State (Mazandaran) has always been of great importance due to its numerous economic and commerce potentials. Moreover, it has politically been much valued by Qajar rulers. Accordingly, an old mint was actively working in this city up to 1288 AH which issued (uring Naser al-Din Shah Qajar (1264-1313 AH) numerous silver qirans in the following years: 1264-1266, 1269-1274, 1280-1283, and 1287-1288 AH. The coin issuing system was although superficially obeying Tehran rules, each city acted independently in practice, and the coins in many cities were issued with different grades of silver purity. Such problems raise two questions regarding Tabaristan mint: how much was the silver purity grade of the coins issued in Tabaristan, and how have they changed during the history? What was the position of Tabaristan’s coins which was an important state in comparison with other important states such as Mashhad, Tabriz, Isfahan, and Shiraz? Therefore, to answer these questions, the elemental analysis of this era coins (using PIXE method) was chosen as the main base of the present research due to not being destructive, being quick, and being highly precise in order to present an analysis of the Tabaristan’s mint commitment level to the central system of coin issuing during different times in comparison with other main states and cities in Qajar dynasty. In the present research, 17 coins from 17 different historical periods were elementally analyzed. Based on the numbersshowing the average silver purity grade changes during two periods of 1264-1278 AH and 1280-1288 AH, the results are 90.13 % and 84.33 %; the average for the whole period is then 88.08 %. At the same time, the silver purity grades of other mints are as follows: Mashhad (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), and Shiraz (90%). Also, valuable information was obtained on the type of silver mines used, namely the Cerussite mines and how the coins were minted with copper and iron metals.
Keywords: Numismatics, PIXE Experiment, Tabaristan, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Economy.

Introduction
The Naseri period currency system was extremely disorganized; actually, coins were considered local! Every city issued silver qirans with different purity grades, and their rate of exchange with gold tomans was not the same. In fact, a city’s common money was not the same value in other cities (Matthee et al., 1396: 281-282). Tabaristan had always been important in terms of commerce and economy with a high political position for Qajar rulers, but even Tabaristan was not different from other places concerning coin issuing: there were numerous local silver qirans issued there with different values from 1264 to 1288 AH.
Here, coins could be considered priceless archeological data and documents facilitating economic analysis because coins belong to that time and, like texts, were not meant to be read again later (Kianzadegan et al., 1398: 182). Accordingly, elemental analysis of this era’s coins using Archaeometry can offer important information regarding economic-political conditions which could lead to a better understanding of those ears atmosphere (Beck et al., 2004: 153-162). The present research aims at investigation of the Naser al-Din Shah coins issued in Tabaristan covering all issuing dates with the help of PIXE experiment: the results can help us analyze the level of commitment to the coin issuing central system and Tabaristan economic power in different times in comparison with other states and cities.
The coins used in the present research belong to the personal collection of Seyed Hasan Sadat Razavi (Hyderabad, India) which were lent to the authors. Naser al-Din Shah coins (belonging to Tabaristan) were issued inthe following dates: 1264-1266, 1269-1274, 1280-1283, and 1287-1288 AH. They include 17 coins issued in 17 different dates in general. Therefore, for each specific issuing date, one coin was selected; The total number of coins was 17, which were analyzed by Pixie method at Institute of Physics, Bhubaneswar (Odisha, India).

Identified Traces 
Archaeometry studies, especially elemental analysis methods, are considered very useful in evaluating the coins carat (here: silver). Therefore, to answer these questions, 17 coins issued in Tabaristan at different times during 1264-1288 AH To do elemental decomposition by PIXE method, it was transferred to The Institute of Physics, Bhubaneswar.
Based on PIXE experiment results, silver, copper, and iron were considered the main metals for analyzing the economic power of Tabaristan state in Naseri era; the purity grades have undergone drastic changes in 3 periods as follows:
1. 1264-1278 AH: silver (90.13%), copper (6.07%), and iron (1.99%)
2. 1280-1288 AH: silver (84.33%), copper (9.54%), and iron (4.45%)
The whole period average: silver (88.08%), copper (7.29%), and iron (2.86%)
Normally, less than 2 percent of the coins was naturally copper; if it is more than 2, it will not be considered natural, and for sure the mixture is done arbitrarily. The coins in the present research have 7.29 % copper which is a sign of intentional mixing done for alloying the coin metal. 
The existence of iron, also, is due to surface contamination because of the place in which the coins were buried, but the present research coins contain a little amount of iron; the original coins were not buried at all and contain an average amount of 2.86 %. It is a sign of alloying for regulating the coins metal carat.
The silver purity grade of the coins issued in Tabaristan has decreased in two periods and has undergone changes but the silver carat of 88.08 % is extremely high in comparison with main mints in Mashhad (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), and Shiraz (90%). It normally shows the economic power and flourishment of Tabaristan in Naseri era.
Moreover, the existence of 0.86% lead is a sign of using lead mines for silver, haste, and carelessness while extracting. Furthermore, lead mines are of two kinds: Cerussite and Galena. Cerussite mines contain 1.5 to 2 percent gold and Galena less than 2 percent. So, these coins contain an average of 0.31% gold which could be another sign of using Cerussite mines.

Conclusion 
In this research, 17 coins belonging to 17 different periods have been elementally analyzed. As a result, the trend of silver purity grade changes for two periods of 1264-1278 AH and 1280-1288 AH is 90.13% and 84.33%: on the average, 88.08%. Therefore, its position was estimated among other mints in Mashhad (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), and Shiraz (90%). Finally, it was clear that copper and iron were added (7.29% and 2.86%, respectively, on the average) in order to reduce the coins silver purity grade. Also, the existence of lead and gold (0.86% and 0.31%, respectively, on the average) is a sign of hasty extraction of silver and using Cerussite mines.
 

Abstract
Among the Turkmen, shamanism is the ape tic method based on ancient ethnic beliefs, which is still a common notion that has gradually been merged with religious beliefs and symbols of shamanism with religious fusion have continued to this day. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the basic concepts of symbols that originated from the beliefs, rituals and rituals of the Turkmen tribes of their primitive religions. Information the findings were collected by field method and direct observation using the main library resources. The main findings of the research are based on the symbols and signs of shamanism, as the ancient beliefs and rituals of the Turkmen tribes. Fairy readers are considered to be the main and last survivors of shamans among the Turkmen tribes each of the fairy readers has an army of goblins at their disposal and command this study tries to answer basic questions such as key elements in shamanism, the place of shamanism in the Turkmen belief system and the historical – cultural origins of shamanism in Turkmen culture.
Keywords: Symbolic Anthropology, Anthropology of Religion, Shamanism, Turkmen.

Introduction
Undoubtedly, among contemporary thinkers in the field of symbolic anthropology, Clifford Greets is one of the most famous anthropologists in the field, due to his particular approach to culture and his new approach to the humanities and social sciences. Geertz’s position beyond anthropological boundaries as an interdisciplinary figure in the social sciences. His theoretical approach to anthropology is broadly symbolic and combines philosophical, anthropological, and even linguistic theories.
Analysis of religious behaviors and practices is one of the central issues in the field of anthropology of religion. How behaviors and actions can be studied objectively and realistically and as a phenomenon is one of the serious issues in the anthropology of religion. This issue led to extensive developments in the theorizing of the humanities and social sciences in relation to cultural and religious phenomena in the second half of the twentieth century AD.
In general, in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, symbolic and interpretive anthropology with its own approach to culture, was confronted with material tendencies, such as materialism or cultural positivism.
In this view, cultural phenomena move from the belief that culture is a set of meanings that are understood and received trough symbols and signs, and to understand it, one must first go to the analysis of these symbols.
It is Clifford Geertz who has emphasized such as model as a method in anthropology. He has been able to bring about extensive changes in the definition of culture with an interpretive methodological approach.
Based on observation and return to the field of social sciences, he created a new model of interpretation and semiotics in the anthropology of religion. (fakoh. 1386: 108).

Shamans Treatment Method 
Shaman and shamanism are among the most important topics in the anthropology of religion. Shamanism is not a new subject, but every research on religion is devoted to it. What distinguishes the shaman from other wizards is that the shamans are not magicians but physicians and sages, but the main feature that distinguishes them from other wizards and priests is the serious attention of the shamans to the semantic space. So all shamans are healing wizards, but not every witch is a shaman. In fact, a semantic space has caused the school of shamanism to enter the field mysticism. The very important point is that the last feature that allows a person to be a shaman is to enter the world of semantic space. Until the shamans reach the strict rituals and succeed in these stages, and after entering the world of semantic space.
Otherwise they will not find the entrance to the world of shamans the importance of semantic space in shamanism lies in the fact that all functions of the shaman are related to semantic space in one sense. In this way the shaman can communicate with the helpers and guardian spirits of the gods for diseases, wander the soul, stealing the soul or conquering it and ask them for help in pact, shamans are also witches, sages and sorcerers.
Like all doctors, he is able to heal ad, like all wizards, he can do extraordinary things. (Eliade, 1382: 129).

Field Findings of the Research
Until about a hundred years ago, before the gathering of the Turkmen tribes, a ceremony fairy readers was held inside the pergola, the mobile residence of the Turkmen tribes. The fire was always lit in the middle of it, and the fairy readers melted his sword or spatulas in it, struck the patient’s feet or body to drive the evil forces or infidel demons out of the patient’s body and soul.
In general, in the ritual of fairy reading sick sword is a symbol of removing or purifying the sick from the forces of evil and impurity. The semantic space and the connection with the spirits can be seen as two continuous stages, just like shamanism in the fairy reading ceremony.
Using musical instruments, performing rhythmic movements and spinning are the most important ways for fairy reading to enter the world of semantic space.
The fairy reading ceremony begins with apart (signer and musician) of Turkmen music playing the strings and singing some pieces of music that is specific to the fairy reading ritual. Perry first begins to shake her shoulders with rhythm and song. Then the rhythm of his movements becomes faster and turns into fast movements of the head and body and jumping.
This instrument immerses the rhythmic movements of the fairy singer in the semantic state of the space, and when this state reaches its speak, sometimes with a rope. Which hangs from the ceiling of the booth or room begins to rotate.
In this case, the somatic space reaches its peak and the fairy redder communicates with the world of Al and ghosts, in other words, he flies. Hunting or traveling in the form of an animal south is another feature of the ritual of fairy reading.
In the ritual f reading the fairy, the ram animal is a symbol in which the fairy singer travels to the world of ghosts and fairies, in other words, mixes with the spirit of the ram animal and goes hunting. Here the ram symbolizes the spirit of the protective spirit of the fairy.
In another stage of the fairy – reading ceremony, the fairy – singer, who is like a ram, pulls her horn and ties the patient’s hand and attacks him like a ram. At this point, Perry juam attacks the room with his head like a ram. He attacks goblins like a ram. According to him, goblins or black goblins attack in the form of ram movements.
Although the fairy does not make himself a ram, he travels and hunts in the form of an animal spirit. In most of the surviving lithographs of shamanism, although images of some animals can be seen, but images of many rams have been found that indicate its importance to shamans.
In Turkmen shamanism beliefs, spirits are divided into two categories, male and female. Female spirits are very powerful and dangerous and cause many ailments and diseases. According to the Turkmens, Al is a female soul, very beautiful and strong, tall and with long hair. Apparently, the male type is considered a benevolent spirit.
In addition to jinn and fairies, fairy readers also communicate with Al. in terms of fairy readers, the genie is a liar. Al does not lie; he tells the truth. The jinn have no sign of themselves but Al has a sign.
This sign is usually placed on the body of a fairy or patient (Nadimi, 1378: 63).

Conclusion
From Peri juan’s point of view, music has two important and special functions for him.
The main function of music, from the fairy reader’s point of view, is to control the forces that harass him. After the shaman stage begins, these pressures continue under normal circumstances and in everyday life to control these forces, the Pari khan go to the Bakhshies and ask the Bakhshies to sing Turkmen music in a friendly a private meeting to relax.
In ancient times, were sung and Khan agars narrated his to rical events. Turkish shamans always treated the sick along with the khanyagars and shamanic ceremonies have probably been accompanied by music performances since ancient times.
In the ritual of fairy reading as a remnant of shamanism, performing music is an important step in entering the world of semantic space fairy reading music brings inner peace to the Pairy, the patient and the audience.
Thus, fairy reading music has two main functions; first, the background of the semantic space and prepares the inner world of the Pairy reader, second, it stimulates the inner feelings of the patient and those present to perform the ceremony, and in general, prepares the space for the performance of the ceremony. 
 

Abstract
The idea and inspiration of an artist derived from the life experiences which artist gained from the interaction and exchange with the society and surroundings.  This society is also affected by the conditions and incidents that have universal influence on societies in local and regional levels. Based on this flow of influences, the paintings can be recognized as the pictorial history of every society which can present the historical conditions and social specifications of the time and place the paintings created. This becomes more important when the work of art is custom-made or aimed at announcing and displaying authority or a state-political statement. Studying the Qajar royal wall paintings from the sociological point of view, will open up a door to the current culture of the society and the ideology of that era. Due to so many reasons these wall paintings are the most important in the artistic works of the Qajar period. The great variety and diversity in the subjects, color palettes, and theme, the compilation of tradition and modernism in the style all represent signs of a desire to achieve a great goal, which is the same as the influence and authority of the sovereignty. The complexities of the social and political conditions of the Qajar dynasty on the one hand and the correlation between the artistic movements and these conditions on the other hand, make the solid studying and analyzing the wall paintings of this period , regardless of the social and political influence of this historical period, difficult or even in vain.In this research, after presenting the definitions related to historical sociology and studying the relation between the histo-sociology and studying the works of arts, effective factors in the study of the wall paintings of the Qajar period are discussed. As the first factor, the social class of the painters and patrons of these paintings is discussed. The painters categorized based on their work, style and also the type of artwork they create. Based on the fact that these paintings were designed and implemented for the purpose of transmitting a certain message, the next factor was the audience of this type of paintings, according to which the language and composition of the design and images were determined. After examining these components, the influence of royal wall paintings of Qajar in historical sociology is discussed on the basis of social and political specifications of that time. The purpose of this discussion is not to consider these spesifications and factors in a general overwiew, but to study the role of different factors in the process of formation of the royal paintings of this period. This research is based on descriptive-analytical and comparative approach and using library studies and observations of works, investigates the wall paintings of the Qajar period in terms of structural and visual elements, identifying different aspects of them. The impact of historical sociology and its relationship with the wall paintings of the Qajar period is considered as the main objective of the research. The main question in this study is whether the Qajar royal wall paintings represent the social and political relations at the national and international levels of the Qajar era. The impressive influence of the political, social and historical conditions on the Qajar royal wall paintings as a result of this research has made it possible for these wall paintings to be valid and credible clues and documents in the studies of sociology of this historical period in Iran.
Studying Qajar painting helps importantly to identify and study the art and culture of Qajar dynasty. Existence of lots of paintings, diversity of designs, color and subject, combining tradition and modernism were factors for selecting this dynasty to investigate. As the painting is the visual history of each era, sociology studying of painting in this dynasty will make one to understand common culture and thinking of people in that society.
Keywords: Art Sociology, Historical Art Sociology, Qajar Art, Royal Wall Paintings, Pictorial History.

Abstract
The discovery of three outstanding Achaemenid buildings in Borazdjan Plain territory, such as “Charkhab”, “Sang-Siyah” and “Bardak-Siyah”, unveiled a new domain in the archaeological study of the Persian Gulf hinterlands and in the Achaemenid era. Excavation in the surrounding areas of these three buildings in two courses in the years of the decades 1350s and 1380s, led to the expsition of their different parts and architectural details. The presence of remarkable Achaemenid architectural elements including the central columned hall, lateral pillared porches and stone column pedestals, as well as the locality situations of the palaces on the plain and peripheral areas of the permanent “Dalaki” and “Shapur” and the seasonal “Ardu”rivers, made new theories possible about the quality and the reason of choosing the location and the erection of a government edifice in the Achaemenid era, while putting forward some general questions about the spatial structure of each palace. Because of the roughcast excavations, our information about the spatial extent of the unearthed collections is quite incomplete. In “Charkhab” site, for being in the vicinity of the seasonal “Ardu” river, there has been more than 1.5 meters of sedimentation which makes it difficult to access Achaemenid findings. So we decided to use new archaeological methods especially archeo-geophysical survey to study around the site and then continue the excavation around the palace according to the results obtained. So, in the first step, the western and north-western fronts with the extent of 13 hectares were surveyed archeo-geophysically using a magnetometric method and according to the outputs and the final produced map and the scatteration of exposed anomalies, some locations were determined for trenches and excavation. According to the maps obtained through magnetometry, some trenches were selected in zones where the abundance of anomalies was evident. In total, two trenches CH II and CH III, each with the dimension of 10×10 were excavated, while most findings were obtained from an Achaemenid leyer in trench CH III in the depth of 153 cm, where items such as baked bricks with the dimension 32×32×8 with bitumen mortar similar to those of Charkhab Palace, gate-pivot stones and pillar foundations worked with raw stone, pieces of cream colored pedestal stones and the most important of all, pieces of cornoture with horizontal strings similar to that of “Bardak-Siyah” Palace and  the specific palace of Cyrus at Pasargadae, can be mentioned
Keywords: Borazjan, Charkhab Palace, Archaeogeophysical Survey, Magnetometry, Excavation of Charkhab Site.

Introduction
Describing the importance of the Persian Gulf and its geopolitical role in the Achaemenid period, Herodotus describes the actions of “Scyllax Cariandi” and the order of Darius II to identify a sea route from the Indus River in India to Egypt, which was used by Indians and Iranians (Herodoutus, 1828: 289). 
In addition, other well-known historians and geographers of the early Christian centuries, such as Strabo, Arian, and Ptolemy, mentioned the Persian Gulf with titles such as “Persicon Kitas” and “Sinus Persicus”. 
The commercial prosperity of its shores is described in interaction with the West and the East. (Bayat, 1988: 28). 
Generally speaking, it can be inferred that the northern shores of the Persian Gulf inspecial, were of great importance during the Achaemenid period and later, and the construction of magnificent architectural works and government landmarks have not been unexpected.
The discovery of the remains of three outstanding Achaemenid landmarks in Borazjan plain titled “Charkhab”, “Sang-e Siah” and “Bardak-Siah”, opened a new chapter in the archaeological studies of the Persian Gulf and the Achaemenid history as well.
Excavation of these buildings during two seasons in the 1350s and 1380s, led to the discovery of various sections and their architectural components. 
Considering the presence of prominent elements of Achaemenid architecture, including the central columned hall, the side columned porches and stone pillars, along with the location of these palaces in the plains and the banks of Dalki and Shapur rivers and the seasonal Ardo valley, it has been tried to provide a definitive answer to existing questions and hypotheses based on current studies in this article. 
Asking general questions about the spatial structure of each of these palaces, provided new insights into how and why to choose a location and build a government building during the Achaemenid period. 
An important question in this field is whether these palaces were only used as summer accommodation facilities or they have been used as government seats.
Hypotheses in this study, basically suggest that the development of maritime trade, offshore communication routes, as well as suitable environmental structures and facilities, have led to the Achaemenid settlements in Borazjan plain. 
Achaemenid palaces discovered in Borazjan plain are part of the urban structures in that period. Some Achaemenid relics discovered, such as the Charkhab Palace, might have been left incomplete due to improper site selection and unsuitable location.
Architectural structures and spatial analyzes of the sites discovered in the Borazjan plain, are probably modeled on the architecture of the earlier Achaemenid culture in Pasargadae.
Studies of the surroundings of these sites show that there are other spaces related to the palaces. Based on geophysical studies as well as archaeological surveys around the sites, it can be imagined that these palaces were a collection. Further information on this subject, needs further archeological excavations and research.
One of the most important Achaemenid buildings on the northern hinterlands of the Persian Gulf is Charkhab Palace, which was accidentally discovered in 1350, during the bulldozing operations of water transfer pipeline from Borazjan to Bushehr, through the date palm groves on the western suburb outskirts of Borazjan and in the so-called “Charkhab area”.  
After preliminary investigations and the similarity of the discovered structure with the stone columns used in Pasargadae, it was decided to explore the place of discovery. The result of this excavation led to the appearance of different parts of the remains of a magnificent Achaemenid building (Sarfaraz, 1350 and 1351; Ebrahimi, 1391). Simultaneously with the excavation of Charkhab site and following the public reports that similar relics were found close a nearby village called Jatut / Jatal; Sarfaraz was able to discover another building on the banks of Dalaki River called Sang-e Siyah, about nine kilometers north of Charkhab. 
This site was excavated in 1977 by Ismail (Ehsan) Yaghmaei (Yaghmaei, 2005: 9-11; 2018: 191-196; Ebrahimi, 2012). 
During the exploration of the Sang-e Siyah remains and in the surrounding areas and palm groves, the excavations led to the discovery of another building called “Bardak Siyah” which means “the black stone”, among the palm groves of Dorudgah village. 
Yaghmaei explored the building and continued his excavations during the winter and the spring of 1978 (Yaghmaei, 2005; 1397; Ebrahimi, 2012). 
In the 2001s, with the resumption of archeological activities in Bushehr province, the Charkhab building, which had been buried under the flood deposits after the first exploration period, was excavated again by Sarfaraz in five consecutive seasons. 
In addition to the sections that were appeared earlier, some other new parts of the building became visible again. (Sarfaraz, 2001; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2006).
Due to unfinished excavations, our knowledge of the spatial extent of these collections is very limited. 
In the Charkhab area, the settled sediments are more than 1.5 meters high, due to its proximity to the Ardo seasonal river. This has made it difficult to obtain necessary findings from the Achaemenid period.
The study of archeogeophysics today, plays a crucial role in identifying the points and structures of ancient layers.
Using this methodology, saves time and also achieves the desired results much faster, much easier and much more accurately.
Therefore, we decided to use these new archeological methods, especially archaeogeophysical surveys, to conduct research around this area, and based on the results of these studies, to continue exploring around the palace.
Therefore, in the first place, the western and northwestern fronts of the palace, with an area of 13 hectares, were examined by magnetometric archeogeophysics, which revealed the dispersion of anomalies according to the output and finalized maps, and places for trenches and excavations were determined.
According to magnetic output maps, trenches were selected in areas where the abundance of anomalies was apparent.
Totally, two trenches ChII and ChIII with dimensions of 10 x 10 were excavated and most findings were obtained in trench ChIII at a depth of 153 cm and in an Achaemenid layer. 
In the cultural findings of the recent excavation in Charkhab, paddy parts of the columns with cream-colored strings are important.
Examples found in Bardak Siyah and Sang-e Siyah, are also comparable to the example of the private palace of Cyrus the Great in Pasargadae.
These paddy parts are quite different from the paddy parts obtained in Charkhab Palace (ChI), which are round and black without any carvings.
It seems that this collection (ChIII) is similar in architectural elements to those of Bardak Siyah and Sang-e Siyah palaces and those of the private palace of Cyrus the Great in Pasargadae.
The cream-colored base stone of the gateway as well as the foundations of the columns found in the ChIII trench are similar to those of Charkhab(ChI) and Bardak Siyah palaces.
The bricks obtained with  the dimensions of 33 x 33 x 8 cm and bitumen mortar in this trench are comparable to those found in the palaces discovered in Borazjan.
Given the architectural elements obtained, it is possible that this complex had been built earlier than the Charkhab Palace (ChI) itself.
Undoubtedly, more studies and more extensive research are needed to answer all the hypotheses and questions.

Abstract
The 4th millennium BC is one of the most important periods of the history. During the 4th millennium BC, the first urban societies were established in southern Mesopotamia and south-western Iran. Even southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran are among central regions of urbanization, but adjacent areas, particularly Central Zagros in western Iran, have played the main role in this process. Godin Tepe is one of the most important archaeological sites during the 4th millennium BC in western Iran which has main role in the urbanization studies. The excavation of this site and Seh Gabi in Kangavar shaped the cultural sequence of Central Zagros until now.  Even this site has close cultural interaction with northern region such as Urmia basin during 5th millennium BC, but later in the 4th millennium BC, this interaction has changed from north to east and to the Central Plateau. The most significant characteristics of the interactions between Godin and the Central Plateau, is some fair painted buff pottery (Godin VI painted pottery) which is reported from the late chalcolithic period sites of the Central plateau (Sialk III6-7b). Regarding the existence  of this painted pottery throughout chalcolithic period ( not only late chalcolithic) in the Central plateau and the absence of this ware in preceding  period(Godin VII) in Godin sequence, it should be noted that the Godin VI painted buff ware is not local in Kangavar area. It has a foreign provenance that should be looked after in Central Plateau. Our methodology in this paper is comparison of this fine painted buff pottery from Godin VI period with the previous coarse ware of Godin VII, and with same ware of late chalcolithic period sites of the Central plateau.  We do not believe in immigration hypothesis about this intrusive ware in Godin sequence. Obviously future studies will be needed.
Keywords: Prehistory of Central Zagros, Late Chalcolithic, Godin VI Pottery, Sialk III Pottery.

Introduction
The 4th millennium BC is one of the most important periods of the history? During the 4th millennium BC, the first urban societies were established in southern Mesopotamia and south-western Iran. Even southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran are among central regions of urbanization, but adjacent areas, particularly Central Zagros in western Iran, have played the main role in this process. Godin Tepe is one of the most important archaeological sites during the 4th millennium BC in western Iran which has main role in the urbanization studies. The excavation of this site and Seh Gabi in Kangavar shaped the cultural sequence of Central Zagros until now. The focus of our studies is on Godin VII-VI strata which overlapped somewhat with Uruk period in Mesopotamia.  About this period and particularly those well-known Godin V rounded building, many papers were published. Our goal is to study the buff painted pottery of period VI (VI1).  Comparing to the previous period (Godin VII) characterized by coarse and plain chaff tempered pottery, the fine wheel made pottery of period VI is an intrusive one. Noted that the same painted buff pottery was reported from the late chalcolithic period sites of Central plateau, Sialk III6-7b and Ghabristan IV (Fazeli et al 2013, Majidzadeh 1978, 1981). In contrast to Central Zagros where this buff painted pottery was introduced in period VI abruptly, in Central Plateau this pained ware was reported from the previous period (Sialk II-III). Also the Central plateau wares have more divers shape and motif comparing to the Central Zagros so our evidence showing that the original provenance of this painted pottery is in the Central plateau and not in Central Zagros. Noted that east of central Zagros and Central Plateau of Iran during the fourth millennium BC had a great interaction with each other that as a result such painted pottery was developed from the Central plateau to Kangavar.  
Question, Research Method: As mentioned, the focus of this paper is on the fourth millennium BC and on the chalcolithic period strata of Tepe Godin and particularly Godin VI painted buff pottery (Levine and Young 1987, Young 2004, Rothman and Badler 2011, Moghaddam and Javanmardzadeh 2012, Wiess and Young 1975, Young 1969, Young and Levine 1974, Badler 1995, Mattews 2006). Godin tepe reached its maximum level of social complexity in the fourth millennium BC and has great interaction with neighboring areas and particularly the Central plateau of Iran.
 This painted buff pottery is reported from the late chalcolithic period sites of the Central plateau of Iran. Our methodology in this paper is comparison of this fine painted buff pottery from Godin VI period with the previous coarse ware of Godin VII,and with same ware of late chalcolithic period sites of the Central plateau. Introducing this painted pottery in the Godin sequence abruptly, the occurrence of this ware not only in late chalcolithic period sites of Central Plateau but throughout the chalcolithic period and diverse shape and decoration of this ware in chalcolithic period sites of Central Plateau, demonstrated that this ware is related to the  Central Plateau. It was considered as an intrusive ware in the eastern Central Zagros area such as Godin Tepe. Godin Tepe has solid cultural interaction with neighboring areas during the prehistory. During the middle chalcolithic period, this interaction was toward the north and particularly the lake Urmia basin. But in 4th Millennium BC this interaction was changed from north to east and to the Central Plateau.(Roustaie and Azadi 2017). This painted buff pottery is considered as a main evidence of this interaction. Future studies will tell us more about the eastern Central Zagros- Central Plateau interaction.

Conclusion
Introducing this painted pottery in the Godin sequence abruptly, the occurrence of this ware not only in late chalcolithic period sites of Central Plateau but throughout the chalcolithic period and diverse shape and decoration of this ware in chalcolithic period sites of Central Plateau, demonstrated that this ware is related to the  Central Plateau. It was considered as an intrusive ware in the eastern Central Zagros area such as Godin Tepe. The main question regarding this fine painted pottery is about the sudden emergence of this pottery in the sequence of Godin and how it developed from the central Plateau and reached the eastern Central Zagros in the west of Iran?    
 We do not believe in immigration hypothesis about this intrusive ware in Godin sequence as those theory explained for Godin VII Plume ware at Central plateau. As noted at fourth millennium BC, Godin tepe at west of Iran reached its maximum level of social complexity and is one of the most important trade centers which has great contact and interaction with neighboring areas and particularly the Central plateau of Iran. This trend was started at Godin VII period and those plume wares of Zagros were reported from the Central plateau of Iran. noted that before Godin VII period and during the fifth and sixth millennium BC, west of Iran had great interactions and contact with the northwest of Iran. With the beginning of Godin VII period and specially Godin VI period, the direction of communication was changed from north to the east and the areas like the Central plateau become the main commercial partner of the western Iran at fourth millennium BC. Consequently, this fine painted ceramic was evidence of this interactions and communications.  Obviously future studies and excavations will tell more about this fine painted ware in western Iran.

Abstract
Qal’eh Ganj is situated on the south of Kerman province, on the border of Sistan & Baluchistan and Hormozgan provinces. The first season of archaeological survey of this area has been carried out in 2016. This survey resulted in discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. In the present article, we try to determine cultural connection of study area with surrounding regions and it is the reason that we can present a relative dating for the prehistoric sites (Chalcolithic and Bronze Age sites). Based on the comparative dating, chalcolithic sites encompass two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC that introduce cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively, Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad. The Study of surface data from Bronze Age sites indicate a cultural connection between southern Jazmurian to areas of Halilrud Basin (Konar Sandal south), Soghun valley (Tepe Yahya) and Eastern Jazmurian (Bampur Tepe) and include a time range from late fourth millennium to early second millennium BC. There were found various stone structures in Bronze Age sites which suggests different functions including graves, residential spaces and water management systems. Based on dispersal of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic location as a connection between Bampur area and Persian Gulf, It assumes that the seasonal rivers and straits have had a role in bridging the two mentioned areas. The results of this research introduce the study area as an intermediate area for cultural linking between the eastern regions of Jazmourian and Halilrud Basin at Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period.
Keywords: Jazmurian Basin, Qaleh Ganj, Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
Qal’eh Ganj is located on the most southern part of Kerman province. Chāh-e Khodādād is one of two districts of the present Qal’eh Ganj county, on the border of Sistan & Balouchestan and Hormozgan.
In 2016, the first season of archaeological survey and reconnaissance of county of Qal’eh Ganj has been carried out as a part of the Iranian National Archaeological Map Project in which the authors tried to clarify the cultural status of the region in different periods.
In addition to these purposes, the present research attempts to analyze the results of this research in order to identify regional and trans-regional connections and interactions with the neighboring areas. 
Geographically, this region has a strategic situation because it appears to link three significant cultural zones of southeast of Iran (Mokrān, Persian Gulf and Halīlrūd basin).
This survey resulted in the discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. The sites are morphologically influenced by the geographical factors of their places that can be categorized into two different types: plain areas and highlands (foothill and mountainous areas). 
Based on the surface data, 39 sites can be assigned to prehistoric times (Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period) matching the cultural sequence of southeastern Iran. Here, we aimed to answer two following questions: 1) what were the patterns of prehistoric settlements in this area? 2) How this area interacted with the other regions of southeastern Iran?   

Data and Materials
In southeastern Iran, our information about the prehistoric times is limited to the old excavations of Iblis and Yahya. Recent excavations in Jiroft (Konar Sandal sites and Varamin), Tepe Vakil Abad in Orzouiyeh, Tepe Dehno in Shahdad have revised our knowledge about the chronology of the region which made us able to form a chronological frame for relative dating of the study area materials.      
Based on this comparative dating, Chalcolithic sites include two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC including three cultural periods of southeastern Iran. 
In spite of chalcolithic site locating on both of plain and highlands, no Bronze Age site was found in the plain. Bronze Age sites only dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmurian to northern Persian Gulf shores.
The stone fences and platforms, graves and remains of great stone architectural complexes are the shared elements of all the Bronze Age sites. We can suggest different functions for theses structure including graves, residential spaces and water management systems.
Chronologically, Bronze Age in this area coincides to cultural periods of Yahya IVB and Bampur I-VI in south eastern Iran. Unlike the chalcolithic sites which are located on both plain and highlands, we found no Bronze Age site in the plain, they all were scattered in the highlands.
 
Conclusion 
Based on the relative dating, it is realized that the Chalcolithic settlements date back to fifth and fourth millennium BC presenting three cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad.
Bronze Age sites are dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmourian to northern Persian Gulf hinterlands.
 Regarding to dispersion of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic locations, the straits and seasonal rivers are considered as the natural corridors to link Jazmurian to the northern bank of Persian Gulf.
Based on the pottery evidence, a cultural continuation is evident from Bronze Age to early second millennium BC. 

Abstract
Khozestan and Ilam, the two geographically important provinces have always been under consideration by all reigning powers of all history in Iran. The attention was not limited to one or two governments and the fortune was with them even written history due to the suitable geographical situation and the shared borders with Mesopotamia. Because of political, religious, ethnic, etc. reasons, the power epicenter stayed out of the southwestern part of Iran’s plateau in the time of Sassanid and Achaemenian for example. Sassanid, over four centuries of power in a vast area in west of Asia, had an especial interest toward the Persian territory. Significant cities of the time, such as Estakhr, Goor and Shaporkhoreh were established in this very region. The extra ordinary number of reliefs, common wealth buildings and fire temples (Chartaqi/ groin vaulted buildings) existing in the area is a witness to Persia’s distinct status. In this paper, based on historical and geographical documents and writings (inscribed between the 3rd to 9th centuries), groin vaulted buildings (Chartaqi) and many fire temples of this area, the mentioned attention has been taken under study. The research method is historical descriptive and through studying the literature and archeological documents (groin vaulted fire temples) and the study on the progress of groin vault buildings from south to north approaching the ancient Mesopotamian borders, and the references in most of historical documents to numerous fire temples of the area, it can be concluded that this piece of land had the equal value of the whole country to Sassanid and this field needs more excavation as far as the Sassanid are concerned.
Keywords: Sassanid, Groin Vaults, Fire Temples, Khozestan, Ilam, Peshtkooh in Lorestan.

Introduction
The biggest part of attention of the ruling perspective, spending huge budget of improvement, building magnificent cities, designing and building roads and buildings in Sassanid era, was devoted to the central territory, meaning Fars province. Founding big cities such as Goor (Firuz Abad), Shapurkhoreh (Bishapur next to Kazerun) and Estakhr signifies that the special attention being paid from the administrations to this area. Their predecessors, Achaemenian, had made their home and place to stay in Persepolis and Pasargadae. The area under study was taken to consideration with following Achaemenian but such causes such as keeping the throne away from western borders to maintain more safety, keeping more control over Persian Gulf and religious, racial and tribal motives were the main reasons of this attitude.
In the following study, the two sites of Khozestan and Ilam are scrutinized geographically and archeologically because of being situated in the same geographical crest. Although two zones of Islam Abad Qarb and Gilan Qarb, both located in Kermanshah province were forgone in order to establish a locale. Examination criterion has been set due to political divisions of the country. The study time expand is the Sassanid period and the population expand is the groin vaulted buildings (Chartaqi) as a practically religious structure. 

The Fire Temples and Groin Vaulted Buildings in Khozestan
Sim Band Chartaqi: situated in north east of Masjed Soleiman and on the road to Shahid Abbaspour dam.
Keikavus Chartaqi: located in North West of Behbahan within 20 kilometers distance in a village of the same name. The exterior and interior (dome) had been about 12 meters in height. The building’s height is about 10.5 meters and the walls’ thickness –being made of stone and mortar- is 2.40 meters. 
Kherabad Fire Temple: situated in east of Behbahan by 15 kilometers, it is overlooking the vast field of Behbahan. The bridge over the river is not visible from the distance.

The Fire Temples and Groin Vaulted Buildings in Ilam
Dare Shahr Chartaqi: In Seimareh valley, west of the archeological site which the locals call Plaster hills which is the progressive form of ancient buildings. (Lakpour, 2005: 86-127)
Julian Chartaqi: The remains of the ancient city, known as Julian in the mountain sides of Abdanan, one of the southern cities in Ilam.
Siahgal Ivan Fire Temple: It is located with a distance of 25 kilometers away from Ivan in Zarfeh, near the river Gangir and among the farming fields of the local people.
Moshgab (Sarableh) Fire Temple: in the ancient city of Sirvan or Shirvan in Moshkan Sarableh within 3 kilometers distance of Sarableh city.
Molab Chartaqi: This building which has been registered recently, is located in the east of Molab viledge with 5 meters in height.
Qajar fire temple in Dare shahr: This is one of the ruined buildings of Ilam which Wandburg introduced for the first time in 1977 in an article called the Chartaqi in Poshtkoh Lorestan in Iranica Antiqua and covered some more groined vaulted buildings of the region as well.
Tablkhaneh Chartaqi or Naqarkhaneh or Posh Erisht: This is built in a manner that the angels are oriented to agree with the compass. In 20 meters distance of the north east, the remains of some platforms are visible which can be signs of fire temples and holy fire.
Mayee Mah Chartaqi: Pashtil, is what remains probably from a compliment to a chartaqi. The dome and ceiling are almost gone and very little of the columns are left.
Koshk Qanifar Chartaqi: This one, also called Chahar Kaleh or Chahar pa is located within the distance of 12 kilometers Imamzadeh peer. It is in the form of square with the upper side of the dome, completely destroyed is currently now with 3 meters of height. The total height is about 7 meters.
Mehr-Varpeel Fire Temple: This construction was analyzed and studied in 1969 by Wanderburg during the fifth archeological excavations. It is situated on top of a hill, in 8 kilometer distance to the south of Mehr village.  
Changineh Fire Temple: It is located in the center of a village in 22 kilometers of south east of Ilam, called Chahnjiha. It is not a complete square and each side has a dimension of its own.
Se-pa Fire Temple: Wonderburg studied Ivan from Sartang to Daruneh in his studies in 1970 and found a fire temple called Sepaa.

Conclusion
The present study has been conducted and compiled base on a rather lengthy report on historical data and the remained buildings with groin vaults from the Sassanid period known by many writings as fire temples. The aim and purpose was to change directions in Sassanid studies from Fars province to other directions. West of Iran, especially the southern parts as centers of gravity for the Sassanid with other reigning classes of the west and this area was constantly and seriously threatened by them. The Sassanid could not ignore nor neglect the destructions from the west and insult on its total authority. Thus, the use of religious buildings and related ones was taken into consideration as a serious measure. This is just but some of the existing monuments left in the area and the more western provinces such as Kermanshah are added, the more significance is added to the area during the Sassanid period.
But the west and south west, located in the western borders of the kingdom, also enjoyed an imperative and strategic state as well. The area that is today called the provinces of Khozestan and Ilam in south west and Kermanshah in the west witnessed a great deal of constant upheaval between Iran and West (Greece and Rome) in a manner that just with the two kingdoms of “ASHKANI” and Rome in this area the conflict lasted about 300 years. That is why they (the Sassanid) could not ignore this very area. Constructing the fire temple in Izeh which is mentioned in a lot of historical and geographical documents is one significant example of such. If from the southwest crest to northwest, one can be taken into consideration and study, the Chartaqi built in Poshtkoh in Lorestan to Iran and Dare Shahr, to south and Khozestan, denotes the geopolitical importance of the region for Sassanid.

Abstract
The site of Narjuiyeh III is located on the eastern natural mounds of the Narjuiyeh village, from the west overlooking Halil River. Scattering of the fourth millennium BC, especially typical Aliabad type are visible on these mounds. Traces of illegal excavation are also available as pits and holes all over the site. Aliabad ceramics are pottery dating back to the fourth millennium BC (Chalcolithic) in the southeast of the Iranian plateau, first excavated and reported by Caldwell from Aliabad in Bardsir of Kerman, and then have been found and reported from fourth millennium layers of Tell Iblis (Iblis IV) which eventually became known as Aliabad Culture (Caldwell, 1967).      Ali-Abad culture potteries (Chalcolithic age) dates back to the 4th millennium BC in southeast of Iran which the distribution of its potteries include the regions of Kerman, Balouchistan and Pakistan. Aliabad pottery in the south-east of the Iranian plateau is one of the most important and prominent pottery types in the Chalcolithic period (Eskandari and Mollasalehi, 2017), which for more detail understanding about this culture in addition to archaeological studies, requires scientific archaeometric analysis and methods; therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate, study and further understand the fourth millennium BC pottery of Aliabad culture from Jiroft’s Narjuiyeh III site and understanding the expansion of this culture by using structural and technical studies of pottery of this period. At the same time, it has been attempted to use the method of mineralogy (petrography) to get information about how to process the paste, clay type and used temper, conditions, heating and temperature of baking in the furnace, as well as the understanding of the origin of pottery of this area. Archaeological studies show that Aliabad culture in the southeast of the Iranian plateau was the dominant culture of the region in the fourth millennium BC. In this study, it has been attempted to obtain mineralogical information regarding pottery (Aliabad pottery) using library and thin section petrography studies. The polarized binocular microscope JamesSwift made in the United Kingdom at the Petrographic Laboratory of the Institute for Restoration and Conservation was used for microscopic study of the studied pottery.
Keywords: Archaeometry, Petrography, Aliabad Culture, Narjuiyeh in Jiroft, Southeast of Iran.

Introduction
From the textural point of view, the pottery was divided into two main categories of fine-grained and coarse-grained specimens. In fine-grained specimens, the components are less than 0.5 mm in size, and the components are finely crystallized in the texture of pottery. A group of pottery has immature silty texture. In the texture of these potteries, there are fragments of different sizes next to each other, and there is some clutter and disarrangement to the size of the minerals in the pottery. In terms of composition, all available pottery has the same composition and their difference are in the percentage of pieces in the pottery texture and their size. In all available ceramics, there are several minerals, including quartz, in the form of monocrystalline (monocrystalline) and polycrystalline, which are more abundant in monocrystalline form. This mineral has angular to semicircular margins indicating that quartz fragments have been added as secondary to the primary source. In some samples, minor amounts of plagioclase, pyroxene and amphibole with mica are observed. Mica minerals are mostly muscovite grains that are orange-colored, but sometimes orange-yellow muscovite grains can also be seen in the samples. This reaction is due to the change in the optical properties of the grains at a temperature of approximately 1000 degrees Celsius, which can be partially detected the temperature the pottery tolerated on during the heating process. In some samples igneous rock, chert and quartz rock fragments were used as fillers. In some pottery, calcite minerals can also be observed and used to detect its temperature range. Therefore, it can be concluded that due to the geology of the region and the presence of calcium carbonate in the sedimentary deposits of the region, the absence of calcite mineralization in some samples indicates that the temperature of the ceramics is higher than 800 °C, and in calcite-clay ceramics, the baking temperature of the clay is less than 800 °C (Reedy 2008; Riederer 2004). The two N9 and N7 specimens differ in composition from the other specimens. In these two samples calcite minerals are associated with the clay texture, whereas in the other samples this is not the case.

Conclusion
Based on the petrographic study of the pottery, it can be deduced that the source of the pottery studied was identical and their source material was from the same region in Kerman. However, the origin of manufacture and extracting of soil mines cannot be determined definitely, because the geology of the Kerman region is very large and vast especially the studied areas are in volcanic formations, which, the mineralogical composition and sequence of some of them are granite, granodiorite to quartz. Metamorphic, plagioclases, clinopyroxenes, and mica minerals and igneous and metamorphic rocks are within the geological family of the area, which exactly similar compounds can be found with the minerals in the pottery. There are also three different groups for these pottery: 1) Pottery with homogeneous texture. In this type of pottery, fragments and minerals are seen floating and scattering in the texture. 2) Pottery in the texture in addition to clay and fine minerals, phyllosilicate minerals (mica) exist in combination with the texture. 3) In these ceramics the combination of the texture of mineral carbonate calcium (calcite) together with the clay texture is visible, a situation not seen in the other samples. This indicates that the pottery used has different manufacturing techniques, therefore, several pottery makers have been involved in preparation and procurement of early paste and clay of the pottery. Pottery samples N5, N6, N7, N8 and N9 contain calcite minerals. It can be suggesting that the baking temperature of these pottery was less than 800 degrees Celsius. In the samples containing muscovite minerals, some of the grains show changes from orange to yellow, indicating that these ceramics have been sustain a temperature of approximately 950-1000 °C. Based on the results and even the buff-orange color of the ceramics, it should be noted that the analyzed pottery were baked in an oxidation condition and in a closed furnace. The type of baking and precision used in baking the pottery in high quality, especially the 4th millennium BC pottery, is very high, indicating that the technique used in baking pottery was also very professional. Some ceramics, such as (N1, N8, N9) have porphyry texture and in their texture quartz mineral, chert stone and igneous rock have been used as filler and temper. In most cases, the edges of quartz minerals are edged and sharp, which, indicates the use of primary soil and its paste processing and resultant of grinding of core and ore extractive mining because all fragments and sherds have sharp and angular angles as well. It should also be noted that there is no evidence of the use of organic materials as temper in pottery making.

Abstract
Greater Khorasan, which is now divided into six countries, in addition to its geopolitical importance, have great historical importance due to the formation of the Parthian State and then the powerful presence of the Sassanid Empire along with the expansion of territory and protection of borders against the invasion of the Eastern nations. Despite these reasons, there is little information on past events in the area in the historical and archaeological sources. Iranian Khorasan occupies a large part of the northeast and east of the country. Archaeological survey in the middle part of the Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh corridor in northern Khorasan has identified various sites from the Parthian and Sassanid eras. Among the identified ancient sites, sixteen architectural structures were identified in the form of a fort. Recognizing the differences and similarities between the architecture of the forts with each other and then comparing them with other similar examples inside and outside the borders of Iran, led to a better understanding of the fort-building styles and their grouping in this region. In this research, in addition to identifying forts and recognizing their architectural features, using remote sensing, ecological studies and the type distribution of forts from each other. This article emphasizes the socio-political role of the study area as the last border access to the central plateau of Iran.
Keywords: Northern Khorasan, Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh Corridor, Tappe-Ghaleh & Forts Parthian, Sassanid.

Introduction
To understand the cultural developments of the Parthian and Sassanid communities in the northern region of Khorasan, it is important to know the nature of the settlements of this period. In written sources, Greater Khorasan is often depicted on the northeastern edge of the civilized world. This region has always played a dynamic role in ancient times due to the function of the pathway and the connection of the East to the West in the field of population movement with the entry or invasion of nomadic tribes and cultural exchanges. The origin and emergence of the Parthian state, the development of eastern territories and the control of borders and communication routes, and the monitoring of trade were other reasons for the importance of this region during the Parthian and Sassanid eras. These subjects had caused the geographical-political-administrative boundaries of the two governments in Khorasan to be constantly changing.
Aims and Necessity of the Research: Typology of forts of Parthian and Sassanid historical periods in the middle part of Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh corridor is part of the purpose of writing this article, in addition to the identification of architectural styles and their comparison with other simultaneous examples in the territory of these two governments. The function of forts and their role in the socio-administrative structure presents their historical context and also highlights the importance of the studied geographical area in the political-governmental structure of the Parthians and Sassanids.
Research Questions: What are the architectural features of the forts during the Parthian and Sassanid eras? Is it possible to provide a relative chronology for forts based on architectural features? Did the form and shape of the forts affect their functional role? What was the position of the studied geographical area in the Parthian and Sassanid historical governmental structure?
The middle part of the Kopedagh-Aladagh corridor is located in the northeastern part of Iran and northern Khorasan and is based on the political divisions include the cities of Farooj and Shirvan in North Khorasan Province and the city of Quchan in Khorasan Razavi Province. 
The first systematic survey was conducted in 1977 in the Upper Atrak area (from the western part of Quchan to Shirvan). Archaeological studies have been re-conducted by the author in the last two decades in the middle part of the Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh corridor. These studies led to the identification of various sites from the Parthian and Sassnid periods. These studies led to the identification of various sites from the Parthian and Sassanid eras. Sixteen architectural structures were identified in the form of forts. Recognizing their architectural features, differences, and similarities with each other and then comparing them with other similar examples inside and outside the borders of Iran, led to a better understanding of forts construction styles and their categories in this region. By studying the characteristics of forts, they can be divided into two groups according to their geographical location. 1- Mountain fort: Two mountain forts are located on the northern and southern slopes of the Middle Mountain Valley. The position of these two sites is very significant because they had complete control over the opposite plain and the surrounding area. 2- Plain forts: As it is clear from the title, this group of forts is in the plain but based on their physical characteristics, they are divided into three subgroups: a) single forts. b) a fort with a non-enclosed settlement area. c) enclosed settlements. All the structures introduced in the three groups of plain forts, despite the differences, also have common points with each other, which indicate the existence of a common style of architecture and its continuation from the Parthian to Sassanid period, and the differences can indicate the different functions of these structures.
The eastern borders of the territory of the Parthian and Sassanid governments have been one of the main gateways for the invading tribes such as the Scythians, Khyuns, Heptalians, etc. These attacks often occurred from three entrances. 1- Merv route to Mashhad-Neishabour, 2- Herat route to Taybad-Neishabour, and the third route was crossing the northern margin of Kopeh Dagh and entering from Gorgan to the central plateau of Iran.  But in northern Khorasan, the Kopedagh mountain range, as a natural wall, has been part of this defensive system. The Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh corridor in the east-west direction has been a geographically enclosed and closed area between two wide areas, namely the Akhal plain in the north and the central plateau of Iran in the south. Therefore, due to this natural feature, it has played a deterrent role against the direct attack of the invading tribes on the central plateau of Iran.

Conclusion
By studying all the conditions affecting the subject of political-administrative, economic-social and military structures in the middle part of Kopeh Dagh-Ala Dagh corridor, it can be concluded that this region, in addition to having relative military security, economically meets the needs of the region’s inhabitants (although it was independent, but politically it had to be under the tutelage or part of one of the satraps of its time. Perhaps it can be argued that due to the density of Parthian and Sassanid castles and sites on the southern slope of Kopeh Dagh, especially their density in front of a passage in the north of Farooj city, was due to a political and administrative relationship with a city in the north of the region. According to archeological excavations and historical sources, the two important cities of Nisa and Merv from the Parthian and Sassanid periods in the north of this region have been the political center of the region. On the other hand, based on the interregional route, the northern and southern parts were interconnected, so the region may be politically subordinate to one of the two states of Parthia or Merv, depending on the time and government.

Abstract
Arrows and arches are among the weapons of the Safavid period that, in addition to battlefields, have a special place in courtier and hunting ceremonies .Therefore, it is undeniably important to identify the arches of this period. A small number of remained arches and the scarcity of relevant resources have made them difficult to study, but to study Safavid arches, one of the most important documents of this period namely Miniatures ,can be used; Because Safavid period Miniatures  were portrayed in a very realistic way in addition to aesthetic values. As a result of the war, various sites, including the arch, can be followed well. In addition to the introduction; classifying all kinds of bows and related tools, such as bow case and quiver, as one of the oldest and most important tools in the Safavid period is one of the main goals of this study. What are the types of answers to questions such as the arch and related tools in this course? What is the connection between their appearance and their function? And what decorative designs have been applied to the bows of this period? In this research, which has been done by the descriptive-analytical method and by collecting data as a library, comparison, analysis, and classification of arches are performed through 70 figures and the effect was drawn from the beginning to the end of the Safavid period. The results showed that at least four types of arches and six different types of quivers were used in different Safavid periods. Among them are the arches that were sunk in the center and had corners to the outside; more widely used and simple arches have been less useful. Among the types of motifs engraved on arches, commonly written inscriptions have played the most important role on the surface of arches, mostly in order to stimulate morale and the use of divine forces to defeat the enemy. Also, the role of bow or instrument related to it, such as archery ring, shows the importance of these objects in showing the authority of the Iranian court in foreign relations and its position as the official array of court men of this period.
Keywords: Bow, Bow Case, Quiver, Safavid Period, Safavid Miniatures.

Introduction
The bow and arrow was considered as one of the royal weapons in the Safavid period. Due to the nature of the bow, few examples of this weapon remain, making it difficult to study bows and other related devices. In this study, in addition to emphasizing the position of the mentioned war tool in the army and Safavid society, the bows attributed to this period were studied and classified, and the information was obtained through a review of historical sources and related travelogues; Moreover, a comparative study was conducted between 20 paintings and 3 index murals with the role of bows and related tools in the Safavid era, which were selected from 70 collected samples. 
The purpose of this study was to introduce and classify different types of bows and related devices and to answer the questions: What types and patterns of use the bows and related devices in this period had? And what decorative motifs were used on the arrows of this period?
Research method: The information required for the research has been collected in the form of documents-library research and the data have been studied in a descriptive-analytical and comparative manner. The bow was one of the weapons with the string in the Safavid period. This toolkit has been used in wars and chases. The bow had a special place in the court structure of the Safavid period what we will examine in the following.

Safavid Period Bows
 The bow had a special place in the military structure of the Safavids, and like the sword, it was one of the basic weapons. Carrying this weapon has also been an honor for the upper classes of society, and it has been part of the rituals in the homes of people from different regions. 
Until the reign of Shah Abbas the Great, the weapons of the Ghezelbash were mostly bows and arrows. He made changes to the organization of the army to improve it, and one of the consequences was that the importance of using bows on battlefields diminished. 
Bow and related devices: To use this weapon in addition to a bow, one needed arrows and supplies such as archers or shrapnel and the box.
Types of bows: Examining the drawings and comparing the shapes of the bows showed the image of the four types of arches in this period.
Bow decorations: Most bows were gilded with bright colors. Sometimes the bow was covered with Saghari leather. These measures also protected it from the effects of weather and heat.
The bow case: Due to the negative effect of moisture on wood, bows were kept in special containers called “the bow case”.
Quiver: Among the paintings of this period, six types of arrows can be seen.
Tailpiece: One of the most important and common tools related to the bow is the tailpiece ring also known as the tailpiece. This group of rings has become common since the 9th century AH.

Conclusion
Although there are few surviving examples of bows and related tools in the Safavid period, the study of historical texts and documents and drawings, answers many questions about this warfare. The importance of the role of paintings and drawings of this period in responding to the types of bows and related tools is clearly visible. Studies on the works of this period found that the classification of bows into two types of hunting and war is incorrect about Safavid bows.
Regarding the appearance of the bow and its related instruments, the studies performed showed four different types of bows and six different shooting patterns. Variety in the shape of bows raises the question of whether there was a connection between their appearance and their function. In response, it should be said that the different shapes of the bow were by no means the reason for its different uses, and the comparison of the bows depicted in the scenes of war, hunting, and court showed no distinction between the bows.
In the decoration of the bows, the colored colors and the painted Saghari leather had a special place and in this way, they were protected from the effects of weather and heat. As mentioned earlier; the handles and corners of the bow of “Shah Ismail I” were gilded with plant elements and two inscriptions were written on the surface of the bow, mentioning the date of construction and the name of the builder and religious verses and phrases. This is true of the decorations of the arrow box and fragments, and with more emphasis on the tailpiece rings, so that their presence, even in non-combat images, indicates their existence as part of the official accessories of the Safavid court men.

Abstract
During the fourth millennium BCE similar wares used to produce and use in the extended area in Near East which is so-called Beveled rim bowls. Its importance is for high quantity and similarity in production techniques. Different studies on dating, function, and the main reason for the spread of this pottery style have been done. Although beveled rim bowls were found in many sites in west, south, south-eastern, and central plateau, hereby new finding from Kale Kub seems that this pottery style was spread in the more extended area than what we expect. Kale Kub is located in the eastern part of Iran, Southern Khorasan, and Sarayan county. In 2018, two trenches were opened in order to identify the stratigraphy of the high amount of beveled rim bowls in addition to other pottery styles belong to fourth millennium BCE which are already known in southwestern Iran. The current study would be clarifying the importance of the Kale Kub site for identifying the dispersal zone of Beveled rim bowl pottery style by an endeavor firstly foe the classification and typology of the potteries and then a comparison between the pottery style in this site with other sites related to this period. Also, we attempt to trace the possible routes for this pottery style to the East and the interaction between east and west of Iran. Pottery collection from the excavation in Kale Kub includes a high amount of beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and some other pottery styles which are well-known from fourth millennium BCE such as nose handle and spouted wares. Beveled rim bowls are over 15 percent of the pottery collection and other styles have a few quantities in the collection. In term of production techniques and style, Kale Kub finds are similar to those from southwest of Iran.
Keywords: Eastern Iran, Kaleh Kub II, Beveled Rim Bowls, Forth Millennium BCE.

Introduction
The first season of excavation at Kale Kub aimed to identify the stratigraphy sequence of this site, which has revealed the chronological sequence from fifth to late fourth millennium BCE. Cultivation and human activities in recent years resulted in disturbance in most parts of the site. Beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and other diagnostic pottery styles of fourth millennium BCE are the most important finds in this site. In addition to beveled rim bowls and Banesh tray, other diagnostic styles such as nose handle, spouted wares were found in Kale Kub that shows all styles belong to this millennium would have seen in the eastern part of the Iranian plateau. In modern Iran, these pottery styles are reported from the southwest, central Zagros, central plateau, and southeast, but from east and northeast just reported from Farhad Gerd which scholars believe that the reported pottery is not beveled rim bowl. Excavation in Kale Kub shows the extension of this culture to the east part of Iran. This site is located far from the well-known sites from this period in the west part of Iran and there are two deserts, Dasht-e Kavir and Lut desert, between this site and other known sites with similar pottery style increase the importance of finding the answer for this question that how this culture found its way to the east.

Conclusion
Inter-regional interactions had a significant effect on the movement of raw material and production in the extended area. Because of the geographical situation of Kale Kub at the east of Iran and the existence of metal mine in the region, this site possibly appeared as a supplier place in the interaction networks for the southwest of Iran during the fourth millennium BCE. The pottery culture which is prevalent in the southwest in this site shows clearly these interactions. To answer the question of how they were connected, we need more excavations and more information. The nearest sites with similar cultural features to the Kale Kub are Tepe Sofalin in Pishva, Varamin in central plateau; and in the southeast of Iran, Mahtout Abad in Jiroft, that both have about thousand kilometers are away from Kale Kub. This distance shows that there are highly probable some other sites between Sofalin and Kale Kub and also Mahtout Abad and Kale Kub that have not been identified yet. These two-direction routes (first, the southern boundary of Alborz mountain and north of Dasht-e Kavir; second, the southern part of Lut desert to the Sistan region and eastern parts of Iran), are the possible routes that connect the east to the fourth millennium BCE cultures of southwest in purpose of achieving the raw material. In the highlands around Kale Kub, copper mining evidence showing that these mines were used till late Islamic periods in the region as well. Also, this region has various types of opal. Kale Kub location between Afghanistan and inner part of Iranian plateau suggests that this site was formed on the way of lapis-lazuli movement routs from Afghanistan; also, the mines of turquoise at the Neishabur is near to the site. Although, finding the role of this site in the networks of fourth millennium BCE needs more information that will be revealed by more excavations but current evidence shows that this site had an exchange and production function in the trade in this period. It suggests that beveled rim bowls and other material culture from fourth millennium BCE (about 3600-3500 BCE) extended to the east from the central plateau and southern part of Alborz Mountain as well as northern side of Dasht-e Kavir.