Abstract
Waqf is one of the oldest and most valuable human heritages that has been widely used among all ethnic groups, religions and civilized nations of the world and in different periods of Iranian history and has had lasting effects on societies. The issue of waqf and its formation and function have had a long history in the city of Ardabil. The city of Ardabil has had strategic and geopolitical value in terms of geographical location. During the Qajar period, although Ardabil did not have the prosperity and glory of the Safavid period, but people, especially Shiites, paid much attention to that city and until the end of the Qajar period, they went to visit the tomb of Sheikh Safi. The religious nature of Ardabil, especially as the origin of the head of the Safavid sect of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the location of his tomb, has had a great impact on the role and function of the waqf tradition in various religious, cultural, social and economic dimensions. The present study was done in a descriptive-analytical manner. To this end, libraries and archival documents and Waqfnameh were studied, reviewed and analyzed in the General Directorate of waqf and Charitable Affairs of Ardabil province. The present study seeks to answer the question: what socio-economic functions did the tradition and institution of waqf have in Ardabil during the Qajar period and what were the amount, types and uses of waqf in Ardabil? The analysis revealed how the socio-economic functions of waqf have been influenced by socio-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period. Due to the religious nature of Ardabil, religious waqfs are the most common items in Waqfnameh. In addition, waqfs have been given to those people who have actually needed them. Also, new intellectual movements and the familiarity of Ardabili waqf doers with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have had a significant impact on the types of waqfs.
Keywords: Institution of Waqf, Ardabil, Function, Qajar, Waqfnameh.

Introduction
The institution of endowment as an institution rooted in the history of Iran dates back to before Islam (Ahmadi, 43:1391). In the ancient period, Iranians paid attention to following their religion and doing good deeds and especially taking care of the poor in the society and to maintain the fire temple. have had offerings and endowments (Salimi Far 1370: 52). Waqf literally means imprisonment. Current charity is usually interpreted as endowment. Waqf is defined in Shari’i terms as confiscation of principle and surrender of benefit (Obeid Al-Kabisi, 1995: 64, Office of Scientific Cooperation and Elite Affairs.... 2015: 39, Qurashi, 1996: 236). What is meant by “confinement of the object” is actually separating the endowment from the property of the waqif and keeping the object from transfer, and the owner will no longer have any rights to that property (Saadat Mostafavi and Sedghi, 1393: 67). The economic definition of endowment can be considered as a change in the use of resources from individual exploitation to social benefit for the present and future generations (Mesbahi Moghadam et al., 2010: 99).
Awqaf played a very important role in the life of the cities and it spread so much that a special court was established for it, which is known as “Diwan of Ihbas” or “Diwan of Awqaf” (Abdul Sattar Osmani, 1376: 83). In the turbulent years between the extinction of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of the Qajar dynasty, many properties were either taken over by the government or turned into private properties (Lambton, 1363: 128-124). In the traditional Qajar system, most of the civil institutions, even if the people involved in the government were the founders, functioned in the form of endowment and relied on a stable endowment system.
Question and Hypothesis: Considering the importance of endowment documents and the lack of attention to them, the present research seeks to answer this question: What process did the tradition and institution of endowment in Ardabil go through after the establishment of the Qajar period and the religious, social and economic functions of this institution within the scope of What were the developments during the period under investigation and what was the impact of current intellectual currents on endowments?
It seems that the functions of the endowment were influenced by social-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period, especially the constitutionalism movement. With the spread of new knowledge and the intellectual transformation of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as the endowment of a bath, the endowment of land for the construction ، expenses for the needy patients, and the establishment of schools in a new style and... new dimensions and It is applicable.
Research Documents: In this article, 84 dedication letters have been studied and analyzed The endowment letters were obtained from the document center of the General Department of Endowments and Charitable Affairs in Ardabil province, exclusively in Ardabil city, and their file numbers will be mentioned in the references. In the following, the endowment letters will be discussed and analyzed based on issues such as religious, economic, social functions, the gender of the waqfs, trustees, and the social status of the waqfs.

Analysis of Endowment Documents based on the Gender of the Benefactors
Explaining the role and social status of Ardabil women in the endowments of the Qajar era because it refers to the explanation of the presence of women in various political and social arenas in the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, which is important. Among the studied waqf letters, there are 11 waqf letters related to the waqf by Ardabil women According to Table 4, from the beginning of the Qajar period to the 1960s, we can see the expansion of the presence of women donors among the studied samples. It seems that in the process of the constitutional process, Iranian women also try to achieve their natural and social rights and engage in a wise and wide-ranging struggle in many ways and emphasize the realization of their demands in the social, cultural and political fields (Afari, 1377: 5). The process of describing women in the studied area has a forward tone, in accordance with the general trend of the country, and it indicates that the tradition of women’s endowments is gaining ground under the influence of the prevailing political, cultural and religious currents. Perhaps another reason for favoring and paying attention to endowment among women is related to the new political, social and cultural reasoning of Iranian society in the era of constitutionalism against the tradition and modernity of government and society and citizenship rights, and it has brought individual freedom for women. (Ajdani, 1386:7). In the deed of endowment on May 2, 1346, (file number: 3), a woman gives half of her dowry to her husband and donates the other half to a mosque in Ardabil. Ardabili women have given endowments such as agricultural land, land, house, yard, shop, village and residential building in numerous letters of endowment. The place where these endowments are spent is for building, repairing and spending the mosque, giving prayers, charity, and the expenses of the imam of the congregation, etc. In the deed of endowment on 20 Jumadi al-Thani 1326 AH, Khursheed bequeaths the profits from her endowment from the village of khoshkehRood (with a compromise with her niece) in Ardabil to be spent on charity and charity of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shahada, peace be upon him (file number: 1/ x) The proceeds from the waqf nameh of Jumadi al-Thani 1334 AH, Maryam the daughter of Muhammad Qoli, who owns a shop, should be spent on Imam Hossein’s funeral (case number: 16). In her letter of endowment dated 25 Jumadi al-Awwal 1341 A.H., Ruqiyeh Khanum Dokhtar Marhamat has assigned the income from her shops and residential building to carry her husband’s and daughter’s body to the highest honors (file number: 5/R).

Conclusion
Waqf is good and a valuable heritage with various religious, social and economic aspects, and the remaining waqf nameh are like valuable documents in order to explain the process and social system of their time. The importance of examining the dedication letters of the city of Ardabil, on the one hand, in terms of the social situation (the nature of Ardabil’s relationship with the Caucasus and the role of its market in the commercial relations of the region in the last century) has strategic value and political geography, and on the other hand, in terms of the role of Azerbaijan in the current of thought. Constitutionalism is very important as the center of the most important developments of the Qajar era at the macro level, this article explains the impact of the intellectual currents of an era on the cultural and social manifestations crystallized in the documents, and at the micro level, the results of this research showed that the new intellectual currents and the familiarity of endowments Ardabili with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have an impact on the type of endowments. It has made significant contributions, among them the expansion of endowments among women, the construction of hospitals, baths, and schools are among the clear examples of this issue. In other words, at the threshold of the society’s familiarity with new knowledge and the intellectual developments of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as: endowment of the bath, endowment of land for the construction of the bath, expenses for the needy patients and the establishment of schools to New style, etc finds a new and practical dimension the impact of new ideas and new health teachings on endowment can be seen by comparing these two timelines In the waqf nameh of 3 Muharram 1286 AH, the type of reception in the ritual ceremony on Thursdays is specified as tea, coffee and hookah (file number: 10/). In case, in the deed of endowment on 8 Dhul-Qaida 1332 lunar year, the donor has bequeathed all the objects and tools, except for the Sarqalians, to be used in ta’ziyeh and benevolence of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shoheda (case number: 5/k). In fact, it can be seen that in the Qajar period, due to the increasing influence of religious beliefs and beliefs in the society, the neediness and poverty of the people of Ardabil due to the occurrence of natural and social events and crises, as well as the new intellectual currents of various people from guilds, owners and From businessmen to ordinary people, social endowments have been placed alongside religious endowments as a priority. Throughout history, religious figures have taken the majority of donors and endowment affairs and had a special place in this matter, but after the beginning of the constitution and the beginning of the new century, family responsibilities and especially trust in the classes and personalities Social has prospered more than before Examining the social status of the donors shows that merchants and tradesmen account for the most frequency. In general, it should be acknowledged that somehow all benefactors were part of the business and market class it is interesting to pay attention to the expansion of the culture of endowment by Ardabil women after the intellectual currents after the constitutionalism, which seems that in the process of the constitutional current, women appear more and more in social arenas to achieve their natural and social in terms of the social status of the benefactors, who were generally from the merchant class, the endowment of commercial buildings is the second most abundant after real estate and farms. It should also be added that in addition to these mentioned cases, endowment in the field of health, treatment, drinking water, as well as in the field of education in the process of time and in terms of social issues, gradually occupies a larger part of endowments.

Abstract
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Keywords: Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.

Introduction
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar & Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi & Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.

Data
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.

Discussion
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.

Conclusion
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people’s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.

Abstract
In the age of modernism and women’s efforts to transfer their social position, created different characteristics in the type of women’s clothing. The adaptation of Qajar women’s clothing developments to women’s clothing developments in Europe has received less attention and, in this study, matching with British women clothing especially London has not been done. This research tries to answer the question that how much the social effect changes woman in Tehran and London in a period of time in their clothing style, and created a similar meaning of modern woman? The theory, shows the difference of the nature of social changes of two countries and the older history of modernism changes in Britain that revealed in Iran in the form of modernization. The present research is of qualitative type and descriptive method and its approach is comparative art studies. Findings show that developments in women’s clothing does not correspond to the expected social role of contemporary women in Iran. Developments in women’s clothing in Britain in pursuit of greater civil liberties made clothes easier, freer and more in a variety, but in Iran, the changes in women’s clothing were imitative and was not in proportion with social developments. In a way that most changes occurred in woman’s inner clothing that affected some factors like unregulated imports of different textiles and sometimes costs cheap, sewing machine import and etc. It changed to western style like dress, two pieces and etc. and Qajar woman’s outdoor clothing such as veil, mask, was in accordance with common social custom. In other Words, European Women changed their dress in accordance with social activities, but Qajar women were not able to change their social costume in contrast to the tradition of society.
Keywords: Women’s Clothing, Qajar, The Constitutional Period, World War I.

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
The risk of deterioration and destruction threatens valuable traditional housing in the historical texture of villages. Identifying the architectural types of historical houses and analyzing their sustainability are necessary to protect traditional architectural values and use them in contemporary housing designs. While there are many studies on the typology of traditional houses and the sustainability of rural housing, the analysis of architectural types of houses has been less considered. Also, the architectural types of the valuable houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village have not been still extracted and analyzed. Therefore, the main research questions are, what are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability? This study also aims to identify the architectural types of houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village, Chaharmahal, and Bakhtiari Province and to prioritize them based on sustainability. The rural housing sustainability indicators were extracted to achieve the purpose of the research, first by reviewing research and using the qualitative content analysis method. Then, the similarities and differences of the houses in terms of macro-, meso-, and micro-scale characteristics were examined and based on them, six types were identified. In the next step, the identified housing types were compared and ranked based on sustainability using the analytical network process (ANP) method. The dominant architectural type of the village’s historical texture with the highest frequency has the third-highest rank for sustainability. According to the results, the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses. In addition, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches on the first floor, and the number and length of the yards were the most important architectural features that distinguished the types from each other. To improve the sustainability of types and use them in contemporary housing designs, suggestions have been presented, such as granting financial facilities to create living spaces in historical houses and checking the compatibility of the rules of the village guidance [Hadi] plan with the architectural types of housing.
Keywords: Architectural Type, Valuable Historical Texture, Sustainability of Rural Housing, Qajar Era, ANP.

Introduction
Although the historical texture of Yase Chai village is registered in the list of national monuments, the architectural types of the houses have not been extracted and analyzed. Meanwhile, the new houses in the village are built without considering the architectural values of its historical texture. Also, the protection and use of sustainable architectural types of historical houses can bring about a tourism boom. This study aims to identify and prioritize architectural housing types in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village based on sustainability. 
Research questions: What are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability?
Research method: The statistical society included all the houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai. Purposeful sampling was used and 10 prominent houses were selected as representatives of the existing valuable houses of historical texture. Identifying the architectural characteristics of each house was done in three dimensions. Then, the partial types of each characteristic were extracted by comparing and examining the similarities and differences between the samples. Six final types were obtained in the next step based on partial types. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the sustainability of rural houses through the analytic network process (ANP).

Rural Housing Sustainability Components
The components of rural housing sustainability and their criteria include physical-environmental (environmental cleanliness, harmony with nature, and climatic comfort), physical-functional (flexibility, safety, and inclusiveness), physical-aesthetic (visual proportion and vernacular identity, and sensory richness), economic (livelihood and economic costs) and socio-cultural (lifestyle and privacy).

Architectural Characteristics of Houses
Living spaces had southwest and southeast lighting. The average ratio of mass to the land area of houses is 0.8. The dominant type of the mass shape is the central courtyard. The average ratio of length to width of the main courtyards is 1.79. The average percentage ratio of open, semi-open, and closed spaces to total spaces is 18, 19, and 63%, respectively. Most of the houses (70%) had direct access from the living room to the kitchen. On the main facades, the ratio of the area of the openings to the total area of the facade on the first floor was more than twice that of the ground floor. The average minimum width of the porches in the houses was 1.8 meters, which shows the flexibility of the porches.

Final Types of Historical Houses
Six final types were extracted. Type 1, with a frequency of 50%, is the dominant type. The first floor is L-shaped and receives southwest and southeast light. In type 2, the first floor receives light from the southwest, southeast, and northeast directions and has a U shape. In type three, the first floor gets southwest and northwest light; in type four, it gets southwest and northeast light. In type 4, the forms of the first floor are two opposite rectangles. In type 5, the form of the first floor is an incomplete U, and its light is from the southwest, southeast, and northwest. Type 6 is physically a combination of types 1 and 4.

Analysis and Ranking of Types
The most sustainable types and their scores are four (0.195), six (0.176), one (0.171), five (0.164), two (0.159), and three (0.134). Therefore, the fourth type is the most appropriate type to use in the contemporary housing designs of Yase Chai. In types four, five, and six, where a part of the first floor is separate from other parts of the first floor, there is a potential to use the separate part of the first floor as a living space for tourists and increase the level of livelihood. The types one and five have fewer facades with openings than other types, increasing climate comfort. The type one is also preferable to others in terms of view control from the entrance to the courtyard. There are two courtyards separated from each other in type six, which helps to provide more privacy.

Conclusion
In this research in the first step, houses of the historical texture of Yase Chai village were investigated in terms of macro (orientation and lighting, characteristics of mass and form, characteristics of courtyards and structures, and materials), meso (system of open, semi-open, and closed spaces, functions, interior spaces, and facades), and micro-architectural characteristics (entrance, porch, and portico, and details of the building) and their partial types were extracted. In the second step, based on the partial types, six final types were obtained. Sun exposure, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches, and the features of the yards were the most important factors that distinguished the types from each other. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the physical-environmental, physical-functional, physical-aesthetic, economic, and social-cultural components and their subset criteria and indicators using the analytical network process method.
It is suggested to grant financial facilities to strengthen the structure and create living spaces in historical houses. It is also suggested to revise the rules of the village guidance plan and check their compatibility with the architectural types of the historical housing. For example, with the condition of providing proper lighting and ventilation of the interior spaces and coordinating the new designs with sustainable types, the maximum occupancy level should be increased from 60% to 80%. In addition, it is suggested to allocate financial facilities to implement new housing projects with the condition of coordination with the architectural types of the village. The results of the current study demonstrated that the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses.

Acknowledgment
We are grateful to the kind residents who allowed us to visit and document their houses. This research did not receive any specific grant.

Observation Contribution
Sara Dadpour designed the concept and wrote the draft of the article, except for the research background and theoretical foundations. Sajede Kharabati wrote the research background and theoretical foundations and contributed to writing the introduction. Mozhdeh Rahimi conducted field visits and documented the houses. Mozhdeh Rahimi prepared the houses’ plans and 3D visualizations and contributed to the analysis of the architectural features of the houses. The authors’ contributions percentage is Sara Dadpour at 45%, Sajede Kharabati at 25%, and Mozhdeh Rahimi at 30%. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Abstract
Residential architecture as a living space for family members has been influenced by climatic and geographical conditions. Accordingly, some methods for designing climate-responsive architecture can be seen in historic houses of Iran, such as Ashtian. Therefore, this research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate negative effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. Questions are: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, form, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Two hypotheses are: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature. ArcGIS, Google Earth, WRPLOT design software, AutoCAD, and SPSS software were used for data analysis. Based on the results, the architects were started the construction of the building by considering climatic factors such as sunlight angle, prevailing wind, temperature, and humidity. They have paid attention to the type and color of materials, size of windows and doors and courtyards, and size and location of rooms. Also, based on the models obtained from WRPLOT software, the dominant wind of the region in two directions east-west and west-east was identified and its effect on architecture was explained. The results of the analysis in SPSS also show the correlation between “type of land and social class of people”, “type of land and soil with reservoirs”, and “maximum wind speed and the number of floors”.
Keywords: Qajar Monuments, Climate-Responsive Architecture, Residential Architecture, Ashtian.

Introduction
Considering the geographical divisions of Iran, different architectural features have been formed in each geographical region (Memarian, 2012: 5). Although Qajarid architecture was influenced by modernism and non-Iranian patterns, climatic and environmental features have been among the most influential factors in Iranian architecture. It seems that architecture in Ashtian also has such characteristics. The development of the city of Ashtian during the Islamic era was due to its location in Iraq-e Ajam and the route of the pilgrimage to holy shrines of Iraq (Omidbeyki, 2015: 1). In the Qajar period, Ashtian was a place of residence for virtuous and pious people, writers, scholars, and politicians (Shirvani, 1897: 42), and various types of urban and suburban residential structures were built. 
This research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate undesirable effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. The study of these residential structures, with a focus on analyzing the role of geographical factors, provides insights into the interaction between the Qajar society and the specific climatic and environmental conditions of the region.
There are two main questions in this research: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, body, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Based on these questions, the following hypotheses have been proposed: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature.

Discussion
In this study, eight Qajarid residential buildings in Ashtian County – as a cold and dry region in the Markazi Province - were studied, which are: the houses of Mirza Hedayatullah, Mirza Hasan, Nuraee and Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, as well as Mustofi Al-Mamalek (Agha) castle in Ashtian city, Abdulazim Gharib house in Garekan village and two feudal castles in Ja’farabad village (Figs 2-9). 
Based on the Google Earth photos, the Qajarid houses in Ashtian have been located in the middle of the southern slope of the mountain. Because the northern slopes of the mountains are in shadow and colder (Ghobadian, 2018, 101-102), While the southern slope is sunny and has better conditions for residence and other activities. Watercourses are usually threatened during floods and pose a threat to settlements (Negarsh, 2003: 137). The topographic analysis of the watercourses and hazardous slopes around the studied buildings indicates that less attention has been paid to the issue of watercourses in Ja’farabad, Garekan, and Ashtian. Furthermore, the city of Ashtian is located on QT2 soils, Ja’farabad on QT1 soils, and Garekan on MS and MQ soils (Figure 10). Based on this, the lands of Ashtian and Ja’farabad are relatively homogeneous in terms of resistance and provide relatively favorable conditions for construction. However, Garekan lands are weaker for building construction. In Addition, a very strong fault called “Talkhab” extends northwest to southeast, passes 12 kilometers southwest of Ashtian and 4 kilometers northeast of Ja’farabad (Fig 11). Historical reports also indicate destructive earthquakes in the years 855 AD, 958 AD, 1177 AD, 1316 AD, 1495 AD, and 1962 AD in this area (Ghodrati et al., 2010: 184). Therefore, the location selection of houses in the cities of Ashtian, Ja’farabad, and Garekan has been carried out without considering the earthquake hazard. 
The most prominent architectural features of cold and mountainous regions include small and confined urban and rural spaces, compact structures with interconnected buildings, narrow streets with limited width. Furthermore, Attention is given to solar orientation (Ghobadian, 2018: 99). The urban spaces in Ashtian are also small and confined, with a compact urban fabric (Figure 12), as well as Garekan and Ja’farabad. The main streets and thoroughfares are also narrow and have limited width. 
The study of the influence of the angle of solar radiation on the monuments of Ashtian for 11 AM at the beginning of each season showed that the difference in the angle of solar radiation between summer and winter in these regions is more than 35 degrees (Table 1). For this reason, a porch has been built in the north face of some houses, including Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, Nuraee, and Ja’farabad castles. The roof of these porches was like a canopy, and it protected the openings from the hot summer sun. But in winter, the slanting sunlight penetrated the into the interior spaces. Also, the orientation of the axis of the house plans in the east-west axis made the sunlight to be received more in the cold winter mornings in the southern facades.
In these buildings, the percentage of open space or courtyard area compared to the total building area is less than 35 percent. This is because in areas where the temperature is cold or very cold for most days of the year, most daily activities take place indoors. In the buildings of Ashtian, small openings were used to prevent heat exchange between the interior and exterior of the building. In the design of these openings, in addition to light, ventilation and the utilization of pleasant winds or prevention of unpleasant winds have also been taken into consideration. The output of modeling in WRPLOT software indicated that the prevailing wind in this city is predominantly east-west and west-east (Figure 13).

The outputs of the SPSS also showed the following
- A relationship between the type of land and the social class of the people living in the house: political people and officials have chosen areas with more suitable soil.
- A relationship between the type of land and soil with the presence of a water reservoir in the building: all Qajarid buildings in Ashtian city had water reservoirs. However the residents of Ja’farabad did not need a water reservoir. Because the underground water and the aqueducts were rich.

Conclusion
The study of Qajarid houses in the city of Ashtian has shown that some geographical and climatic factors have influenced the location, plan, structure, and architectural elements of these houses. However, architects have also overlooked some climatic and geographical variables in the location, design, and construction of these houses. In response to the first question, it should be noted that although these houses have been strategically and intelligently located in the southern foothills to easily capture sunlight and solar energy, they are all exposed to the risk of floods from the north and northeast along the watercourse. Nevertheless, the principles of urban space design and construction in mountainous and cold regions have been maximally observed in the city of Ashtian, and the analysis of the urban fabric and space in Ashtian indicates narrow streets and the integration of architectural units for better adaptation to the climate. Regarding the second question, this study has shown that the principles of design and construction of residential spaces, including plan, structure, architectural elements, and materials, have largely obeyed climatic and geographical factors such as the direction and intensity of sunlight, the prevailing wind direction, and the temperature in summer and winter. For example, the roofs of the buildings are flat, and the windows are small and proportionate to the direction of the sun and the prevailing winds of the region. The positioning of the windows facilitated the absorption of solar heat in winter and ventilation in summer. Small central courtyards and open spaces have been built in accordance with the climate of Ashtian. The number of floors in these houses corresponds to the intensity and speed of the wind, and the presence of architectural spaces with specific functions, such as water reservoirs, depends on the type of soil and the geographical characteristics of the region.

Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.

Among the most significant historical and ancient sources in Iran are local handwritten deeds and manuscripts. Through their examination and study, valuable historical information can be obtained. These documents contain detailed accounts of geographical, economic, social, cultural heritage elements, customary laws, and traditional customs. Today, they serve as valuable and primary historical resources. In this context, the province of Isfahan stands out as one of the richest regions in terms of historical depth and the tradition of deed writing in Iran’s local and traditional history. Notably, the handwritten deeds related to the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan (Eastern Jay) have not yet been studied from historical, archaeological, or codicological perspectives. This research aims to present the writing style, structure, and valuable historical content of these documents, introduce them by their original and traditional names, and highlight their importance as precise historical and archaeological sources. It also seeks to showcase the artistic features used in their illustration and decoration as part of the region’s art history. The central question of this study is: How can we extract historical and artistic information from handwritten deeds and evaluate them as credible historical sources? To achieve this goal, three historical manuscripts from the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan have been scientifically and analytically examined: Deed of the Dove Tower at Darb Deh (Aziz Tower), Deed of the Dove Tower of Agha Hossein, (New Tower) Deed of the Gourt Farm Qanat. These manuscripts belong to a private local collection, preserved as family heritage, and have all been registered as movable historical artifacts by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Isfahan.