Abstract
Grey Ceramic culture in the second millennium B.C. have been the controversial issue in the Iranian Archaeology. Since most of the grey ceramics have been discovered from the burials, it remained some questions regarding the socio-economic conditions of the individuals. Also the rarity of settlement contexts have added some ambiguities as well. For this, material culture and archaeometrical analysis on the grey ceramics might be helpful to clarify some aspects of socio-economic condition such as, ceramic production, standardization and production organization. This paper will attempt to argue about some aspects of ceramic production in Qeytariyeh cemetery at Tehran plain with metric and chemical analysis. Ceramic analysis demonstrated a number of attributes which are including uniformity of decoration and dimensions, homogeneity of ceramic shapes, the variety of resources and preparation processes. The result of the analysis inspired us to draw the ceramic production organization through the standardization indicators. Finally, it can be proposed the scale and intensity of ceramic production in Qetariyeh might be the household industry or workshop industry.
Keywords: Metric Analysis, Chemical Analysis, Standardization, Production Organization, Qeytariyeh.

Introduction
Some sudden changes in cultural materials, the widespread cemeteries and unidentified settlement evidence in the second millennium B.C. encouraged scholars to study and propose some theories to interpret these cultural changes. According to the new researches and reassessment projects, it is needed to review and revise the chronology and older theories in this period.(Danti, 2013; Fazeli Nashali & Coningham, 2007; Hosseinzadeh et al., 2017; Fazeli, 2015; Sarlak, 2011; Farokhnia, 2020)
In fact, the comprehensive studies should be conducted to shed some lights on these ambiguities and restudy projects on some discovered collection would be necessary. Since just a few direct evidence related to the occupation have been found from the cemeteries, multidisciplinary studies such as archaeometrical analysis on the material culture (grey ceramics) might be helpful to study on the indirect evidence related to the ceramic production and production organization. In this paper, we have examined the standardization hypothesis in Qeytariyeh ceramic collection through the metric and chemical variabilities.
Qeytariyeh cemetery is located in the Shemiranat County, northern parts of Tehran and in the south of Qeytariyeh Park which is destroyed by construction of buildings and expanding residential areas in 1960s. The rescue excavation was conducted in 1968 and 1969 by Kambakhshfard (Kambakhsh Fard,1991). The restudy project was conducted in the National Museum of Iran (Farokhnia, 2020). The project provided us the opportunity to work on technological behaviors of the ceramic collection. 

Materials and Methods 
During the museum fieldwork, 1809 pottery vessels was registered. The ceramics were classified into different types or forms. The vessels present 23 types and 6 subtypes. The largest color category was grey (78.38). Of these 50% have burnished treatment techniques and 70% of the ceramic wares have fine texture bodies. 
The methodology combines the metric and chemical analysis to trace technological attributes. Metric indexes have been considered to evaluate the degree of standardization. Seven measurements were made on the pottery vessels: rim diameter, base diameter, wall thicknesses, height, pedestal height, spout height and neck height. 
The Potteries also were analyzed with a Portable Energy Dispersive X-Ray Florescence (ED- XRF), to study the compositional data and variability. Among these potteries, one hundred and eighty representative samples belongs to 21 type or forms were analyzed.

Disscusion
Metric indexes demonstrated the homogeneity of some dimensions in different types or forms. Besides that, some distinctive motifs have been used on the specific ceramic forms. 
Despite similarities in production techniques, the chemical composition of raw materials demonstrating two distinct type of clay sources. In this regard, availability of raw material, changing in technology, introducing new function, or even change in technical skills might be considered for changing in the raw source. The chemical composition of pottery samples shows that two distinctive geochemical groups does exist within our database. A calcareous clay composition with visible lime peddles whereas another clay is a siliceous deposit rich in Fe, Rb, and Nb. 
Among the collection, a large number of shapes associated with drinking function such as tankards, spouted jars, handled pitchers, spouted jugs which might be the most distinctive funeral function, have been identified. 
Obviously we don’t have access to the direct evidence of ceramic production in Qeytariyeh. However the recognized ceramic attributes would provide us the evidence of production organization.

Conclusion
Several Factors such as homogeneity in vessel form dimensions, manufacturing technology and chemical composition reflect specialized production in Qeytariyeh collection. In fact, most of the pottery vessels have very close dimensions in the specific form. The specialized production in Qeytarieh can be evidenced by standardized large number of final products, which show a constant formal and technological attribute. The high diversity in ceramic types and the ceramic surface treatment (burnishing surface treatment) brought to light the evidence of proxy of craft specialization and high skills of local producers. 
Thus our examination and documentation suggests Qeytariyeh ceramics have been produced by a given specialist workshop which are extremely homogeneous or standardized. 
Since both type of clay sources have been used simultaneously in manufacturing process, it can be deduced that probably two active Workshops were involved in production of entire manufacturing process.  
Taking in mind, that the calcareous clay has an advantage to form much easier and considering various range of skill level in production specific forms, it can be deduced that beside specialist also trainees were involved in manufacturing of end-product at least in some specific forms. This observation might explain the need for a shift in clay from siliceous to calcareous, as the raw source should also be in adjacent with professional skills. 
At the end, the result support the hypothesis household industry or workshop industry model for production organization in Qeytariyeh based upon standardized ceramic production and skilled producers in the ritual context.

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Dr. Jebraeel Nokandeh Director of National Museum of Iran and his colleagues, Yousef Hassanzadeh, Nina Rezaee and Maryam Panahi. Also we want to thank Dr. Kamoldin Niknami for his comments on the text. We very much to thank Neda Tehrani and Nima Fakoorzadeh for photography of the collection.

Abstract
Providing water for the inhabitants of the plateau of Iran, which is located in the arid and semi-arid region of the earth, has always been one of the most important challenges for the its people since the beginning of the formation of the first dynasties and establishing the first irrigation systems. Low rainfall climate has caused the Iranian people to innovate different techniques to provide water for agriculture activities permanently.  Iranians are considered as the main creators of Kariz (subground aqueduct) as one of the most practical methods of exploiting underground water resources. Exploitation of running water resources by construction of dams on rivers and springs and the creation of canals is another method rooted in the history of the civilizations of the west Asia for supplying more sustainable water for the agricultural and industrial functions. In the specific and under investigation area of the Pulvar River, where the Achaemenid capital of Pasargadae is located, there are some of the ancient water structures including dams, artificial waterways, canals, extensive water reservoirs and springs. Of theses the dams are mostly built on the tributaries of the Pulvar River, and the water supplying canals are located below them.  Such complex structures have been built in the plains and districts surrounding Pasargadae such as Didegan, Murghab, Sarpiran, Kamin and Arsanjan. The present investigation briefly introduces these water structures and the techniques they were made in the Achaemenid period in the cultural landscape of Pasargadae. The results of this research are based on the studying historical documents and field studies of the past decades by historians and archaeologists, as well as field surveys by the author during the recent years in an area of nearly 16,000 square kilometers. The results of this research are amazing and very impressive. These extensive water systems, with the tact and intelligence of Achaemenid managers and engineers, have supplied water to all the plains and mountain valleys of the Pasargadae region. Villages and public settlements, gardens, agricultural lands, government buildings and centers, and finally the Royal Paradise of Cyrus the Great used of the benefits of water supply structures. In the construction of the dams, clay materials and ashlar or carved stone masonries have been applied, and some of them also have architectural structures with cut stone blocks. Waterways are also created in several ways on the slopes of hills and rocks.  Studies and researches show that the construction of water structures in the study area began during the reign of Cyrus the Great and expanded during the reign of Darius the Great and continued to develop until the end of the Achaemenid period. This method of exploiting surface of sub ground water resources continues to post-Achaemenid periods, especially in the Sassanid era and continues till modern times.
Keywords: Historical Dams, Achaemenid Architecture, Ancient Irrigation, Pasargadae, Achaemenid Empire.

Introduction
It is for the first time that in this era, a tremendous transformation in Iranian architecture occurred by mixing the traditions of architecture and art with the traditions of other nations that came under the umbrella of the Achaemenid government. The builders of Pasargad, in order to establish a new capital that can have a correct concept of a powerful and magnificent government center and also bring the comfort of its residents, beyond the plain of Pasargad, investigated and assessed the feasibility of all the surrounding plains , and after That Pasargad was designed and built What can be concluded from these structures is that Pasargad was not limited to the complex of royal buildings whose remains remain in the center of the Pasargad plain, and it correctly had the concept of an official and advanced capital. A wide range of infrastructures that a government center like Pasargad needs has been identified in a wide area of Pasargad plain and the surrounding plains, which is a proof of how Pasargad was built and founded. An important part of the aforementioned infrastructures is the vast collection of water structures that were designed and built in the ancient territory of Pasargad. One of the most important plans of the Achaemenid government was to deal with the water issue, which the Shah and the administrative organization had taken over the management of (Brian, 1985: 1985). In the upcoming research, an attempt has been made to introduce the Achaemenid water structures of Pasargad region and its impact on the construction and development of Pasargad. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Pasargad World Heritage Site also conducted a field survey in the Pasargad Plain and the surrounding plains (Karami and Zarei 2015), and in this research, several dams and extensive water supply networks were identified (Map 1). In the fall of 2019, from the first season of the exploration of Didegan Dam (Bostan Khani) was done and parts of the architectural structure of the dam and its wall and foundation were explored and researched, which resulted in valuable results (Karami, 2019, unpublished).

Introduction of Water Structures and Their Function
The extent and variety of Achaemenid works and sites in the territory of the Achaemenid Empire shows the intelligence and management ability of the Achaemenid government in the administration of the country in all fields, looking at the capabilities of the territory and the environment and paying attention to the culture and social capital of the various regions of the empire, which can be seen in He searched for historical documents and remains of Achaemenid works and sites.

The Effort to Manage the Country is More Visible in the Important Achaemenid Centers
In Pasargad, which is our focus in this research, various aspects of art and culture, architecture, government infrastructure, engineering and public settlements have been revealed and can clarify some of the unknowns. Whenever the name of Pasargad is mentioned, the collection of royal buildings and especially the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire, is remembered in our thoughts. But the Achaemenid capital of Pasargad is much wider and beyond the current area What we see today is the result of the knowledge and efforts that the engineers and builders of Pasargad have applied in a wide area of this area and have created a set of structures and infrastructures that meet the needs of the ruling center of Pasargad. One of the most important remaining infrastructures is the set of water structures that were created in the ancient landscape of Pasargad in several plains centered on Pasargad. However, metal and building stone quarries, metal smelting workshops, road networks, bridges, security checkpoints and support centers are other parts of the infrastructure works in Pasargad (Karami & Zarei, 2015). The concept of the ancient landscape of Pasargad can be considered for all the hills and heights around Pasargad, where the Achaemenid works and sites are directly related to the government site of Pasargad. The extent of this ancient area can be considered to be nearly 16,000 square kilometers based on archaeological surveys and researches, which according to country divisions includes the cities of Euclid, Khorrambid, Bowanat, Sarchehan, Pasargad, Arsanjan and Maroodasht from north to south.Pelvar River is the only permanent river in this area, the formation of settlement patterns of the first settlements from the Middle Paleolithic period until now is dependent on this river (Map 2).

Conclusion
The historical water structures of Pasargad and Persepolis are among the most prominent and valuable works left over from the Achaemenid era, which are located in the Bakhtegan and Tashk watersheds. The two main catchment rivers, Pelvar and Kor, form one of the basins in which the water from the rains in the highlands and plains flows into them in the form of flowing water and under the surface.  Due to the presence of two important Achaemenid centers of Pasargad and Persepolis in this basin and the need to provide water for them in the headwaters of these rivers, especially the Pelvar River, several reservoirs and diversion dams have been built with the aim of exploiting surface water resources And extensive waterways and water supply networks have also been established These structures include dams, waterways and water distribution networks, springs and reservoirs, and stone architectural structures for water distribution. The embankments are made of earth in the form of a hard clay core and a shell of stone debris and are mostly built on the heads of the branches, and the water roads are also on the slopes of Mahori hills and rocks and in the middle of the plains with two methods of accumulating soil and stone debris and excavating And the cutting of rocks has been created It seems that the Achaemenid engineers have selected the best and most efficient places for the construction of dams after investigating and studying the field of this basin. The mouth of mountain gorges through which seasonal rivers pass is the best place to build a dam Because the stone body of the valleys makes the dams stable and durable, and it has been easier and more reliable to contain and store the floods in the sub-branches. Due to the extent and shape of the catchment of this basin, the Pelvar river floods during rains and a large amount of water enters it, and it was not possible to control it for the Achaemenid engineers considering the facilities and technology of that era. Therefore, the best option for flood control is the construction of dams at the head of the branches and tributaries of Pelvar Also, it is easier to transfer the dams built at the head of the branches, which are located at a higher place than the plains and flat lands, and most of the downstream parts have benefited from the stored water. Apart from curbing seasonal floods, supplying water to settlements and residential areas, agricultural lands and gardens, providing water to Pasargad government grounds and especially Shahi Campus, as well as industrial uses and mills, are among the goals of building this vast complex of There have been water structures in this area The history of the construction of this set of water structures is related to the Achaemenid period, which, based on researches and archaeological documents, started from the beginning of the Achaemenid period and with the reign of Cyrus and expanded during the reign of Darius and was developed, maintained and exploited until the end of the Achaemenid period.

Abstract
Among the architectural arrays of Imamzadeh Hossein in Qazvin that can provide valuable information to researchers, are the remaining parts of the murals. Considering that Qazvin was the capital during the second period of Safavid rule, the study of Safavid and Qajar period buildings in this city can be of great importance. Compared to the existing historical monuments, few studies have been done on the technical knowledge of the layers of historical murals.In the present study, the identification and recognition of pigments related to the remaining murals of this monument and gilded layers has been considered. Also, in order to complete the technical information of the murals, the mortar of the fine coat (finishing plaster) and scratch coat (levelling coat) under the paint has been studied in terms of structure and chemical composition. To identify the pigments used in the murals as well as the materials used in the mortar of the underlying layers of the mural and the floor mortar, the hydraulic properties and the mineral and chemical composition of the mortar from X-ray diffraction, scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive spectroscopy and digital microscope have been used. As a result of the studies, it was found that the Pastiglia in the murals is made of a mixture of gypsum and Bole (Armenian Bole, Hormoz Bole). Apply a white Primary layer on the pastiglia on which the gold leaf is applied with low copper impurity. In this murals, three types of gold sheets have been executed. Green: A mixture of arsenic pigment with azure blue and Prussian blue; Green-blue: a mixture of green earth pigment (Celadonite) with white lithopone; Blue: a mixture of azure and Prussian blue pigments with White lead; Red: A mixture of ocher red and orange arsenic; Primary layer filler: a mixture of Huntite and White lead; black: It is a mixture of cobalt black and iron black. The structure and composition of mortars were also identified.
Keywords: Mural, Pigment, Gilding, Structural Study, Mortar, Qazvin.

Introduction
The technical diversity of murals in the Safavid and Qajar periods is one of the important issues of knowing historical murals. To technical understanding historical mural, its different layers are subjected to careful scientific study. The main layer is the color layer which consists of two parts: dye and binder. It should be noted that the array of gilding in the mural and the borders of the mural is also considered as a mural. Imamzadeh Hossein is one of the prominent buildings of Qazvin city. Most of the murals of this building belong to the Qajar period. Evidence shows that traces of the Safavid periodare also left in this building in the lower layers.
The aim of the current research is to obtain technical information about the layers of murals of this historical building. Identifying and recognizing the pigments in historical murals from archeology point of view helps completing the technical information about the use of pigments by artists. Some pigments have a specific starting date, which helps clarify the date of making the murals.
In archeology, studies have been conducted regarding the technical knowledge of different layers of historical murals in Iran, but very few studies have been done considering the volume of murals in Iran in different periods. Therefore, it is necessary to more complete these studies over time which its result is to complete the database in this field. In the upcoming research, in order to know more about the murals, technological studies were done on it. After field studies, the pigments used in the murals were sampled and identified. To complete the information, the lining layers and the substrate and a sample of the floor mortar were also studied. In this regard, the main questions of the current research are: What pigments are used in the murals of Imamzadeh Hossein in Qazvin? What method was used for gilding in these murals? What are the physical and structural characteristics of the lining layers and substrate of the studied murals?

Discussion in the Results and Findings
a. Scanning Electron Microscope: In the sample (2021.Q.IH.1) there is a large accumulation of gypsum crystals and intertwining has been created between them. The empty space between the crystals is little and also the crystals are irregularly placed together at different angles. In 2021.Q.IH.10 sample, needle- shaped gypsum crystals that are intertwined can be seen in many parts. In 2021.Q.IH.11 sample, gypsum crystals in different sizes are placed at different angles. In this sample, there is no long needle crystal and instead, the crystals have grown a lot in the width direction. In 2021.Q.IH.12 sample, the gypsum crystals are slightly different in terms of shape from the samples of the floor and lining layer.
b. Energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (EDX): In 2021.Q.IH.1 sample, there is a small amount of silicon, aluminum and magnesium, which is related to soil. In 2021.Q.IH.2 sample, the amount of sulfur is about 13% which some part of it is related to yellow pigment and some part is related to blue pigment. In 2021.Q.IH.3 sample, elements of potassium, aluminum, iron, magnesium and silicon can be seen next to oxygen. These elements are related to Verona green or green earth pigment. In 2021.Q.IH.5 sample, a high percentage of gold and a relatively low percentage of copper were detected in the sample. In 2021.Q.IH.6 sample, two coloring elements, iron and arsenic, along with sulfur have been detected. In 2021.Q.IH.7 sample, the main filling material is huntite or chalk. On the other hand, a small amount of lead has been detected in this sample. Gold, copper and iron have been detected in 2021.Q.IH.8 sample. In 2021.Q.IH.9 sample, two elements, cobalt and iron, along with sulfur, are significant and influential elements in making black color. In 2021.Q.IH.10 sample, the highest percentage of elements is related to calcium and sulfur. In 2021.Q.IH.11 sample, except the main elements of gypsum, a very small amount of elements of silicon, aluminum and magnesium have also been detected.
c. X-ray diffraction spectroscopy: As a result of the phase analysis of 2021.Q.IH.1 sample which is related to the lay-up under the gold sheet, quartz has been detected. The quartz detected in the lay-up is related to the red flower (Armenian flower) that was added to the plaster during the mortar processing. The next identified phase is gypsum. As a result of the phase analysis of 2021.Q.IH.10 sample which is related to the floor coating mortar, quartz has been detected. The next identified phase is gypsum. As a result of the phase analysis of 2021.Q.IH.11 sample, which is related to the floor coating mortar, anhydrite phase has been detected in the studied sample. The amount of anhydrite in the lining layer is higher than gypsum. As a result of phase analysis of 2021.Q.IH.12 sample, which is related to the substrate layer in the studied mural, quartz has been detected. The granularity of the quartz phase in the substrate was much finer than the previous samples. The next identified phase is gypsum.

Conclusion
The lay-up used in the murals of this building is made of a mixture of plaster and red flower (Armenian flower, Hormoz flower). Green color is a mixture of arsenic pigment with lapis lazuli and Prussian blue. Blue-green color is a mixture of green earth pigment with lithopone white. The blue color is a mixture of lapis lazuli and Prussian blue pigment along with white lead. The golden color of embossing is gold sheet with a small amount of copper impurity. The layer that is applied on the lay-up is also a gold sheet with a small impurity of copper. In line with the studies on the shiny brown sample, it was concluded that this layer is a gold sheet with copper and iron impurities, which its surface has corroded and darkened over time. In fact, three types of gold sheets have been used in the studied murals that two of them are similar and seem to belong to the same period. A layer that is different in terms of the composition of elements and impurities belongs to later periods. The red color in these murals is a mixture of red ocher and orange arsenic. The white color filling the preparatory layer is a mixture of huntite and white lead. Black color of embossing is a mixture of cobalt black and iron black. Contrary to imagination, the floor mortar is a gypsum mortar with two phases of gypsum and anhydrite to which some sand and soil have been added. Due to proper processing, this mortar has adequate strength, although humidity has caused damage to the work over time. The lining layer and the substrate in the studied murals are made of plaster mortar. There is a difference that the thickness of the lining layer is greater than that of the substrate and it has coarser graining and more impurity. On the other hand, the looser mortar of the substrate is due to the way of processing, and the arrangement of gypsum crystals is different from that of the lining layer.

Abstract
Waqf is one of the oldest and most valuable human heritages that has been widely used among all ethnic groups, religions and civilized nations of the world and in different periods of Iranian history and has had lasting effects on societies. The issue of waqf and its formation and function have had a long history in the city of Ardabil. The city of Ardabil has had strategic and geopolitical value in terms of geographical location. During the Qajar period, although Ardabil did not have the prosperity and glory of the Safavid period, but people, especially Shiites, paid much attention to that city and until the end of the Qajar period, they went to visit the tomb of Sheikh Safi. The religious nature of Ardabil, especially as the origin of the head of the Safavid sect of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the location of his tomb, has had a great impact on the role and function of the waqf tradition in various religious, cultural, social and economic dimensions. The present study was done in a descriptive-analytical manner. To this end, libraries and archival documents and Waqfnameh were studied, reviewed and analyzed in the General Directorate of waqf and Charitable Affairs of Ardabil province. The present study seeks to answer the question: what socio-economic functions did the tradition and institution of waqf have in Ardabil during the Qajar period and what were the amount, types and uses of waqf in Ardabil? The analysis revealed how the socio-economic functions of waqf have been influenced by socio-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period. Due to the religious nature of Ardabil, religious waqfs are the most common items in Waqfnameh. In addition, waqfs have been given to those people who have actually needed them. Also, new intellectual movements and the familiarity of Ardabili waqf doers with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have had a significant impact on the types of waqfs.
Keywords: Institution of Waqf, Ardabil, Function, Qajar, Waqfnameh.

Introduction
The institution of endowment as an institution rooted in the history of Iran dates back to before Islam (Ahmadi, 43:1391). In the ancient period, Iranians paid attention to following their religion and doing good deeds and especially taking care of the poor in the society and to maintain the fire temple. have had offerings and endowments (Salimi Far 1370: 52). Waqf literally means imprisonment. Current charity is usually interpreted as endowment. Waqf is defined in Shari’i terms as confiscation of principle and surrender of benefit (Obeid Al-Kabisi, 1995: 64, Office of Scientific Cooperation and Elite Affairs.... 2015: 39, Qurashi, 1996: 236). What is meant by “confinement of the object” is actually separating the endowment from the property of the waqif and keeping the object from transfer, and the owner will no longer have any rights to that property (Saadat Mostafavi and Sedghi, 1393: 67). The economic definition of endowment can be considered as a change in the use of resources from individual exploitation to social benefit for the present and future generations (Mesbahi Moghadam et al., 2010: 99).
Awqaf played a very important role in the life of the cities and it spread so much that a special court was established for it, which is known as “Diwan of Ihbas” or “Diwan of Awqaf” (Abdul Sattar Osmani, 1376: 83). In the turbulent years between the extinction of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of the Qajar dynasty, many properties were either taken over by the government or turned into private properties (Lambton, 1363: 128-124). In the traditional Qajar system, most of the civil institutions, even if the people involved in the government were the founders, functioned in the form of endowment and relied on a stable endowment system.
Question and Hypothesis: Considering the importance of endowment documents and the lack of attention to them, the present research seeks to answer this question: What process did the tradition and institution of endowment in Ardabil go through after the establishment of the Qajar period and the religious, social and economic functions of this institution within the scope of What were the developments during the period under investigation and what was the impact of current intellectual currents on endowments?
It seems that the functions of the endowment were influenced by social-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period, especially the constitutionalism movement. With the spread of new knowledge and the intellectual transformation of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as the endowment of a bath, the endowment of land for the construction ، expenses for the needy patients, and the establishment of schools in a new style and... new dimensions and It is applicable.
Research Documents: In this article, 84 dedication letters have been studied and analyzed The endowment letters were obtained from the document center of the General Department of Endowments and Charitable Affairs in Ardabil province, exclusively in Ardabil city, and their file numbers will be mentioned in the references. In the following, the endowment letters will be discussed and analyzed based on issues such as religious, economic, social functions, the gender of the waqfs, trustees, and the social status of the waqfs.

Analysis of Endowment Documents based on the Gender of the Benefactors
Explaining the role and social status of Ardabil women in the endowments of the Qajar era because it refers to the explanation of the presence of women in various political and social arenas in the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, which is important. Among the studied waqf letters, there are 11 waqf letters related to the waqf by Ardabil women According to Table 4, from the beginning of the Qajar period to the 1960s, we can see the expansion of the presence of women donors among the studied samples. It seems that in the process of the constitutional process, Iranian women also try to achieve their natural and social rights and engage in a wise and wide-ranging struggle in many ways and emphasize the realization of their demands in the social, cultural and political fields (Afari, 1377: 5). The process of describing women in the studied area has a forward tone, in accordance with the general trend of the country, and it indicates that the tradition of women’s endowments is gaining ground under the influence of the prevailing political, cultural and religious currents. Perhaps another reason for favoring and paying attention to endowment among women is related to the new political, social and cultural reasoning of Iranian society in the era of constitutionalism against the tradition and modernity of government and society and citizenship rights, and it has brought individual freedom for women. (Ajdani, 1386:7). In the deed of endowment on May 2, 1346, (file number: 3), a woman gives half of her dowry to her husband and donates the other half to a mosque in Ardabil. Ardabili women have given endowments such as agricultural land, land, house, yard, shop, village and residential building in numerous letters of endowment. The place where these endowments are spent is for building, repairing and spending the mosque, giving prayers, charity, and the expenses of the imam of the congregation, etc. In the deed of endowment on 20 Jumadi al-Thani 1326 AH, Khursheed bequeaths the profits from her endowment from the village of khoshkehRood (with a compromise with her niece) in Ardabil to be spent on charity and charity of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shahada, peace be upon him (file number: 1/ x) The proceeds from the waqf nameh of Jumadi al-Thani 1334 AH, Maryam the daughter of Muhammad Qoli, who owns a shop, should be spent on Imam Hossein’s funeral (case number: 16). In her letter of endowment dated 25 Jumadi al-Awwal 1341 A.H., Ruqiyeh Khanum Dokhtar Marhamat has assigned the income from her shops and residential building to carry her husband’s and daughter’s body to the highest honors (file number: 5/R).

Conclusion
Waqf is good and a valuable heritage with various religious, social and economic aspects, and the remaining waqf nameh are like valuable documents in order to explain the process and social system of their time. The importance of examining the dedication letters of the city of Ardabil, on the one hand, in terms of the social situation (the nature of Ardabil’s relationship with the Caucasus and the role of its market in the commercial relations of the region in the last century) has strategic value and political geography, and on the other hand, in terms of the role of Azerbaijan in the current of thought. Constitutionalism is very important as the center of the most important developments of the Qajar era at the macro level, this article explains the impact of the intellectual currents of an era on the cultural and social manifestations crystallized in the documents, and at the micro level, the results of this research showed that the new intellectual currents and the familiarity of endowments Ardabili with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have an impact on the type of endowments. It has made significant contributions, among them the expansion of endowments among women, the construction of hospitals, baths, and schools are among the clear examples of this issue. In other words, at the threshold of the society’s familiarity with new knowledge and the intellectual developments of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as: endowment of the bath, endowment of land for the construction of the bath, expenses for the needy patients and the establishment of schools to New style, etc finds a new and practical dimension the impact of new ideas and new health teachings on endowment can be seen by comparing these two timelines In the waqf nameh of 3 Muharram 1286 AH, the type of reception in the ritual ceremony on Thursdays is specified as tea, coffee and hookah (file number: 10/). In case, in the deed of endowment on 8 Dhul-Qaida 1332 lunar year, the donor has bequeathed all the objects and tools, except for the Sarqalians, to be used in ta’ziyeh and benevolence of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shoheda (case number: 5/k). In fact, it can be seen that in the Qajar period, due to the increasing influence of religious beliefs and beliefs in the society, the neediness and poverty of the people of Ardabil due to the occurrence of natural and social events and crises, as well as the new intellectual currents of various people from guilds, owners and From businessmen to ordinary people, social endowments have been placed alongside religious endowments as a priority. Throughout history, religious figures have taken the majority of donors and endowment affairs and had a special place in this matter, but after the beginning of the constitution and the beginning of the new century, family responsibilities and especially trust in the classes and personalities Social has prospered more than before Examining the social status of the donors shows that merchants and tradesmen account for the most frequency. In general, it should be acknowledged that somehow all benefactors were part of the business and market class it is interesting to pay attention to the expansion of the culture of endowment by Ardabil women after the intellectual currents after the constitutionalism, which seems that in the process of the constitutional current, women appear more and more in social arenas to achieve their natural and social in terms of the social status of the benefactors, who were generally from the merchant class, the endowment of commercial buildings is the second most abundant after real estate and farms. It should also be added that in addition to these mentioned cases, endowment in the field of health, treatment, drinking water, as well as in the field of education in the process of time and in terms of social issues, gradually occupies a larger part of endowments.

Abstract
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Keywords: Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.

Introduction
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar & Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi & Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.

Data
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.

Discussion
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.

Conclusion
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people’s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.

Abstract
This study aims to recognize and characterize pottery production at the Hormangan site, a Neolithic settlement in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. An examination and analytical study of the potteries on this site was conducted to determine the manufacturing techniques of the Neolithic potteries, understand the raw materials and inclusions, the level of progress and knowledge of the potters from the final products, and the location of the production site. Excavating this site, ceramics and a heated structure, probably an open kiln, were found, belonging to the Mushki phase (6400-6000 BC). Thirty-six ceramic shreds were selected for thin-section petrography analysis according to their macroscopic features. After that, 18 of them were analysed using X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and X-Ray Diffraction methods. According to the mineralogical studies and the XRD and XRF analyses, while three different clay types were used to produce these Neolithic ceramics, they were all local productions. These vessels were fired in an open and unsophisticated kiln at an uncontrolled temperature, probably not over 800 degrees. Although the combination of these archaeometrical techniques indicates that there are various sub-angular inclusions in each type of clay, most of the pots are vegetally tempered (chaff-tempered). The existence of the heated structure separately from residential construction, a variety of designs and decorations on the ceramics, and various clay sources all determine that the Neolithic community of the Hormangan site has gone beyond a primitive rural society and as semiprofessional individuals had a surplus of more than their demands.
Keywords: Neolithic Period, Hormangan Site, Ceramic Production, Petrography, XRD, XRF.

Introduction
Hormangan site is a Neolithic site located on the border of the Bavanat River basin, in Jeshnian village, in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. This site was excavated in 2016, revealing two phases dated back to 6373 to 6000 BCE. The earlier phase indicates no traces of architectural structures, and the later phase contributed to the settlements. Moreover, a heated structure was discovered simultaneously with the later phase, surrounded by potteries and divided spaces. Pottery vessels which were discovered from these two phases are similar to the ceramics of Tall-e Mushki, Tall-e Jari B, Kushk-e-Hazar, Tall-e Bashi, and Rahmat Abad. As these types of potteries were first discovered from the Tall-e Mushki, they are known as Mushki phase potteries. The heated structure discovered in the Hormangan site is a unique structure related to producing pottery during the Mushki phase, which was probably an open fire kiln. Since there are no similar structures have been found in the Neolithic sites in the Fars region, this study aims to understand pottery manufacturing technology with multi-analytical approaches. Moreover, considering the two phases of the Hormangan site occupied by different settlers for almost 300 years, it is attempted to differentiate potteries of these two phases from a technological point of view.

Geological Setting
A portion of the Bavanat plain lies in the Sanandaj-Sirejan zone, as well as the Shahreza-Abade- Hambast orogenic belt, characterised by high-quality clay deposits and Devonian sandstones (Houshmandzadeh and Soheili, 1990). Several types of rocks can be found in the Bavanat region (Emami and Yaghmai, 2008), spanning three tectonic-stratigraphic units: Late Permian and Middle Triassic rocks, Late Triassic and Cretaceous rocks, and Tertiary rocks (Ghazi and Moazzen, 2015; Ghorbani, 2011). From the mineralogical point of view, this area includes kaolinite, illite, quartz, and chlorite, and secondary minerals are goethite, paragonite, and gypsum. Also, sandstones and shales have been eroded in most cases, creating debris slides. There is a large hydrographic network density in Tutat Mountain (formed by internal and metamorphic formation). However, there is a lower density of hydrographic network in the Kitaban, Khaleisht, and Khatban Mountains. The clays in this region are therefore expected to contain high levels of lime and quartz minerals, but it is also likely to contain metamorphic minerals (Khademi and Hashemi Nasab, 2011).

Materials and Methods
Hormangan ceramics were primarily divided into six groups based on surface treatment, colour, and decoration style. In further classification, the Hormangan potteries were categorised based on their form, size, place of motifs and ceramic fashioning techniques. After initial macroscopic studies of these ceramic vessels, 36 pottery sherds were selected for thin-section petrographic analysis. For choosing these samples, not only the former classifications were considered, but also it was attempted to select potteries from different phases and various contexts and trenches. The earlier phase includes 14 samples, the later phase 12 samples, and the heated structure 10 samples were selected for this analysis. 
For getting inside into the primary and secondary mineralisation phases, determining firing conditions and maximum temperature, and environmental burial conditions, 18 samples (from those 36 samples) have been selected for the X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD) in order to determine the crystalline phase constituents. This methods is necessary as a complementary method to petrography. Moreover, X-Ray Fluorescence analysis as a semi-quantitative analysis has been applied to these 18 samples to detect the chemical characterisation of their main and trace elements and to identify whether the earlier and later phases’ samples become clustered into two different groups or not. 

Discussion
The thin-section microscopic analysis indicated a very porous matrix with angular and semi-angular inclusions, which are mainly quartz, and with traces of vegetal tempers. Moreover, the vessels were fired under the oxidation condition. The inclusions were distributed randomly in the matrix, which suggested that they were not homogeneous and consisted of quartz, limestone, calcite, plagioclase (albite and sanidine), and igneous rock fragments, including muscovite, iron oxide, granite, magnetite, hematite, apatite, and feldspars. In most sherds, secondary calcite was formed, resulting in burial in a humid condition. The XRD analysis enabled us to observe some high-temperature minerals, such as gehlenite and diopside, in some samples. These minerals are usually presented in ceramics when fired at more than 800 degrees. On the other hand, the presence of the main elements MgO+CaO, Al2O3, and SiO2, detected by the XRF analysis and diagramed by the Noll system, indicated a very similar final product in terms of raw materials and inclusions. In addition, Cl, MnO, and SrO have been identified in these samples as trace elements, indicating the environmental conditions of the vessels after abandonment. 

Conclusion
In light of the microscopical observations and the phase and chemical analyses, it was determined that the Hormangan potteries could be divided into three main groups. The potteries of the earlier and later phases could not be distinguished from one another. These three groups are comparable to the region’s geological map, meaning all potteries are locally made. Except for four samples that were fired above 800 degrees, the others were fired at temperatures around 750 degrees. Samples from the earlier and later phases were distributed randomly among these clusters, comprising the Calcareous, Iron-rich, and Calcium-rich matrixes. The clay minerals were all extracted in the vicinity of the site, despite the fact that there were three different types of clay materials. Therefore, the potter(s) at the Hormangan site have chosen diverse clay sources but employed different techniques each time to produce similar results. It has also been noted that samples obtained from the heated structure have very similar characteristics to the ceramics produced in the later phase. According to the absolute dating results, the heated structure and the later phase are contemporaneous. However, in terms of potters’ technological behaviours, this could point to some standardization of ceramic production during this time.
Another question we have attempted to answer is whether the potter(s) added any aplastic materials, such as quartz, to their clay in order to increase its workability. Based upon an ethnoarchaeological study of the current pottery production in ShahReza (Pincé et al., 2019), approximately 230 kilometers away from the Hormangan site, it has been found that additional tempering does not need to be applied to the clay for the production of ceramics, owing to the rich clay sources in the ShahReza-Abade-Hambast orogenic belt (located in the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone). There is a possibility that the richness of clay sources in this region allowed potters to avoid tempering their raw materials during different periods, which will be investigated in more detail in future studies.   

Acknowledgements
Dr Morteza Khanipour has generously allowed access to the Hormangan site’s ceramics for this study, and the authors are very grateful for his generosity.

Abstract
Due to the climatic conditions and cutable stones, the cultural landscape of Sablan Mountain is one of the main foci of the formation of Troglodytic Architecture spaces in the northwest region of Iran. In this region, various Troglodytic Architecture spaces have been carved in different cultural periods, one of the most well-known of which is the Troglodytic Architecture collection of Abazar Nair. This collection, in the previous studies of some researchers, generally belongs to the Parthian era with the use of “mehrabah”; or the Islamic era with the use of “Buddhist temples-tombs”. However, the cultural data in this collection rejects the Mehri and Buddhist monastery hypothesis with sufficient and archaeological evidence. This research is fundamental in terms of qualitative objective and it was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, comparative studies and data collection with the help of field studies and documents-library resources and seeks to answer the following two basic questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface data. Mande, the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar space belongs to which cultural period(s)? 2- What were the functions of Troglodytic Architecture spaces (number 7) of Abazar Nair collection? The results show that the Troglodytic Architecture space in question, like other spaces in this area, had a livelihood function in the Islamic era. Other results of the research determined that the set of enclosed spaces of Abazar is generally influenced by the climatic conditions of the region and is comparable to other cut rock villages in the Sablan and Sahand mountains. The recent archaeological activity of this collection can be useful and open the way in understanding the functional nature and chronology of other cut rock spaces on the slopes of Sablan Mountain.
Keywords: Sablan Mountain, Troglodytic Architecture, Abazar Nir, chronology, Function.

Introduction
Abazar area of Nair city is the first Troglodytic Architecture area in Ardabil province that has been noticed by researchers. However, the remaining cultural materials in this area have received less attention from researchers and the most focus has been on the rocky texture of the spaces (Mohammadi-Far and Hemti-Azandariani, 2015; Azad, 2015 and 2016). This factor has caused the chronology and function of this area not to be determined precisely, and one of the empty spaces of this complex (space no. 7), regardless of the architectural elements and cultural materials left in it, is known as Mehri temple belonging to the Parthian era (Shekari). niri, 2019) and Mughal-Temple (Moradi & Omrani, 2020) of the Islamic era. This is while the main differences between the usage and chronology presented for this collection in general and the space of Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 in particular are seen, on the basis of the need to review the chronology and usage presented for this Troglodytic Architecture collection. There is especially space number 7). By examining the surface of the site and studying its cultural findings, while reviewing its chronology and function, referring to the data of the site, the authors are looking for answers to the following questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface findings, what cultural period(s) does the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar spaces belong to? 2- Handy spaces (number 7). What functions did the Abazar collection have? Carrying out this research will be an important step in the architectural studies of Troglodytic Architecture in the Sablan Mountain range, so that in future studies, along with the careful examination of the sites and the study of the remaining cultural materials, the chronology and explanation of the function of the Troglodytic Architecture spaces of this area can be achieved.

Discussion
Based on the study of the authors, it was found that the Abazar area consisted of several subsurface manmade spaces (10 units) and surface manmade spaces. These spaces were closely related to each other and all of them formed the fabric of Abazar village. Over time, the man-made spaces on the surface were completely destroyed, and today the remains of the foundations and debris of these structures remain on the surface of the area. The texture of the villages in the mountainous areas of North-West Iran has a similar architectural structure. So that in the analysis of this area, what was obtained is that Abazar area in terms of location pattern (access to water sources, location on the mountainside, proximity to pastures), structure and architectural elements and plan of spaces are similar to many others. It is one of the villages on the slopes of Sablan and Sahand mountains.  These villages were formed in a hand-made way near the water sources and the slopes of the hills. Due to the cold seasons of the year, one of the common patterns in the villages of the Sardsir districts of Azerbaijan region is to have small underground spaces where the families lived next to their cattle during certain days of the year. Such a pattern of settlement has been in place until recent years in the village of Kandavan (Razani et al., 2015), Khatb Maragheh (Starnjad et al., 2016), Ganzeq Sarein (Khanali, 2017), Yai Shahri of Maragheh, Sur Bonab. In these villages, the living spaces are located under the surface man-made spaces. Due to their living use, the subsurface spaces generally lacked complex and special architectural and artistic elements common in ritual-memorial spaces (elements such as inscriptions, altars, artistic motifs). And it only has a long manger, niche and spaces for providing light. Such elements can also be seen in the spaces of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar, therefore Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 cannot be considered separate from other spaces from the point of view of architecture and even the nature of the function. The generality of this space is exactly the same as the other spaces of this collection.

Conclusion
What was discussed in the text of the article, the environment of Abazar, like the fabric of the villages in the mountainous regions of Azerbaijan, Iran, consists of hand-made spaces. Handicapped spaces are carved under the man-made spaces, and in terms of architectural structure, plan and practical elements, many similarities between these villages can be observed. The accuracy of the cultural materials and architectural elements remaining in the hand-built spaces of this collection showed that the spaces have many relative similarities to each other and have followed a single pattern. Based on this, a touch space (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space that is excluded from other spaces. All the architectural elements such as the manger, niche, skylight, porch and the way to access the spaces show that these spaces in general and the architectural space number 7 in particular are designed and carved according to human living, based on that. Due to the lack of decorative and practical elements specific to ritual-memorial spaces (such as inscriptions, artistic motifs, columns, luxurious carving style of spaces, etc.), this complex (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space related to He considered the shrine (mehrabah). On the other hand, the nature of the prayer spaces and Buddhist tombs was also very different from this complex, therefore this complex does not have the characteristics of Mehri and Buddhist temples. The chronology of the site was based on the cultural findings left on the surface of the site. Based on these data, evidences from the historical period (especially Parthian) were not identified. These data show the most important settlement period of the site, which coincides with the Middle Ages of Islam. During this period, a cemetery with prominent tombstones was formed in the vicinity of the village. In general, the comparative study of the texture of this complex with the similar areas of Sablan and Sahand mountain slopes shows many similarities between them. Due to the cold climate of the region and to protect their lives and property, the villages of these areas used to create residential spaces in two ways: hand-made - hand-made. 

Acknowlegment
All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.
 

Abstract
In the summer of 2018, the archaeological excavation of Taghiabad Tepe land 2 was carried out in Varamin city.  The areas are located in the north of Taghiabad village and in the south of Ajorbast village of Javadabad Varamin. The excavation findings include the Bronze Age and Iron Age cultural periods. Among the valuable findings of this site were animal remains, which are very important to understand the subsistence system of this site. The most important goal of this article is knowing the subsistence economic system among the society living in the Iron Age based on zooarchaeological studies in Tagh. The main question that is raised in this research is, how can the animal species be identified in this area and how can the bone remain of animals be used in the reconstruction of the livelihood of the studied period? On the bone findings of the Iron Age area of Taghiabad (1&2) the traces of burns and cuts can be seen on some bones, which may have been caused by butchering. The basis of this research is based on studies on animal finds that were obtained in the archaeological excavations of Taghiabad Tepe 1 and 2. The findings of the research show the use of sheep, goat, cattle, gazelle, deer, susscrofa, urial, canine and birds’ species in Taghiabad Tepe 2. The study showed that animal husbandry played an important role in the livelihood of the people of that area. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Subsistence Economy, Varamin Plain, Zooarchaeological.

Introduction
Depiction of subsistence, environmental and other living conditions of ancient societies is one of the most important approaches in archaeology and anthropology which is considered a multidisciplinary approach that requires archaeologists, biologists and ecologist cooperation.
By using zooarchaeology theories and based on analysis on animal remaining, archaeologists try to understand the different aspects animal’s livings and depict the interaction between the man and animal. 
Historically, zoologists only presented the recognizable species but recent studies on the remaining provide a more through insight. (Davis, 1987: 23) 
Identifying the species their prevalence and sex could be of immense value in the strategy of selecting the animal for herding and use of their flash. 
The main question in this study (Which is based on findings of Taghiabad site under supervision of Dr. Morteza Hessari in 2018 to identify the diet of residents in Taghiabad in Varamin Plain) is to scientifically identify the animal species and their role in meat provision. Moreover, if the residents were using domestic animals’ flesh or hunted animal and their ratio, if they were animal herders or farmers as well.
The most important goal of studying these remains is to reconstruct the animal-human behavior towards animals and his environment. 
Based on these introductions, identifying the species and being whether domestic or wild is one of the goals of this study.
With this approach the prevalence and ratio of species in an area is another goal.
The first review revealed the animal species which helped to identify the subsistence strategies such as animal herding and hunting were identified.
Understanding the human-environment relationship, ecologic, specifications of studied society and other conditions such as environmental changes could be achieved by bone analysis. (O’Conner, 2018). 
By studying the domestic animal bones, we could understand the herding methods and their goals of animal herding. 

Taghiabad Site
This site is located in agriculture zone of Adjorbast village in Pishva town of Varamin district. This site is named as Taghiabad1 and Taghiabad2.

Animal Findings
In this study the animal remaining which were recovered through the first season of excavation in 2018, have been analyzed, which dates back to Iron Age (1&2). First of all, the bones have been prepared by numbering and locus allocation. Then the species and the organs were recognized by using animal bones manual and bank of animal bones. 
Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 1
326 pieces of bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad1 related to Iron Age, 225 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 101 pieces related to Iron Age2 and 386 pieces belongs to Taghiabad2 (379 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 7 pieces from Iron Age2).
Species recognized in Taghiabad1 contains: sheep 114  pieces (71 pieces from Iron Age 1 and 43 pieces Iron Age2), goat 9 (6 Iron Age1 and 3 Iron Age2), gazelle 26 (19 pieces Iron Age1 and 7 Iron Age2), cattle 32 ( 19 pieces Iron Age1 and 13 Iron Age2), fox 1 piece related to Iron Age2, 8 pieces of canine from Iron Age1, small carnivorous 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equid 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equus 8 pieces (6 Iron Age1 and 2 pieces Iron Age2), sus scrofa 2pieces from Iron Age1, deer 1 piece from Iron Age1, 3 pieces of avian (1 from Iron Age1 and 2 Iron Age2), 1 piece of urial (Iron Age1) and 118 broken and non-recognizable pieces.

Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 2
63 pieces of sheep bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad2 related to Iron Age, 62 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 1 piece Iron Age2, goat 5 pieces (Iron Age1), gazelle 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), cattle 23 pieces (Iron Age1), canine 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), 1 piece of small carnivorous from Iron Age1, 2 pieces of equid from Iron Age1, 1 piece of equus from Iron Age2, 1 piece of equus asinus from Iron Age1, 11 pieces of sus scrofa from Iron Age1,  I piece of deer from Iron Age1, 1 piece of avian from Iron Age1 and 257 broken and non-recognizable.
34%were sheep and 2% goat bones in Taghiabad1, while in Taghiabad2 16% were sheep and 1% were goat bones. The found items were jaw, teeth, scapula, pelvis, ribs and vertebra bones. 
On some of the bones cut marks and burns were obvious. Cut marks are probably secondary to peeling and butchery process by a knife-like instrument. Abnormalities and bone reactions were seen on some items, most of them were adult to death.
Injuries which could be found on the bones are mostly manmade such as breaking the bones to have access to bone marrow, marks related to peeling process or cutting meat off the bones, burning marks secondary to cooking process and bite marks (Merritt, Sr 2016).
And the other injuries such as bite marks or signs of alimentation which caused by other animals.
17 pieces (11.8%) out of 144 goat and sheep bones and 3 (23%) out of 13 cattle bones were non adult I Iron Age1.
Most of the sheep and goats were adult at death which means they were exploited not only for primary product (meat) but also secondary products (milk, wool, breeding…). One of the advantages of goats is their reproductivity which makes their milk accessible. Cattles were being exploited not only for primary and secondary products but also for daily labor as transportation and plowing but duo to scarcity of their bones it could not be a precise finding.

Conclusion
By identifying the species from finding of Taghiabad, we could understand the strategies of subsistence such as herding and hunting and interactions among human- animals environment, which shows the important role of herding. The main sources of meat supply in Taghiabad site during Iron Age were sheep, goat and cattle (46.8%), sheep was the most found one then cattle and goat respectively. The reason for prevalence of cattle is its role in secondary products supply and its role in labor and transportation which is reflected in deformities on their bones. Equid, like cattle, were being used for labor and riding as well, most of them were adult at death which amplifies their role as secondary product supply source.
The most hunted animal were gazelles and sus scrofa (8.2% in Taghiabad1 and 5.59% in Taghiabad2). Comparison of findings from other sites of central Iran shows the equal importance of sheep and cattle herding among all of them in all Ages. Sheep was always more than goats. Study of the sus scrofa’s bones showed that except one sample, all the others were wild animals. Finally, we must emphasis that more precise results, require as more precise studies.

Abstract
This research, by examining some paintings of the Tehran school in the contemporary period on the one hand, and reading the thoughts and philosophical views of the poet and mathematician Khayam Neishabouri of the 5th and 6th centuries A.H. on the other hand, aims to understand why and how To examine and research the placement of this poet’s poems and quatrains for the first time by painters of the Tehran school in the contemporary period. The hypothesis of the research in this article is that the artists of the Tehran school adhered to the traditional values and painting of Iran’s past during the modernism era in order to preserve their Iranian and Aryan roots as much as possible by linking to the past. The researched works include 9 paintings by contemporary painters, which belong to the Cultural Institute of Mustazafan Foundation Museums. Based on this, the method of collecting documentary and field information was done and the analysis of the data was also done based on the research, and finally, the conclusion was reached that the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting, returned to the past artistic methods. They stressed against the art of modernism, and by addressing Khayyam’s works and poems, for the first time, they sought to return to their Aryan roots and their past before the era of modernity and modernism. 
Keywords: Painting, Tehran School, Khayyam’s Poems, Contemporary Period, Modernism.

Introduction
During the Pahlavi era, which coincided with the rise of modernism and the spread of modernist ideas in Iran, we witness the impact of art and especially contemporary painting on modernism. This period coincides with the emergence of artists who, relying on their individuality, were able to interfere in the tradition, and in such cases, diversity and changes can be identified, especially in the thought, design or topics that were previously known and established. Another effective factor in artistic trends is the identification and application of visual rules of old art, which were not used during a period due to limitations caused by style, and were recognized and used again by the new generation of artists. On the other hand, the influence of art patrons is of particular importance, it can be said that at the beginning of the 20th century, we witnessed the emergence of two groups of art patrons who played a vital role in the development of Iranian art and the dissemination of information about this art. played the first role of the great private collectors, some of whom specialized in painting, and the second category includes the great art dealers, the best of whom were collectors at the same time, and a balance between transactions business and love of art established that in the upcoming research, these two groups played an important role in the tendency of painters to deal with works based on ancient literature and Khayyam’s poems. In the intellectual and political atmosphere of the years leading up to the constitutional revolution, the presence of such supporters and patrons on the one hand, and the rise and intensity of modern ideas on the other hand, and the formation of two poles of modernity and tradition in the thinking of the thinkers of this land, led to the marginalization of the conservative and inferior layers of society or thought became a tradition. Therefore, it can be acknowledged that along with the political and cultural developments of Iran in the field of modernism, art gradually experienced a similar process. With all these interpretations, in that period, in addition to the formation of modern art in Iran, we witness the creation of works that artists, in the traditional way and based on the paintings of the past, but with their own unique look and style, created works with subjects they depict the new both from a literary and a social point of view.

Discussion
On the one hand, the interest of patrons and patrons of works with these oriental themes was noticed in this era, this attention caused a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam’s poems in the contemporary era. On the other hand, the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting to return to their past artistic methods, emphasized against the art of modernism, and dealing with such issues is an attempt to return to the Aryan roots and the past before the era of modernism and modernism. It was in Iran.

Conclusion
In such a modernist atmosphere and thought, how can one connect the dual thought of modernism or contemporaneity and traditional cultural heritage. Therefore, in this research, an attempt will be made to examine and research the orientalist view of the patrons and commissions of these paintings by examining Khayyam’s thought and philosophy and 9 paintings based on Khayyam’s quatrains. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and using the resources available in the library and field study. Finally, it can be pointed out that Khayyam’s archaism and Aryan view and the interest of patrons and commissions of works with these oriental themes, caused a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam’s poems for the first time during Iranian painting from the beginning to it was today. In the space and modernist thought formed in the contemporary era and despite the dual thought of modernism and traditional cultural heritage and in line with the political and cultural developments in the field of modernism, the art of painting for the first time in the history of Iranian painting, new issues such as attention to He paid attention to Khayyam’s poems, which are of special importance both from a literary and social point of view. In the upcoming research, after introducing the contemporary painting of Iran briefly, especially the Tehran school and the artists who especially paid attention to these issues for the first time, and examining Khayyam’s thoughts and philosophical views, he introduced 9 paintings. And after the research about these poems and the oriental view of the patrons and those who commissioned these paintings, it was finally concluded that Khayyam’s archaic and Aryan perspective and his view of life and death were very important in the creation of these works; As it was said before, there are two negative and positive views in Khayyam’s view of the phenomena around him, which in the negative view is to destroy all illusions in the direction of disillusionment, and in this view, the world is considered like a big furnace, from the soil of the past, new forms are created. It is made in it and these molds are constantly reproduced. The visual signs of this view are such as the world, the KohnehRobat, the desert of nothingness, the urn, the urn, the rotting and scattered human corpses, and the flowerpot, which in the review of these 9 works, the details of the names were presented in 3 Table. In addition, the second point of view, the positive point of view, is trying to find the moment of your presence and show that all phenomena are transitory. In this strange point of view, the end that awaits all human beings is predictable and the pure act of consciousness through drunkenness of wine or a sharp look. Which arises from phenomena, which, of course, was explained that this type of view arose from the literature of the pub and the interpretive view that arose from it. The visual signs of this view include cups, bowls, wine, bartenders, drunk people, young women, candles, flowers, and butterflies, examples of which were presented in table number three. Also, the interest of patrons and patrons of works with these oriental themes, which were of great interest to many patrons and enthusiasts at that time, is also of great importance, and this attention causes a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam’s poems. Became in contemporary times. On the other hand, the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting, emphasized to return to their past artistic methods against the art of modernism, and dealing with such issues is an attempt to return to their Aryan roots and their past before the era. It was modernity and modernism.

The artifact studied in this paper is a bimetallic sword made of bronze handle and an iron blade, which was excavated from the Tol ancient cemetery, located in Talash city, Gilan province, in 2001 by Mohammad Reza Khaltabari. This research aims to study the technology and pathology of the mentioned object by conducting comparative and archeological studies using the library method, conducting technological studies using the laboratory methods of radiography, metallography, and microstructural observations using a scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDS). The phase analysis of corrosion products was done by X-ray diffraction (XRD), as well as knowing the manufacturing method and identifying the types of damage and corrosion. The result shows that this work belongs to the Iron Age. Also, the tests performed on the two parts of the handle and the blade showed that the material of the iron blade is iron-carbon alloy. The amount of carbon in different parts of the body of blade is not the same and the handle is made of bronze alloy with casting and hammering techniques. It also has a galvanic corrosion effect.

Iran holds great significance for the question of the eastward expansion of the Acheulean hominins, as it is situated between the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent, both of which have long and rich records of the Acheulean techno complex. Despite its strategic location, Iran has produced little evidence of the Acheulean techno complex. The only notable examples have been found in the western and northwestern regions of the country. The absence of Acheulean sites in southern Iran cannot be justified. Because this region, located in the northern parts of the Persian Gulf, was one of the main dispersal routes for Acheulean hominins towards the east. Here, we present a report on the discovery of a Lower Paleolithic locality near Dehtal, located in the northern region of the Persian Gulf. Additionally, we discuss the techno-typological characteristics of the lithics found in the area. Dehtal yielded a small, but characteristic lithic assemblage, which included a handaxe, a massive scraper, a large flake, and a flake core. The raw materials used are sandstone and fossiliferous limestone rock, which can be found as cobbles and boulders in secondary contexts on the northern slopes of Par-e Lavar. In addition to these findings, two boulder cores with large removal scars were also documented in the area, indicating large flake production in this locality. The site offers a unique opportunity to study a lithic assemblage in a relatively unknown area within the distribution range of the Acheulean technocomplex.

Abstract
Persian literature, either in its oral or written forms, is full of pure myths which arise from the depth of human nature. And in order to understand human civilization better it is required that Iranian myths which have gained universal form today. Therefore, Jamšid’s myth (including Freydun’s era) has been considered as Iranian paradigm-myth In Persian literature domain and has been compared to its Egyptian and Indian equivalents. Narrative style of Jamšid’s myth is significantly similar to that os Osiris’s myth. Also its narrative Equivalent could be fragmentarily found in the fight between Indra and Veritra and also between Trita Aptya and višurpe. In this study, instead of a mere narrative comparison, it has been tried to consider the formation aspect of these myths regarding the centrality of the Iranian myths and based on the nature-mythology Approach. So, these myths have been studied in three parts, namely water, the sun, and water and light with regard to elements of nature, in particular the natural phenomena so that their common formation aspects could be properly cleared.
Keywords: Jamšid, Freydun, Osiris, Indra, Nature-Mythology, Water, The Sun, Light.

Introduction
The myth of the fight between Jamšid, Freydun and Garshāsp with Zahhāk and the story of Kāve Āhangar’s lawsuit that led to Kāve’s uprising can rightly be considered as the paradigm-myth of Iran. In other words, this myth is the only myth that contains the essence of Iranian thought, including: the conflict between the two forces of good and evil, chaos, light and darkness in nature, history, and human life, to Iranian mythological optimism, which means the victory of goodness at the end of the world with the killing of Zahhāk by the brave Garshāsp, as well as the character of individualization and personification of single concepts and corporeality to the extent that it is difficult to distinguish a myth from a legendary or historical character. This myth includes the history of Iranian thought from the Indo-European era and the independence of the Iranian branch to the present time. Therefore, it is not possible to reconstruct the history of this thought only by knowing the ancient Aryan texts, because this myth is still dynamic and alive due to the richness of thought and the ancient pattern of anti-tyranny, and it can be traced to the present time.
On the other hand, looking at the current state of the science of mythology and also looking at the latest theories related to the explanation of the nature of myths and legends, folk tales and legends, perhaps regarding the origin and origin of these narratives, the school of “nature-mythology” considered one of the most important schools of opinion in this field. This is the approach based on which this research will discuss the components of the myth of Jamšid, Osiris (as an Egyptian paradigm-myth) and Indra (as an Indian paradigm-myth). This school has basically flourished in Germany and the scientists who follow this school claim that primitive people paid a lot of attention to natural phenomena and the nature of this attention and interest is theoretical, contemplative and poetic. Based on this, primitive men weave poetic imaginations by interpreting and explaining the houses of the moon or the regular but changing movement of the sun in the sky. According to the followers of this school, the center of every myth or the reality that the myth deals with is a phenomenon of nature that has permeated the body and soul of the story.
Some of the followers of this school have this eclectic view that primitive man created his myths by mixing celestial objects and natural objects. This approach seems much more reasonable than the other approaches of this school and provides the freedom of action of the mythologist or researcher in a better way, and based on it, even the intensity and weakness of primitive man’s attention to natural elements can be justified.

Discussion
Our view in this article is more in line with this approach. Of course, one should be aware that the naturalist theory may neglect the cultural function and move in a direction that ignores many other components. In fact, it should be noted that before human imagination is idle, myth is a very important cultural force whose influence is well evident. Regarding this point, although this is not the opportunity to deal with cultural influences, but based on this, human culture can be divided into two parts, moon culture and sun culture (and of course, a combination of the two) based on its manifestations. In the ancient symbols: Maghrib (left), moon, femininity, [cow, earth,] night and rain on the one hand, and Mashriq (right), sun, day, masculinity [lion, snake] and summer are mixed together on the other hand. In this research, it has been tried to examine these two cultures with the focus on their most central element (in three sections with the theme of water, sun, and water and lighting; in addition to the sub-sections related to each section) and analyze them in the discussed mythology. Based on this, in the culture of the moon, water and rain should be considered the most vital element, but in the culture of the sun, the sun itself is the most vital element, and in the body of the article, we will deal with each of them in a systematic way.

Conclusion
In this research, the discussed myths have been examined in four sub-branches from the approach of nature-mythology, i.e. from the point of view of moon-thinkers, sun-thinkers, atmosphere-thinkers and eclecticisms, focusing on the latter sub-field. What we learned from this research about the origin of the mentioned myths, clarifies the point that they should not be definitively attributed to one of the origins and consider it sufficient to explain and understand the researched myths, but the common images that appear in all they can be seen and should be the basis of work in reviews. Based on this, although we cannot show the original origin with certainty, the image that is the common product of all of them, i.e. the cause of all the mentioned myths, can be shown, and that common image is nothing but the cycle of nature and, as a consequence, the cycle of life. , such as the cycle of sunrise and sunset, spring and autumn, the cycle of the moon in its homes, the cycle of water and drought, the cycle of light and darkness, the cycle of life and death, etc., which are prominently expressed in these myths: Osiris was killed by Set and in Horus is born, defeats the enemy and becomes another Osiris; Jamšid is killed by Zahhāk and is reborn in Freydun, he defeats Zahhāk and becomes another Jamšid himself; The same is said in the Indian equivalent. Also, the most important finding of this research, which was obtained with the focus of Iranian mythology, was to show the remarkable similarity of the mythological thinking of primitive people with poetic thinking, with examples of Iranian poets, the main reason of which should be found in their common source of inspiration, which is nature.

Acknowledgment
Special thanks to the good opinion of the respected referees and the publication who took the trouble to judge the article.

Conflict of Interest
The author declares that there is no conflict of interest in this research.

Abstract
Terminology is a group of specialized words and respective implications in a specific field, additionally, the consideration of such terms and their utilization. Terminology is one of the most essential aspects of any field of study. This gives an understanding of the concepts and contextual information to how you will be using those concepts. In archaeology, like all other sciences, we need to create and revise some concepts. This article proposes to establish a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication. Domestication is the adaptation of a plant or animal from a wild or natural state to life in close association with humans. In this research, the etymology and definitions of the phenomenon of Domestication are considered, followed by its evolution across the literature. This article defines some specialized terms of the Neolithic process in domestication, which is the driving force behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the transition from historical-cultural archeology to processual archaeology following the change from threshold to process and long-term formations. However, Iranian archeology has not yet kept pace with this dynamic. The picture provided for the users of archeology is a static image of science, and it is implied that science is a fixed and unchanging reality. This essay aims to demonstrate the difficulties and flaws in archaeological information transmission when scientific language is not prepared. The need to disseminate new knowledge and technology is one motivation for solving this problem. Archaeological research in Iran is now undergoing a crucial shift from traditional to processual methods. Studies of the Neolithic process are only starting in many locations, and terminology-related issues must be addressed. The result of this research is the ascertainment that adopting a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication is absolutely paramount in order to progress on all animal and plant-related matters.
Keywords: Terminology, Neolithic, Domestication, Evolutionary, Process.

Introduction
Terminology is the foundation of science; the words we use to describe the world around us substantially impact how we conceptualize study issues.
Neolithic and, subsequently, domestication is one of the most contentious among prehistorians. The term Neolithic, according to researchers, is insufficient. They now attempt to argue that Neolithic technology and economic growth are social constructs and that what matters more than what was created during the Neolithic era is how and in what method it was produced (Çilingiroğlu, 2005: 1). Terms like the Neolithic Package and Neolithization were created to comprehend the challenges during the Neolithic era. Neolithization refers to the process rather than the cultural phenomenon’s cross-sectional character. 
The Neolithic was a process of transition from a nomadic lifestyle of hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication.
This process takes place between the two poles designated by ‘wild’ and ‘domestic’. Consequently, one can talk about various stages or levels of domestication. These factors can have either a rapid or a gradual impact on living organisms. Domestication consists of a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
 As a result, we now know that terminology like agriculture, farming, and cultivation originated behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the shift from historical-cultural archeology with a threshold perspective to process archeology with a processual perspective. In other words, the agricultural event has assumed numerous forms throughout several thousand years, for which we have a name, or in the domestication of animals, we have the terms Husbandry, Pastoralism, Taming, and Herding Domestic, signifying changes in time and development in a phenomenon. This is a long-lasting trend.
The historical-cultural threshold approach is still present in Iranian archeology, and we continue to refer to all kinds of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns as agricultural or animal husbandry for thousands of years.
The article aims to define the language of many forms of agriculture and animal husbandry that have particular identities and have evolved into full-fledged agriculture and animal husbandry via an evolutionary process.
In the published literature on early agriculture, there is a tendency for the word agriculture and many of its subsidiary terms to be used vaguely without precise definitions, and sometimes their connotations overlap, for example, proto/incipient and shifting/extensive. There is a need to clarify much agricultural terminology to avoid confusion.

Discussion
As a result of various ponders, researchers have displayed a number of terms with the see of clarifying the root of agriculture. At the initial, ‘wild’ stage of domestication, a given population of organisms generally has no experience of any direct or indirect impact on the part of man. Domestication ends at the ‘domestic’ arrangement when a given populace is completely subordinate to people with respect to such issues as survival, reproduction, and nutrition. The most famous terms among those include the following: 

Domestication of Plant
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of plant domestication.
Management: Management is the control of wild species (plants or animals) without cultivation or morphological alterations (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Cultivation: Cultivation is the deliberate preparation of the land, planting, reaping, and storing seeds or other plant components.
Farming: Farming is the practice of using plants and domestic animals as food or other resources (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Agriculture: The phrase is occasionally confined to crop cultıvation and excludes livestock farming; however, it is often used to refer to both (Harris, 2007: 22).

Domestication of Animals
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of animal domestication. It provides a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
Domestic: The animal maintained in the home is referred to as domestic. Domesticated animals may be wild, tamed, or feral (Décory, 2019: 47). A domestic animal is kept in captivity by humans, regardless if it is a wild, tame, domesticated, or feral animal.
Taming: The domesticated animal might be a wild animal acquired from the wild, i.e., the first or second generation of wild animals maintained in captivity (Décory, 2019: 47).
Herding: This term should be evaluated from a biological standpoint. The herd/pasture interaction is connected to herding. Herding entails controlling and caring for the animals on the ground. (Paine, 1972: 78).
Breeding: This phrase refers to a technical notion. Animals with predefined traits may be altered through selective breeding (Ingold, 1980: 82).
Husbandry: Owners’ attempts to capitalize and make profits are referred to as husbandry (Paine, 1972: 79). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, husbandry is the “business or occupation “of a husbandman or farmer, tillage or cultivation of the soil (including also the rearing of livestock)’ 
Pastoralism: Pastoralists rely on their livestock herds for most of their income (Ingold, 1980: 82).

Conclusion
The Neolithic was a process of transition from hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication. The domestication of plants and animals marks a major evolutionary transition in human history. The pathways that humans and target species follow from initial management into domestication are shaped by a number of contingencies affecting both partners and can be broadly classified into several types. There is a continuum between these types, although these terms have overlapping elements, they are nonetheless distinct phenomena. Agriculture is used to define many forms of subsistence in this process but they have their own descriptive terms, such as cultivation, domestication, as well as forms of livestock. 
In this article an evolutionary model from foraging to agriculture, in which the transitions to cultivation, domestication, and agriculture are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. And from Taming to husbandry, in which the transitions to, domestication, and husbandry are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. 
The historical-cultural threshold perspective is still present in Iranian archeology, and we still refer to all types of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns that occurred throughout thousands of years as agriculture or animal husbandry. To define the distance between pre-domestic, and agriculture, detailed scientific research, including time-consuming and costly experiments, is required by precise chronologies. A practice that is still uncommon in Iranian archeology. In Iranian archeology, only sites containing the latter stage of the Neolithic are excavated, and other kinds of agriculture (e.g., gathering wild plants) or animal husbandry (e.g., taming) are not recognized, or researchers are still looking for spectacular Neolithic evidence from the period’s end. They are now investigating what is being created, not its significance and no label can be developed to describe them. Alternatively, if they are studying the Neolithic transition and, in fact, the Neolithic process, they approach the data using threshold and cultural-historical thinking. At the outset of Neolithic studies, it is necessary to provide the theoretical and terminological groundwork because they are process-oriented and long-term. If this does not occur, the picture formed for the users of archeology is a static image of science, leading to the belief that science is a phenomenon that does not change. As a result, efforts should be undertaken to investigate and clarify words connected to domestication research in an evolutionary framework.

Acknowledgments
I thank Dr. Mozhgan Jayez and Dr. Hojjat Darabi for their helpful comments on this paper.

Conflict of Interest
The Author, while observing the publishing ethics, declares that there is no conflict of interest and no financial support from any government center.

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
The risk of deterioration and destruction threatens valuable traditional housing in the historical texture of villages. Identifying the architectural types of historical houses and analyzing their sustainability are necessary to protect traditional architectural values and use them in contemporary housing designs. While there are many studies on the typology of traditional houses and the sustainability of rural housing, the analysis of architectural types of houses has been less considered. Also, the architectural types of the valuable houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village have not been still extracted and analyzed. Therefore, the main research questions are, what are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability? This study also aims to identify the architectural types of houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village, Chaharmahal, and Bakhtiari Province and to prioritize them based on sustainability. The rural housing sustainability indicators were extracted to achieve the purpose of the research, first by reviewing research and using the qualitative content analysis method. Then, the similarities and differences of the houses in terms of macro-, meso-, and micro-scale characteristics were examined and based on them, six types were identified. In the next step, the identified housing types were compared and ranked based on sustainability using the analytical network process (ANP) method. The dominant architectural type of the village’s historical texture with the highest frequency has the third-highest rank for sustainability. According to the results, the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses. In addition, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches on the first floor, and the number and length of the yards were the most important architectural features that distinguished the types from each other. To improve the sustainability of types and use them in contemporary housing designs, suggestions have been presented, such as granting financial facilities to create living spaces in historical houses and checking the compatibility of the rules of the village guidance [Hadi] plan with the architectural types of housing.
Keywords: Architectural Type, Valuable Historical Texture, Sustainability of Rural Housing, Qajar Era, ANP.

Introduction
Although the historical texture of Yase Chai village is registered in the list of national monuments, the architectural types of the houses have not been extracted and analyzed. Meanwhile, the new houses in the village are built without considering the architectural values of its historical texture. Also, the protection and use of sustainable architectural types of historical houses can bring about a tourism boom. This study aims to identify and prioritize architectural housing types in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village based on sustainability. 
Research questions: What are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability?
Research method: The statistical society included all the houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai. Purposeful sampling was used and 10 prominent houses were selected as representatives of the existing valuable houses of historical texture. Identifying the architectural characteristics of each house was done in three dimensions. Then, the partial types of each characteristic were extracted by comparing and examining the similarities and differences between the samples. Six final types were obtained in the next step based on partial types. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the sustainability of rural houses through the analytic network process (ANP).

Rural Housing Sustainability Components
The components of rural housing sustainability and their criteria include physical-environmental (environmental cleanliness, harmony with nature, and climatic comfort), physical-functional (flexibility, safety, and inclusiveness), physical-aesthetic (visual proportion and vernacular identity, and sensory richness), economic (livelihood and economic costs) and socio-cultural (lifestyle and privacy).

Architectural Characteristics of Houses
Living spaces had southwest and southeast lighting. The average ratio of mass to the land area of houses is 0.8. The dominant type of the mass shape is the central courtyard. The average ratio of length to width of the main courtyards is 1.79. The average percentage ratio of open, semi-open, and closed spaces to total spaces is 18, 19, and 63%, respectively. Most of the houses (70%) had direct access from the living room to the kitchen. On the main facades, the ratio of the area of the openings to the total area of the facade on the first floor was more than twice that of the ground floor. The average minimum width of the porches in the houses was 1.8 meters, which shows the flexibility of the porches.

Final Types of Historical Houses
Six final types were extracted. Type 1, with a frequency of 50%, is the dominant type. The first floor is L-shaped and receives southwest and southeast light. In type 2, the first floor receives light from the southwest, southeast, and northeast directions and has a U shape. In type three, the first floor gets southwest and northwest light; in type four, it gets southwest and northeast light. In type 4, the forms of the first floor are two opposite rectangles. In type 5, the form of the first floor is an incomplete U, and its light is from the southwest, southeast, and northwest. Type 6 is physically a combination of types 1 and 4.

Analysis and Ranking of Types
The most sustainable types and their scores are four (0.195), six (0.176), one (0.171), five (0.164), two (0.159), and three (0.134). Therefore, the fourth type is the most appropriate type to use in the contemporary housing designs of Yase Chai. In types four, five, and six, where a part of the first floor is separate from other parts of the first floor, there is a potential to use the separate part of the first floor as a living space for tourists and increase the level of livelihood. The types one and five have fewer facades with openings than other types, increasing climate comfort. The type one is also preferable to others in terms of view control from the entrance to the courtyard. There are two courtyards separated from each other in type six, which helps to provide more privacy.

Conclusion
In this research in the first step, houses of the historical texture of Yase Chai village were investigated in terms of macro (orientation and lighting, characteristics of mass and form, characteristics of courtyards and structures, and materials), meso (system of open, semi-open, and closed spaces, functions, interior spaces, and facades), and micro-architectural characteristics (entrance, porch, and portico, and details of the building) and their partial types were extracted. In the second step, based on the partial types, six final types were obtained. Sun exposure, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches, and the features of the yards were the most important factors that distinguished the types from each other. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the physical-environmental, physical-functional, physical-aesthetic, economic, and social-cultural components and their subset criteria and indicators using the analytical network process method.
It is suggested to grant financial facilities to strengthen the structure and create living spaces in historical houses. It is also suggested to revise the rules of the village guidance plan and check their compatibility with the architectural types of the historical housing. For example, with the condition of providing proper lighting and ventilation of the interior spaces and coordinating the new designs with sustainable types, the maximum occupancy level should be increased from 60% to 80%. In addition, it is suggested to allocate financial facilities to implement new housing projects with the condition of coordination with the architectural types of the village. The results of the current study demonstrated that the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses.

Acknowledgment
We are grateful to the kind residents who allowed us to visit and document their houses. This research did not receive any specific grant.

Observation Contribution
Sara Dadpour designed the concept and wrote the draft of the article, except for the research background and theoretical foundations. Sajede Kharabati wrote the research background and theoretical foundations and contributed to writing the introduction. Mozhdeh Rahimi conducted field visits and documented the houses. Mozhdeh Rahimi prepared the houses’ plans and 3D visualizations and contributed to the analysis of the architectural features of the houses. The authors’ contributions percentage is Sara Dadpour at 45%, Sajede Kharabati at 25%, and Mozhdeh Rahimi at 30%. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Abstract
Although seals are considered in more studies of art history, they can be an essential source for studying the socio-economic situation of ancient societies. The seal studied in this article was found during the Authors survey Gohargoosh Tepe with one of the local guides from the village of Fattahabad, Delfan County, Lorestan province, in the soil from looter digging part of the Tepe. Stylistically, the cylinder seals comparable to this seal were previously found in various areas in the western part and even in central Iran. This article attempts to answer questions concerning chronology and stylistics by studying and comparing the stylistics and iconography of the Gohargoosh seal with comparable samples. The other goal is to investigate the role of Ellipi in the first half of the first millennium BCE in Pish-i kuh and the potential relevance between their appearance in the region and the Assyrian seal case study in this article. By studying the Gohargoosh seal from various aspects, this seal likely belongs to the Iron Age II and from the ninth to the seventh centuries BCE, and its style is related to the Neo-Assyrian era, which can reflect the increased interaction between Iran and Mesopotamia after a dark and obscure period in the Iron Age I. 
Keywords: Pish-i Kuh, Ellipi, Assyrian Seals, Cylinder Seal, Gohargoosh Tepe.

Introduction
Relations between Iran and the Assyrian Empire increase sharply in the 9th to 7th centuries BCE. At this time, the Assyrians annexed large parts of western Iran to their empire. If we do not consider account of the cuneiform texts regarding the presence and domination of the Assyrians in western Iran, only a small number of archaeological finds can be pointed to long-term relations or the presence of Assyrians in the region. (Reade, 1995; Curtis, 2002; Radner, 2003; Alibaigi 2019). Recently, during a visit to Gohargoosh Delfan hill in Lorestan province and the Central Zagros, an Assyrian-style cylindrical seal was founded, which may lead to the relations between the Central Zagros and the Assyrian territory.

Gohargoosh Tepe
We know many settlements of the first millennium BCE in the Nurabad region that Gohargoosh is one of the largest. Considering that many Iranian Iron Age specialists recognize this region as part of the Ellipse realm and Assyrian written sources discuss the connections between Assyria and Ellipse (Medvedskaya, 1999; Grayson et al. 2014: 334; Grayson and Kirk, 1996), the study of the findings that provide clues to these connections can be exciting. This Tepe is located at the perimeter of Khaveh plain, 1.5 ha wide and 18 meters high (long 47.93932696 and lat 33.97512114, elevation 1700 ASL). Gohargoosh has been identified for the first time by Clare Goff, and according to the genre of Lorestan pottery, she has suggested the date of Iron Age II and III to occupation in this site (Goff, 1968: 107). In the survey of 1999, Garajian has pointed to the remains of Neolithic, Iron Age I, II and III, Parthian and fifth and sixth centuries AH in this site (Garajian et al., 2005: 47). In the Authors’ field inspection in 2021, the cylindrical seal investigated in this paper is found in the soil of one of the dig pits of Gohargoosh Tepe.

Cylindrical Seal
This seal is 2.3 cm high and 9 mm in diameter.  It is made of faience, with a hole in the center of its length to pass the string.  The seal impression represents two birds with open legs and wings and open-ended beaks that convey a state of conflict between two birds. The legs, body, neck, beak, tail, and wings are engraved by lines with feathers attached to them, and in some cases, by pressure. The front legs of the birds are separated, and the back legs are close to the frame line at the bottom of the design, and at the top of the left bird is a semicircular form close to the frame line (Figure 2). The birds have the exact similarities, and petty differences are symmetrically engraved opposite each other.

Stylistics and Dating
An executed design of great and probably monster birds on the seals of the eighth and ninth centuries BCE has been typical since dating to Shalmaneser III (858-823 BCE). For example, seal No. 1 in Figure 3, from Nimrud’s excavations, representing a group of great monster-like birds (Parker, 1955: 104). This seal, comparable to the Gohargoosh seal impression, comes from the North-west palace of Nimrud, probably Sargan II (722-705 BC) level, and Parker dating it to the Sargon II reign (Ibid). Another seal impression comparable to the Gohargoosh seal is a seal from Palestine, Level IX Baisan (Beth Shan), made of faience and represents a procession of birds, strutting, with wings raised (Figure 3: 2) (Parker, 1949: 31). A cylindrical seal in a personal collection in Los Angeles (Figure 3: 3), closely paralleled to Gohargoosh seal, showing the quarrel between two birds. The style of this seal is also Assyrian and dating to the 9th to 8th BCE.
Furthermore, in some sites excavated in Iran, such as the Surkh Dom-e Lori (Schmidt et al., 1989: 413), many cylindrical seals comparable to the Gohargoosh seal have been found. Schmidt seals No. 4, and 5 figure 3 of Surkh Dom-e Lori have been classified in Neo-Assyrian linear-style cylinder seals from the 9th-7th centuries BCE (Ibid, 416). From phase 7 and layer D of Goran in Hulailan valley, a seal impression on potsherd founded above floor level from the top of the T2 wall. The scene shows two complete figures and parts of two more (figure 3).  This seal impression referred by Thrane to Neo-Assyrian linear-style cylinder seals and dated to about 800 BCE (Thrane, 2001: 87). Moreover, there are several comparable seals to the Gohargoosh seal in the ancient Iranian Museum (Figure 3. No. 6, 7, 8, 9). These seals, attributed to the Qazvin region along the Silk Road, dated to the Iron Age III and are considered local seals influenced by the Assyrian style (Saed Mucheshi, 2015).

Conclusion
According to analogies of Stylistics, iconography, and chronology, the Gohargoosh seal is closely comparable to seals of Mesopotamia, western Iran, especially Pish-i Kuh Lorestan, and even the central plateau of Iran. This seal has a Neo-Assyrian style from the 9th-7th centuries BCE (the end of the Iron Age II and III). Unlike stagnation in both writing and archaeological evidence Iron Age I, regional and trans-regional interactions increased in the Iron Age II, especially with the Mesopotamian. Gohargoosh seal, an Assyrian-style seal, could have found its way to the region through trade, war booty, or population movements in such a context that we are witnessing an increase in Central Zagros interactions with neighboring areas. In addition to the importance of the Gohargoosh seal in art history and stylistics, it represents a socio-economic organization and presumably of regional and even trans-regional controlling economic and commercial management system in the late Iron Age II and Iron Age III. The development of such an economic system can consequence of the rise of the Ellipis power in Lorestan Pish-i Kuh.

Acknowledgment
We are very grateful to Mr. Kiyomarth Kohzadi from Fattahabad village who accompanied the authors during survey of Gohargoosh Tepe and found a cylindrical seal.

Observation Contribution
The percentage of authors’ participation to writing and conducting this article has been the same. 

Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest in this article.

Abstract
One of the important criteria of registration in the World Heritage List is the cultural landscape, which deals with the preservation and restoration of natural, tangible and intangible cultural elements of historical sites with a holistic and pragmatic approach. The arcs of Taq Bostan have been registered as a national site in the temporary world heritage list, but unfortunately, in recent years, we have seen physical changes in its historical and natural elements. The dissociation between the works and nature causes loss of the original nature of the site and leads to its further destruction. Considering that the cultural landscape is tantamount to interaction between humans and the nature, the historical works of Taq Bostan have turned the site into an element capable of creating cultural landscape. This study has been conducted through the archive, text studies and survey on the site, Taq Bostan. This research has tried to highlight the necessity of a comprehensive look at the protection and restoration of this historical work and seeks to prove the hypothesis that the arches of Taq Bostan are only one work. It is not historical and archeological, but a cultural landscape. The method of this descriptive-analytical research is based on data collected from documentary, library, survey and experience working in the site. Among the questions that are answered in this research; mention can be made of the following: 1. What are the criteria of cultural landscape? 2. What are the elements of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? The result of the research shows; based on the global elements, Taq Bostan has the criteria of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms and has all the effective objective and subjective factors in the formation of the cultural landscape; and contrary to popular belief, Sasanian reliefs are not the only factor in creating this cultural landscape; rather, the components of Taq Bostan’s cultural; s cultural landscape are a combination of natural and cultural modules that are intertwined and inseparable throughout history.
Keywords: Cultural Landscape, Component, Taq Bostan, Tangible, Intangible.

Introduction
The rock art of Taq Bostan is one of the most important works of the Sassanid era and has been nominated for registration in the world heritage (WHC UNESCO, 2021). The importance of the Sassanid sculptures of the Bostan Arch, especially its large arch, in terms of the elegance in the execution of relief motifs, their narrative style, the depiction of artificial and sacred hunting grounds, are cited by researchers such as Pope in the 1920s, Hertzfeld 1940, Vandenberg 1956, Girshman 1962, Godar 1965 and Kristen Sen 1384 and Tanabe 1983. The deer hunting panel of this arch is unique and there is no equivalent in Sasanian art (Compareti, 2016: 5). Also, due to the uniqueness of these motifs, it is always used in identification of fabrics (Hertsfeld, 1940; Raami, 2012; Herman, 2008; Harper 1999) and musical instruments of the Sassanid period (Farmer, 2017; Christine Sen, 1935) have been effective. These works have a deep connection with literature and popular culture, including Nezami’s "Khosrow & Shirin (Khamse Nizami, 6th century p. 30) and & quot; Shirin & amp; Farhad in Kurdish &q uot.
Considering the unbreakable link between history and nature and the opinions and beliefs of the people about Taq Bostan, it is assumed that the arches in Taq Bostan are not just a historical and archeological site and it is necessary to maintain strong relationship between the nature and ancient works; moreover social interactions that govern them should be taken into account. In other words this area is a cultural landscape and interference in each of these components should be done according to its impacts on the other component. For example, it may be effective to intervene in the seams and cracks of the rocks of the arches, to prevent infiltrating water from decreasing or increasing or even drying up the springs. The springs have played an essential role (naturally and culturally) in creating reliefs that if removed, part of the historical and natural values of this area will be lost. This research aims to know the criteria for determining the natural and historical components of Taq Bostan based on the theories presented in the field of cultural landscape in order to remind the necessity of a comprehensive view, as it is proposed in cultural landscapes, in the protection and restoration of this historical work. It is hoped that this research will lead to reconsideration of some JOZINEGARANEH decisions and attitudes that govern this area. In the meantime this research only emphasizes on proving the cultural landscape of Taq Bostan site.
Based on global standards archaeological and historical evidence (Canepa, 2018; Ghobadi, et al 2014; Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016; Kambakhshfard 1348; Rahbar, 2010) is a historical and natural environment that human interaction with the environment covers from the Middle Paleolithic period to the present day. This area was formed in different periods based on more or less different cultural mindsets (Parthian, Sassanid, Islamic ideas). Knowing the cultural and historical components of Taq Bostan is a research necessity that has not been addressed so far; because the documents (Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, 2002, Schmidt, 2016) show that this area is undergoing physical and intangible changes that have threatened some of its natural, historical and cultural values; therefore, it is necessary to recognize this collection as a cultural landscape. This research, with descriptive-analytical method and based on data collection from documentary sources, library and field observations, tries to answer the following questions: What are the criteria of cultural landscape? What are the elements or components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? What is the cultural landscape?
Cultural landscape is the outcome of interaction between human and the environment. (Sauer, 1925). According to Tyler, since cultural landscapes are a document of past and present actions, they are an embodiment of physical changes, which in turn reflect the evolving attitudes towards the landscape. They represent our material and social history, with the help of which we can easily relate inherited values (Taylor, 2011:3).
According to the initial theories, natural conditions have had a major impact on the creation of cultural landscapes; so that people have changed the natural conditions of their environment based on their material and spiritual needs and under the influence of their culture.
Newer theories have discussed the interaction between humans and the environment and have come to the conclusion that humans choose and change the environment according to their mental thoughts, and every changed environment is not necessarily a cultural landscape.
Therefore, the cultural landscape of every society is formed based on its nature and culture. According to Canepa, the cultural landscape of Iran was created based on the relationship between the conceptual world and the physical world that exists in some Iranian religions (Canepa, 2018:1), so choosing a place to create works (current historical works), including campuses and hunting grounds and the rock art has a deep connection between the religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and its nature, and the choice of natural places to create art is not accidental.
Natural and cultural components of Taq Bostan Mountains, topography of the earth, water in the form of springs and rivers, plains, and plants and animals in whose creation humans did not have a part are considered natural components. In Taq Bostan, the elements of mountain, water and plain are considered the most important natural factors. These components, along with works created by people who lived in different historical periods, have formed the historical and cultural components of Taq Bostan. These historical and cultural components include: prehistoric sites of Taq Bostan, Parti cemetery and village, Khosrow’s hunting ground, Sasanian rock artefacts of Taq Bostan. In each of these components, he observed the mutual influence of nature and human interaction with concrete examples. For instance, topography, as a natural component, plays a significant role in the formation of the historical and cultural components of the pre-history of Taq Bostan Western Park (Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016: 22). The homogeneity of the mountain and the spring has been effective in the creation of relief motifs and the arches of Taq Bostan, because it had the characteristics of the sacred mountain in the eyes of the Sasanians. There should be a bubbling spring next to it, and the light cleanses the body of water and the mountain from the contamination of the devil (Qureshi, 1380: 174). Intangible components derived from people's mentality and including activities, historical and symbolic functions, cultural customs, traditions, monuments, folk stories and cultural references such as the story of Shirin & Farhad, the story of the old tree of the Bostan Arch and healing from the horse statue inside the large arch and the bust of Khosrow II (Naseruddin Shah, 1287: 69; Khadi 1385, July)

Conclusion
Archaeological evidences show that the interaction between man and nature in Taq Bostan is a multi-thousand-year interaction (from the Middle Paleolithic until now). The favorable environment provided by nature to humans, such as mountains, springs, and plant and animal filled plains as well as the strategic location of the region in terms of history (on the way to Babylon and close to the well-known inscription of Darius in Bistoon) created this long-term interaction.
But what is popular among people now as the identity and historical character of Taq Bostan is related to the Sassanid and Qajar periods.  The relationship between the conceptual world and the objective world of the Iranian cultural landscape; and the choice of the workplace is in connection between religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and nature. The investigations carried out in this research showed (tables 3 and 4) that based on global standards in the field of cultural landscape, Taq Bostan has the characteristics of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms, and all the effective factors in its formation are objective and there is an existing mentality, such as the use of the natural potential and topography of the region, including permanent springs and rivers, which caused the existence and instead of the material elements of prehistoric humans in the West Park and Murad Hill areas, it shows the evolution of the society from the criteria of the cultural landscape.
The remaining cities and cemeteries and the Parthian and later periods also depict the course of historical development and society, as well as the beliefs and attitudes of the material and non-material world in accordance with the objective and subjective criteria of the cultural landscape.
The reliefs and Khosrow’s hunting ground also indicate the ideas of the Sassanid period. According to Sasanian religious beliefs, the Sasanian king was of the opinion that every action in the Minoan world is done by Ahura Mazda, in the non-Minoan world it is done by the king. Ahuramazda’s goal was to return the world to the light and prosperity before the demonic attack. For this reason, the Sassanid king also tried to create a heavenly paradise in a dry and barren land (a symbol of Ahriman’s wrath). Make the land fertile with the help of natural elements of water and soil. According to the Sasanians, a good king was a good gardener; Therefore, gardens and campuses like Taq Bostan are political announcements that confirmed the legitimacy of the Shah’s government.
Therefore, the components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape are a combination of natural, cultural and social components that are linked and inseparable over time. These components are based on the theories and criteria of the cultural landscape, the interaction between man and nature, and the collective historical results that have ecological and geographical characteristics. According to the mentality of the people living in them, they have found identity and personality and have aesthetic and cultural values. A symbolic place is one of the basic elements of heritage and has a common relationship between identity, memory, and heritage. At the same time, they represent the evolution of human societies. Natural and social environment and economy This landscape is effective on the process of human evolution and has emotional and spiritual meanings.
Taq Bostan has the objective and subjective criteria of a cultural landscape, and these criteria should be taken into account in all actions taken or in the future plans of the site, and any interference and possession should be applied with regard to preserving the entirety of this cultural landscape; Otherwise, the destruction of these works will be imagined in the not-too-distant future.

Abstract
the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf are a large part of southern Iran, which has been of interest throughout history, and many settlements have been formed in thispart of iran. This semi-closed sea has a great value in terms of natural and economic situation and military and political situation Just as the economic and social life of Mesopotamia depends on its two waterways, the Tigris and the Euphrates, and just as the Nile River plays the main and key role in the history of Egypt, in the same way the Persian Sea can be considered an important and vital bottleneck of history and civilization and Iran’s economy. Over thousands of years, this azure and fertile sea has opened its arms to   Iranians and other neighboring nations like a table full of blessings, so that the residents of its shores can benefit from its diverse reserves. The present research has focused on the introduction of pottery objects known as Gopal, which are found in abundance in the southern part of Iran, especially in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf. In this research, two library methods and field visits to some areas of the studied area have been used to collect information. The main questions of the present research are: To what period of time can the Gopals be dated? What is the use of Gopal? In what areas are the Gopals distributed? In addition to introducing Gopals and examining their technical features, the use and relative dating of these objects are discussed and the distribution map of these objects in the plateau of Iran is presented.
Keywords: Gopal, Persian Gulf, Iranian Plateau, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan.

Introduction
As a historical and strategic waterway, the Persian Gulf has always been the focus of rulers and throughout history, it has been the place of passage for the ships of Eastern and Western civilizations. The coast of the Pars Gulf is a suitable habitat for the settlement and establishment of human societies. In recent years, as a result of the archaeological surveys of the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Gulf, many prehistoric, historical and Islamic sites and hills have been identified. Among these, a number of ancient sites and mounds of clay objects have been found, which are called Gopal. The present research has studied these objects that are scattered on the banks and back banks of Pars Gulf.
Research questions: In this research, the most important questions include: 1- In what regions is the range of distribution of clay objects known as Gopal? 2- Are Gopals produced in the northern part of the Persian Sea? 3- Do these objects have different types in terms of appearance? 4- Gopals belong to what period of time? 5- What is the use of Gopal?

Gopal classification
Clay objects known as Gopal are clay cylinders whose height varies between 15 and 30 cm and their weight varies between 1 and 4 kg. The upper part of the Gopals is round with a diameter of 10 to 17 cm and the lower part is saucer-shaped with a diameter of 6 to 12 cm. Their floor is rough and uneven, but they are stable to be on the ground. Williamson has introduced the Gopals with the title of base and divided them into four categories, Gavbandi type, Bushehr type, Ganaveh type and Tepe Yahya type (Williamson 1972: 100). According to technical specifications and appearance, Gopals were classified into 9 types. But since this study is mostly in the form of a library and the distribution area of Gopals has not been fully investigated in the field, it is possible that there are more and different species that are hidden from the authors of this study.

Distribution of Gopal in the Persian Gulf
The basis of the study of the distribution of Gopals is the study of survey reports, records and field studies (Table 1) that have been published and published so far, as well as the authors’ visits to a number of sites on the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Sea. The distribution map presented in this research is the beginning of a way to carry out additional studies in the field of these clay objects in the future and undoubtedly has some shortcomings (map 1). The distribution of this pottery was in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf as Louis Pelly says: they are found along the coast (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). Hertzfeld He writes: “Along the shore, under the ruins of early Islamic houses, large quantities of clay handles are found, which are called Gopals, and are introduced as flakhen, (Herzfeld 1926: 260).
The most distribution of Gopal in Behbahan city is in Zidon section. The Gopal area in the south of Omidieh belongs to the middle Islamic centuries, of this Gopal as “Clay base” (Sadeghi Rad 2018).
In Bushehr province, the distribution of these pottery objects increases significantly and they are found in abundance in almost all of the province. Gopals of different types have been reported from the grounds of Sarkho Castle, Shahzadeh Mohammad Darvishi in Shanbeh and Tasuj sections of Dashti city (Zarei 2018: 143).
In the north-west of Fars province, two samples were introduced from Tell Ahangaran and Tell Khazaneh in Noorabad Mamsani in the study of Askari Chavardi, the first sample is Gopal made of stone. In the west of Fars, in the area of Fathabad in Sarmashed of Kazeroon city, in the research of Parsa Ghasemi, broken samples of Gopal clay were reported, which are “scattered in the plowed lands” (Ghasemi 2010: 327-327).  In the southern part of Fars province, the distribution of Gopals is more and these objects have been reported from six sites. Golrokh hill is located in Chahorz district, Lamard city, (Askari Chavardi, Amiri: 2002) A small round base was found on the surface of Tape Yahya, probably from the second period (Achaemenid period). This type, which is scattered throughout the Jiroft region, can be easily distinguished from the 3D type, and it may be considered the background of the Sassanid foundations.” (Williamson 1972: 100) and in the southern part of the Persian Sea, he refers to Al-Ain in Abu Dhabi, where Bushehr-type clay foundations are scattered there (ibid.).

Examples similar to Gopal
In terms of the overall shape and appearance of the Gopals, there are similarities with objects such as decorative studs obtained from Chaghazanbil, and probably those who consider these objects to be architectural decorations because of the similarity between There were Gopals and studs (Figure 13).
The example of a fire pit (Figure 14) which Mustafavi believes is related to the Seleucid period (Mustafavi 1968: 71) or the base of fire pits made of stone or plaster from Weigal (Javari and Bagh-Sheikhi 2019), Plang-Gard (Alibeigi 2012: 201), Shian (Moradi 2009), Bandian Derghez (Rahbar: 2008), Imamzadeh Mohammad (Askari Chavardi 2010), Tell Shahid, Keshto village and Brazjan (Tawfiqian 2017) and the images of firetemple on the coins of Sasanian kings. , have general similarities with Gopal (Figure 14).
Williamson introduces a type of wooden bases that are painted and were used for Bushheri or Kuwaiti boxes, and these clay bases are the background of wooden bases (Williamson 1972).
A type of tallow burners that became very popular in the Islamic period (Wilkinson 1973) are examples similar to Gopal. Two stone objects have been found from Imamzade Abdullah in Shushtar, which Ahmad Eghtari refers to as fire pits or the base of fire pits belonging to the Parthian period. He classified them except Gopal (Eghtari 1996: 703-702). (Figure 15). Unglazed candlesticks with a similar design have also been found in Merv (Wilkinson 1973: 314) (Figure 15). In Hormozgan province, there is a type of embroidery called Shakbafi, for its weaving and production, they use a tool similar to gopal, called Choghn. A cloth is placed on it (Figure 16). The material of this mortar is sometimes wood and sometimes clay or plastic, which is actually considered a support for a pillow and a base for weaving a tape” (Mokhtari-Dehkordi, Asadi Farsani 2013: 39).

Dating and use of Gopal
Without conducting detailed experiments and extensive and methodical studies, the dating of Gopals will be relative, it is also necessary to know the use of these clay objects in the hills and areas where they are widely produced and used. Methodical archaeological excavations should be carried out. There are many theories and assumptions about the use of Gopals. Lt. Col. Lewis Pelley, says about the Gopals: “I picked up some spirally grooved cylinders of baked clay. Traditions say that these cylinders were the ones that the infidels used to use a leather strap to attack. They threw targets” (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). After pointing out Poly’s opinion and its illogicality, Haynes Gaube mentions these objects as architectural decorations and the limitations of this assumption are listed, including why they are found in Siraf but not in Khuzestan? (Gaube 1980: 384). Herzfeld believes that the use of Gopals is similar to the Assyrian clay studs, whose ends were placed in Diora (Herzfeld 1926: 260). Williamson believes that the Gopals were used as bases for holding wooden chests known as Bushheri or Kuwaiti chests, and later they were replaced by painted wooden bases (Williamson 1972: 101).
Parsa Ghasemi believes that these terracotta objects had an architectural use, similar to the columns used in the Achaemenid building of Dahane Gholaman (Ghasemi 2009: 86). Askari Chavardi mentions clay Gopals as the base of Sasanian vessels (Askari Chavardi 2012, Askari Chavardi 2018) and the type of stone that he considers as the base of the hearth (Askari Chavardi, Pots, Pitri 2013: 149-148).
During a conversation with the residents of Shahr-e Viran in Dilam city, they stated that the nomads use these pieces of clay for weaving ni-chit (Chiq or Chikh) (Figure 17), and it was believed that these tools are used for production Nothing has been used. Kamiyar Abdi believes that these clay objects have industrial use (Abdi 2007).

Conclusion
During this research, the existing Gopals were classified into 9 categories according to their appearance and technical characteristics, their exact typology requires a systematic archaeological investigation in the distribution area of Gopals in the banks. And then the beaches of the Persian Glf. The present studies showed that Gopals are mostly found in the sites related to the Sassanid and Islamic periods.
According to the terminology of Gopal or Gopal, it is not true that this pottery object has a war function, and probably only according to its appearance, they put the name of Gopal or Gopal on it. According to examples similar to Gopal used in the art of embroidery, the assumption that Gopal was probably used as a tool used in sewing or weaving industries. According to the classification done, Gopals probably had various uses. As long as the Gopals are not recovered from their context, determining any use for this clay object will be more of a hypothesis.

Abstract
The historical city of Ujan, located in in East Azerbaijan northwest Iran, has been one of the most important cities of the Ilkhanid dynasty (1256 to 1335 AD). A number of coins were found during the excavation and study of the site by Tehran University’s Archaeological Board in 2017-2020. In this article, 13 coins have been analyzed and reported. The coins were cleaned as much as possible so that the inscriptions and designs were examined and read, whose results are presented in this paper. All of the 13 coins are minted in the styles attributed to the Abu Sa’id period, the last powerful Mongol Ilkhanid ruler born in Ujan. Based on elemental analysis, most coins are copper. Two of them are made of bronze alloy (copper-tin) and the other is made of brass alloy (copper-zinc). The use of lead has been reported in the composition of all alloyed coins. All the coins unearthed from Ujan excavations have been minted in the city of Tabriz. This is probably due to the commercial and economic importance of Tabriz in the Ilkhanid period, because no evidence of minting coins has been found or reported in the Ujan area so far. The analyses of the coins are indicative of important historical, cultural and political facts about the Ilkhanid dynasty.
Keywords: Ujan, Ilkhanid Period, Alloy, Mint, Ujan Coins.

Introduction
Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, was an important city during the Ilkhanid period, serving as a summer residence for the royal family.  It was rebuilt during the Ghazan Khan Ilkhanid period but lost its importance due to earthquakes and wars. Ujan is an example of an Ilkhanid city with Islamic architecture and urban planning (Velayati et al. 2020).
Coins from Abu Sa’id, were found in Ujan and minted in Soltanieh and Tabriz. In archaeological studies, coins indicate civilization, prosperity, and decline of a territory or monarchy. The study of coins can provide insights into nations’ pasts, as well as their artistic, religious, political, and social development (Sarafrazi 2010). Ilkhanid coins are categorized into three groups: (1) early Ilkhanid period with Quranic verses and no Uighur inscriptions, (2) period of stability with Uighur inscriptions and Mongolian titles, and (3) time of Oljaitu with Persian inscriptions including Islamic testimonies, Shiite mottos, and names of Rashidin Khalifs (Avarzamani & Sarfaraz 2009).

Identification of Ilkhanid City of Ujan Based on Archaeological Finds
The Mongols’ recorded history dates back to the late 12th and early 13th centuries AD, with information from “the mysterious history of the Mongols” and Persian and Chinese records (Bosworth,1988:243). The Ilkhanid khans was elected in Qoriltay, with Maragheh, Ujan, Tabriz, and Soltanieh as capitals(Atwood 2004: 231, 233). After four seasons of study, the University of Tehran’s Archeology department discovered the historical city of Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, north of Sahand Mountains, East Azerbaijan. Figure 1 shows the historical map of Ujan City (Velayati, 2016).

Historical Context of Ujan
The name of Ujan was first mentioned in the book “Masalak-al-Mamalak Istakhri” and later by other Arab geographers. In 698 AH, Ilkhan ordered the construction of the Islamic city, which was built quickly with bazaars, baths, and land divided among his relatives. Ghazan Khan rebuilt a mansion in Ujan and called it the city of Islam. Many events occurred in Ujan between 740 to 806 AH, including Amir Teymour resting in the Ghazani Palace. An Ottoman tourist reported that Ujan was once a large city but was destroyed during Holakokhan’s reign and people migrated to Tabriz. Ghazan Khan later repaired the castle of the city.

Ujan Coins
Studying the chemical composition of coins offers valuable insights into various aspects including politics, society, economics, and production methods. The origins of raw materials in different periods can indicate religion, art, culture, traditions, or architecture (Fierascu et al., 2009). Numerous coins were excavated from the historical city of Ujan and a comprehensive analysis was conducted on thirteen selected coins after thorough cleaning to ensure precise results (Figure 2).

Method 
In this study, 13 coins were imaged using Rigaku’s Radioflex-100CSB X-ray radiographic method to examine the metal core and legible motifs and inscriptions. After cleansing, the coins were imaged using a Leika / Wild M8 stereo microscope. A small part of the coins was cleaned and imaged using a FEI ESEM QUANTA 200 microscope to study the alloy composition. Elemental analysis was performed by the EDAX EDS Silicon Drift 2017 detector connected to the microscope.

Results and Discussion
The results of the elemental analysis of Ujan coins in Table 1 show that the base metal for making all coins is copper and a large number of samples have the same composition with small amounts of lead.
The thickness and lead content of coins affect their X-ray images (Figure 3). Coins with higher lead content and thickness emit fewer X-rays. The uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix creates a distinction between the background and lead globules in X-ray images. This suggests that Ujan coins were cast horizontally using an open mold. Most coins have low amounts of lead, which is likely an impurity in the metal composition, associated with tin and sulfur. The lead impurities may be related to the smelting and extraction method used to mint the coins.

Inscription Reading and Minting Analysis  
Ilkhanid coins are divided into three periods based on their inscriptions, representing the cultural attitudes of Ilkhans. In the early years, they incorporated aspects of Iranian culture onto their coins, possibly influenced by advisors like Khajeh Nasir al-Din Toosi. In the second period, some Ilkhans tried to embrace their Mongolian heritage by minting coins in Uyghur script, but this failed when Al-Jaito converted to Islam and developed Islamic and Iranian culture (Yar Ahmadi, 2010: 40). Mongolian culture was marginalized, and only a few political dissidents used the second method of minting coins.
The analysis showed that corrosion and previous interventions have caused the disappearance or distortion of designs and inscriptions on some coins. Only some coins were examined and read after clearing based on evidence in X-ray radiographic images. Analysis of coins in this study indicates that they belonged to the period of Abu Sa’id, the last and greatest Ilkhan king. During his reign, coins did not follow a special formal pattern, but had limited use of geometrical and non-geometrical patterns with the king’s name, Islamic testimonies, and the name of Rashidun Khaliphs. Lion and sun motifs were prevalent, rooted in Roman Seljuq coin minting. Five, six or seven-pointed stars appeared on coins, possibly imitated from Seljuqs. Abu Sa’id also used Mihrab (altar) motif with Quranic verses on his coins (Salehi 2014: 61).
Coin UJ-01 features several motifs on one side, with the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” on the other (Figure 4). Coin UJ-06 has an engraving depicting a rider racing on horseback, in the style of Ilkhani coins, with the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” inscribed along the edge (Figure 5). Coin UJ-07 is well-preserved, with the ruler’s name written as “Al-Sultan Azam Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Khaldullah Malika” and the mint name as “Tabriz Mint”. Inside a six-pointed star are the names of Rashidun Khaliphs and Hazrat Ali (AS), representing Abu Sa’id’s Sunni faith. Outside the star is the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” (Figure 6).
During the Ilkhanid period, mints had a lot of freedom in choosing and writing inscriptions on coins, as long as they remained loyal to the Ilkhanid system and its religious policies. This allowed each sultan or ruler to change the coins according to their own taste. For example, in Amol, coins were minted with the names of the Twelve Imams even during the Timurid period. Studies show that during the time of Abu Sa’id, nearly a hundred cities and districts minted coins in his name. However, it seems that Ujan did not have a mint, possibly due to its proximity to Tabriz. Further excavation may reveal coins minted in Ujan.

Conclusion
Ujan is a city of great economic importance due to its location on the Silk Road and its role in trade. Historical sources suggest the city had many caravanserais and economic prosperity. Coins minted in Ujan, mostly from the period of Sultan Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Ilkhani, have been found. In this research, 13 coins were examined, 10 made of copper and 3 of copper alloys. The copper used in minting is associated with lead, with uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix of all Ujan coins. The horizontal minting method was used in casting alloys. Many coins have corroded or distorted designs and inscriptions, but three (UJ-01, UJ-06, and UJ-07) have almost complete Islamic inscriptions and designs in the style of Ilkhanoid coins.
The examinations show that during the early Ilkhanid period, rulers used religious inscriptions in minting coins to propagate their ideology and gain legitimacy among the people. The use of Quranic verses and inscriptions on coins from this period suggests that the Mongols, who lacked religious legitimacy to rule Islamic lands, sought to attribute their ruling to divine destiny by circulating coins among ordinary people.