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Ahmad Nikgoftar, Abed Taghavi, Hasan Hashemi Zarj Abad, Amin Moradi,
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
The historical city of Esfarayen is one of the most important and glorious cities of the Islamic period, which was one of the important provinces of Neishapur until the Mongol invasion, and shortly after the Mongol invasion and the destruction of Neishapur, it was revived and flourished more than before when the Ilkhanids came to power. At the beginning of Timur’s rule, this city was severely destroyed, and from the end of Timur’s period to the end of Shah Abbas Safaviy’s rule, it grew relatively slowly with political ups and downs, and it was abandoned due to the attack of Afghans and population changes. One of the most important valuable goods that was exported from China to other regions from the third to the twelfth century A.H. is Celadon pottery and the other is blue-white pottery. According to the 9 seasons of archaeological exploration in Shahr-e Belqays, 5 pieces of celadon and 2 pieces of blue-white pottery have been found, which have not been studied so far, and for this reason, research was necessary. The main questions of this research are, first of all, what period do these celadons and blue-and-white porcelain belong to? Secondly, according to the technical structure and typological comparison, are the pottery produced locally or extra-regionally, and how did it enter the city of Esfarayen? The third question is the reason for the presence of this type of pottery in the historical city of Esfarayen based on the archaeological context and historical documents. The descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is based on field and library studies. The results showed that the celadons belong to the 2nd to the 8th century A.H. and the blue-and-white pottery are dated to the beginning of the 8th to the 11th century. The celadons and blue-whites studied are completely non-native and entered the city of Esfarayen by sea and land. Due to the quality and rarity, the type of motifs and the type of lines and writing themes are related to the noble and wealthy classes of the city.
Keywords: Shahr-e Belqays, Esfarayen, Islamic Period, Chinese Pottery, Ming Dynasty.
Introduction
Due to the strategic position of the land of Iran, which has always been on the path of important East-West communication routes from the past to the present, with a branch of the Silk Road passing through its soil as an intermediary between the civilizations of the Far East, especially China and Its western neighbors were like Iraq and Syria. Among the goods exported from China are the famous Celadon pottery and blue-and-white pottery. Due to the importance of Celadon and blue-and-white pottery, many countries were competing with each other based on their geographical region at that time to take over the market for the products of this art and industry. China was the main manufacturer of this product and Iran was the main highway for the commercial connection of this product to Europe and Africa. The city of Esfarayen is one of the important cities of the Islamic period, which was located on the commercial route of the Silk Road (Moghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222). Due to the presence of powerful rulers and politicians such as Abu al-Abbas Esfarayeni in the Samanid and Ghaznavid periods, in the Seljuq and Ilkhanid periods such as Saeed Malik Bahauddin Juvini and in the Safavid period, Abu Muslim Khan enjoyed special growth and development and is one of the most prosperous and prosperous cities. Khorasan was considered that the commercial highways passed through this city (Aubin, 1971:121). In addition to crossing the trade route, the existence of thriving markets (Idrisi, 1409 AH, Vol. 2: 690-693)، (Hamiri, 1984: 56), and the production of important goods such as: cloth, metal containers, pottery, makes merchants and In addition to supplying goods imported from far away to this city, merchants should distribute the goods produced in this city to nearby cities and distant places, especially the Iranian plateau, Shamat, Anatolian Peninsula, North Africa, etc. One of the most important imported goods and popular among the governors and residents of this city is the dishes known as Celadon and Blue White, of which 5 pieces of such dishes have been discovered in archaeological excavations (Nikgoftar, 2014). Considering the discovery of this pottery from the archaeological context and the lack of introduction and study of it, and from the mention of writing marks on their surface, the upcoming article tries to analyze them in the context of history and archeology in addition to introducing and reading the lines.
.
Discussion and reasoning
In the archaeological excavations of the city of Esfarayen, a total of 4 pieces of celadon pottery were found, one of which is of the Yue type (3rd-4th century) and the rest is of the Lank Chuan type (6th and 7th century). By examining and comparing these types of pottery, it can be said that in addition to neighboring areas and extra-regional areas, there has been direct or indirect trade with China since the 3rd century, considering the increase in the number of Lankchuan pottery related to the 6th century. And seventhly, from the reference of historical documents about the rule of the Jovini family over this city, their good relations with the Genghis family and the handing over of the government of the western part of Khorasan to this family (Jovini, 2012, vol.2, 222) and the political-economic journey of this family to Mongolia (ibid.: 222) and from the discovery of coins from this period in neighboring regions (Nikgoftar & Behnamfar, 2008) and extra-regional (ТЮНИБЕКЯАН, 2003) it can be said that in this period, Lank Chuan pottery came through the trade route of the Silk Road. That Esfarayen was located in one of these important commercial branches (Maghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222) entered this city. Among other pottery that can be seen in China and Islamic lands in a significant way after Celadon is blue-and-white pottery, the production of these vessels became common in the states of Jijiang, Jianshui, Yusi and Jiangshan from the Yuan Dynasty, but the best type In the Jindjin states in the city of Chin Khwa (Chin-Hwa), which was related to the imperial furnaces (Bahranipour, 2022: 8). In the archaeological excavations in Shahr-e Belqays, 2 pieces of blue-and-white pottery were identified, which according to the decorations and technical structure belong to the late Timurid and Safavid periods and the Ming period in China. It has been stated that according to the reference of historical documents and archaeological data mentioned above about the importance, value and use of these vessels and from the motifs and lines used and the examination of the technical structure of the vessels which proves that they are non-native, in general, it can be He said that these dishes were made for the order or use of the rich class and nobles in this city.
Conclusion
By studying the piece of Chinese pottery in the city of Esfarayen, so far, two prominent pottery types of Celadan and blue-and-white have been obtained, the first group of Celadan; that by comparative comparison of this species in terms of technical structure such as; The type of paste, glaze and construction form with examples of ceramics obtained from the sites of the Islamic period such as; Siraf, Mehruban, Kish, Neishapur, and Bandar Najiram, it can be said that this type of celadan is imported and non-native, and in terms of chronology, it is similar to the Yue and Lank Chuan types at the same time as the Samanian period until the end of the Ilkhanate period. The increase in the number of Lankchuan type of celadan along with other archaeological evidence and historical documents prove the prosperity and prosperity of this city in the Ilkhanid period and a transregional and global trade connection. Among the other types of pottery that were mentioned are blue-and-white pottery, according to the comparative studies and examination of their technical structure, this type is also imported, according to the references in the historical documents about the destruction of this city in the attack of Timur and its lack of prosperity. It can be said that the presence of this type of pottery in this city dates back to the late Timurid period and the early Safavid period, during which time this city prospered again. According to the taxonomic examination and comparison of the pottery, which is completely similar to the pottery discovered in Hormuz, Taiwan, and the samples obtained from North Africa, it can be said that probably these pottery were indirectly and transregionally and globally from China to the port of Hormuz. And through the south-north highway and through the Jerjan-Tos commercial road, which was restored and reconstructed by Amir Ali Shir Navai in this period, he entered the city of Safrayan. Due to the rarity, quality of construction, themes and motifs, and on the one hand, historical documents indicate that these dishes were used in royal banquets or royal tombs, and from the discovery of these pieces from the citadel and noble houses, it can be said that these dishes are unique to The privileged and prosperous classes belonged to the historical city of Esfarayen. In general, the Chinese writings in the blue-and-white earthenware of Esfarayen city are as follows: the text of container number 9, the writing on the bottom of the container is incomplete and illegible, and the text on the bottom of the container contains the Chinese word called (peace, comfort), (longevity), (happiness) and (health). The text of container number 13 is written with the comparison and typology of the Chinese word du-ming-nlen-zuo, meaning the construction of the Ming period.
The historical city of Esfarayen is one of the most important and glorious cities of the Islamic period, which was one of the important provinces of Neishapur until the Mongol invasion, and shortly after the Mongol invasion and the destruction of Neishapur, it was revived and flourished more than before when the Ilkhanids came to power. At the beginning of Timur’s rule, this city was severely destroyed, and from the end of Timur’s period to the end of Shah Abbas Safaviy’s rule, it grew relatively slowly with political ups and downs, and it was abandoned due to the attack of Afghans and population changes. One of the most important valuable goods that was exported from China to other regions from the third to the twelfth century A.H. is Celadon pottery and the other is blue-white pottery. According to the 9 seasons of archaeological exploration in Shahr-e Belqays, 5 pieces of celadon and 2 pieces of blue-white pottery have been found, which have not been studied so far, and for this reason, research was necessary. The main questions of this research are, first of all, what period do these celadons and blue-and-white porcelain belong to? Secondly, according to the technical structure and typological comparison, are the pottery produced locally or extra-regionally, and how did it enter the city of Esfarayen? The third question is the reason for the presence of this type of pottery in the historical city of Esfarayen based on the archaeological context and historical documents. The descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is based on field and library studies. The results showed that the celadons belong to the 2nd to the 8th century A.H. and the blue-and-white pottery are dated to the beginning of the 8th to the 11th century. The celadons and blue-whites studied are completely non-native and entered the city of Esfarayen by sea and land. Due to the quality and rarity, the type of motifs and the type of lines and writing themes are related to the noble and wealthy classes of the city.
Keywords: Shahr-e Belqays, Esfarayen, Islamic Period, Chinese Pottery, Ming Dynasty.
Introduction
Due to the strategic position of the land of Iran, which has always been on the path of important East-West communication routes from the past to the present, with a branch of the Silk Road passing through its soil as an intermediary between the civilizations of the Far East, especially China and Its western neighbors were like Iraq and Syria. Among the goods exported from China are the famous Celadon pottery and blue-and-white pottery. Due to the importance of Celadon and blue-and-white pottery, many countries were competing with each other based on their geographical region at that time to take over the market for the products of this art and industry. China was the main manufacturer of this product and Iran was the main highway for the commercial connection of this product to Europe and Africa. The city of Esfarayen is one of the important cities of the Islamic period, which was located on the commercial route of the Silk Road (Moghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222). Due to the presence of powerful rulers and politicians such as Abu al-Abbas Esfarayeni in the Samanid and Ghaznavid periods, in the Seljuq and Ilkhanid periods such as Saeed Malik Bahauddin Juvini and in the Safavid period, Abu Muslim Khan enjoyed special growth and development and is one of the most prosperous and prosperous cities. Khorasan was considered that the commercial highways passed through this city (Aubin, 1971:121). In addition to crossing the trade route, the existence of thriving markets (Idrisi, 1409 AH, Vol. 2: 690-693)، (Hamiri, 1984: 56), and the production of important goods such as: cloth, metal containers, pottery, makes merchants and In addition to supplying goods imported from far away to this city, merchants should distribute the goods produced in this city to nearby cities and distant places, especially the Iranian plateau, Shamat, Anatolian Peninsula, North Africa, etc. One of the most important imported goods and popular among the governors and residents of this city is the dishes known as Celadon and Blue White, of which 5 pieces of such dishes have been discovered in archaeological excavations (Nikgoftar, 2014). Considering the discovery of this pottery from the archaeological context and the lack of introduction and study of it, and from the mention of writing marks on their surface, the upcoming article tries to analyze them in the context of history and archeology in addition to introducing and reading the lines.
.
Discussion and reasoning
In the archaeological excavations of the city of Esfarayen, a total of 4 pieces of celadon pottery were found, one of which is of the Yue type (3rd-4th century) and the rest is of the Lank Chuan type (6th and 7th century). By examining and comparing these types of pottery, it can be said that in addition to neighboring areas and extra-regional areas, there has been direct or indirect trade with China since the 3rd century, considering the increase in the number of Lankchuan pottery related to the 6th century. And seventhly, from the reference of historical documents about the rule of the Jovini family over this city, their good relations with the Genghis family and the handing over of the government of the western part of Khorasan to this family (Jovini, 2012, vol.2, 222) and the political-economic journey of this family to Mongolia (ibid.: 222) and from the discovery of coins from this period in neighboring regions (Nikgoftar & Behnamfar, 2008) and extra-regional (ТЮНИБЕКЯАН, 2003) it can be said that in this period, Lank Chuan pottery came through the trade route of the Silk Road. That Esfarayen was located in one of these important commercial branches (Maghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222) entered this city. Among other pottery that can be seen in China and Islamic lands in a significant way after Celadon is blue-and-white pottery, the production of these vessels became common in the states of Jijiang, Jianshui, Yusi and Jiangshan from the Yuan Dynasty, but the best type In the Jindjin states in the city of Chin Khwa (Chin-Hwa), which was related to the imperial furnaces (Bahranipour, 2022: 8). In the archaeological excavations in Shahr-e Belqays, 2 pieces of blue-and-white pottery were identified, which according to the decorations and technical structure belong to the late Timurid and Safavid periods and the Ming period in China. It has been stated that according to the reference of historical documents and archaeological data mentioned above about the importance, value and use of these vessels and from the motifs and lines used and the examination of the technical structure of the vessels which proves that they are non-native, in general, it can be He said that these dishes were made for the order or use of the rich class and nobles in this city.
Conclusion
By studying the piece of Chinese pottery in the city of Esfarayen, so far, two prominent pottery types of Celadan and blue-and-white have been obtained, the first group of Celadan; that by comparative comparison of this species in terms of technical structure such as; The type of paste, glaze and construction form with examples of ceramics obtained from the sites of the Islamic period such as; Siraf, Mehruban, Kish, Neishapur, and Bandar Najiram, it can be said that this type of celadan is imported and non-native, and in terms of chronology, it is similar to the Yue and Lank Chuan types at the same time as the Samanian period until the end of the Ilkhanate period. The increase in the number of Lankchuan type of celadan along with other archaeological evidence and historical documents prove the prosperity and prosperity of this city in the Ilkhanid period and a transregional and global trade connection. Among the other types of pottery that were mentioned are blue-and-white pottery, according to the comparative studies and examination of their technical structure, this type is also imported, according to the references in the historical documents about the destruction of this city in the attack of Timur and its lack of prosperity. It can be said that the presence of this type of pottery in this city dates back to the late Timurid period and the early Safavid period, during which time this city prospered again. According to the taxonomic examination and comparison of the pottery, which is completely similar to the pottery discovered in Hormuz, Taiwan, and the samples obtained from North Africa, it can be said that probably these pottery were indirectly and transregionally and globally from China to the port of Hormuz. And through the south-north highway and through the Jerjan-Tos commercial road, which was restored and reconstructed by Amir Ali Shir Navai in this period, he entered the city of Safrayan. Due to the rarity, quality of construction, themes and motifs, and on the one hand, historical documents indicate that these dishes were used in royal banquets or royal tombs, and from the discovery of these pieces from the citadel and noble houses, it can be said that these dishes are unique to The privileged and prosperous classes belonged to the historical city of Esfarayen. In general, the Chinese writings in the blue-and-white earthenware of Esfarayen city are as follows: the text of container number 9, the writing on the bottom of the container is incomplete and illegible, and the text on the bottom of the container contains the Chinese word called (peace, comfort), (longevity), (happiness) and (health). The text of container number 13 is written with the comparison and typology of the Chinese word du-ming-nlen-zuo, meaning the construction of the Ming period.
Amir Masoud Ghaedi, Rouhollah Yousefi Zoshk, Bita Sodaei,
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
year 8, Issue 30 (1-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
This article delves into the enduring enigma of bevelled-rim bowls, ubiquitous ceramic artifacts of the late 4th millennium BCE Near East, particularly within the Uruk sphere of influence. These crudely manufactured vessels, found in vast quantities across Mesopotamia and the Iranian plateau, have sparked extensive scholarly debate regarding their function. While utilitarian hypotheses, such as their use as ration bowls or baking molds, have been proposed, this article explores the compelling evidence for their ritualistic significance. Through an examination of archaeological context, iconography, and textual evidence, the article highlights the potential role of bevelled-rim bowls in religious ceremonies, offerings, and sacred meals. Ultimately, bevelled-rim bowls serve as a testament to the intricate interplay between the practical and the sacred in the Uruk period, underscoring the ongoing quest to decipher the complexities of the ancient Near East. This article explores the many different uses of bevelled-rim bowls. It was determined that these bowls were used for a variety of purposes, including everything from measuring food to baking to using the bowls for ritualistic purposes. The Warka Vase was examined and it was discovered that the depictions on the vase were very similar to the bowls. This was used as evidence that bowls were used for more than just utilitarian purposes.
Keywords:
Introduction
The late 4th millennium BCE, a period marked by the burgeoning complexities of urban life and the dawn of writing, witnessed the widespread dissemination of a distinctive ceramic form: the bevelled-rim bowl. These crudely fashioned, hand-made vessels, characterized by their thick walls and flared, out-turned rims, have captivated archaeologists for decades, serving as a key marker of the late Uruk period in Mesopotamia and its far-reaching influence across the Iranian plateau and beyond. While their origins are firmly rooted in the Mesopotamian heartland, their ubiquitous presence across a vast geographical expanse, coupled with a perplexing array of proposed functions, continues to fuel scholarly debate. The sheer volume of bevelled-rim bowls discovered at archaeological sites, coupled with their standardized, albeit roughly executed, form, suggests a mass-produced item. This ubiquity, however, belies the complexity of their potential roles within ancient societies. Beyond their widespread distribution, the lack of definitive contextual evidence has led to a plethora of interpretations, ranging from mundane utilitarian functions to more nuanced ritualistic applications. Among the most prominent theories is the “ration bowl” hypothesis, which proposes that these vessels were used for the distribution of staple goods, such as barley or grain, to workers within large-scale economic units. This interpretation is bolstered by the sheer quantity of bowls found at administrative centers and the association of the bowls with the archaic cuneiform sign NINDA, meaning bread. However, this interpretation is not without its critics, who point to the variability in bowl sizes and the lack of direct evidence for their use in ration distribution. Another prevalent theory posits that bevelled-rim bowls served as baking moulds. This idea draws parallels with similar ceramic forms found in contemporary Egyptian contexts, suggesting that the bowls were used to bake flatbreads or cakes. The rough, porous texture of the bowls would have been suitable for baking, and the out-turned rim could have facilitated the removal of the baked product. Yet, conclusive evidence, like the presence of charred remains within the bowls, remains elusive. Beyond these practical interpretations, a growing body of scholarship has explored the potential ritualistic significance of bevelled-rim bowls. The discovery of these bowls within temple precincts, alongside other ritual paraphernalia, has led some scholars to suggest that they were used as offering vessels or for the distribution of sacred meals. This hypothesis is further supported by the depiction of similar bowls on the Warka Vase, a monumental alabaster vessel adorned with intricate scenes of ritual processions and offerings.
Discussion
The Warka Vase, a masterpiece of Uruk period art, provides a compelling visual link between bevelled-rim bowls and ritual practices. The vase’s elaborate narrative, depicting a procession of individuals carrying offerings to a female deity, features individuals holding vessels that closely resemble bevelled-rim bowls. This visual association suggests that these bowls were not merely utilitarian objects but also held symbolic value within the religious sphere. Further bolstering the ritual interpretation is the discovery of bevelled-rim bowls in association with sealings and ideograms that appear to depict religious ceremonies. The archaic cuneiform sign GU, meaning “to eat,” is often depicted as a human head with a bowl, reinforcing the association of these vessels with food consumption in a potentially ritualistic context. The discovery of a cylindrical seal in Tell Billah, portraying a religious ceremony with similar vessels being transported, suggests a strong connection between the bowls and organized ritualistic actions. The prevalence of religious beliefs in the Mesopotamian society of the late 4th millennium BCE cannot be overstated. The pantheon of deities, the elaborate temple complexes, and the sophisticated system of religious rituals all point to a culture deeply invested in the spiritual realm. In this context, it is plausible to consider that bevelled-rim bowls, given their widespread distribution and association with temple contexts, played a significant role in religious practices. The iconography of the era, particularly the representations of Inanna, a prominent goddess of fertility and abundance, offers further insights. The symbolic association of Inanna with sheep, cattle, and grain, alluding to agricultural prosperity, aligns with the potential use of bevelled-rim bowls in offering ceremonies. The myth of Inanna and Dumuzi, which celebrates the sacred marriage and the cyclical renewal of life, also provides a narrative context for the use of these bowls in ritual feasts and offerings. The sheer volume of bevelled-rim bowls found at major Uruk sites, such as Uruk itself, Nippur, and Ur, suggests that they were not merely incidental objects but rather integral components of the social and economic fabric of these urban centers. Their presence in significant quantities at temple sites like the Eanna precinct in Uruk further underscores their potential connection to religious activities. The geographical distribution of bevelled-rim bowls also offers clues to their function. While their primary concentration is in Mesopotamia, their presence across the Iranian plateau, from Susa to Tepe Yahya, indicates that their use extended beyond the core Uruk region. This wide dispersal might indicate the spread of Uruk cultural practices, including ritualistic uses, or simply reflect the adoption of a practical container for various purposes. The debate surrounding the function of bevelled-rim bowls highlights the challenges of interpreting archaeological evidence. While the “ration bowl” and “baking mould” hypotheses offer plausible explanations for their widespread use, the ritual interpretation adds a layer of complexity and nuance to our understanding of these enigmatic vessels. However, despite the compelling arguments for a ritualistic function, concrete evidence remains elusive. The lack of detailed contextual information, such as the analysis of residues within the bowls or the precise stratigraphic association with other ritual objects, hinders definitive conclusions. Moreover, the inherent ambiguity of archaeological interpretation allows for multiple, often conflicting, explanations. The challenge lies in reconciling the seemingly mundane, utilitarian nature of the bowls with their potential symbolic and ritual significance. It is possible that these vessels served multiple functions, adapting to the diverse needs of the societies that produced and used them. They might have been used for both practical purposes, such as measuring rations or baking bread, and for ritualistic purposes, such as offering food to the gods or participating in sacred meals.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the bevelled-rim bowls remain a testament to the complexity and ambiguity of archaeological interpretation. While their exact function continues to be debated, the evidence suggests that they were more than just simple containers. They were objects that bridged the gap between the mundane and the sacred, serving as both practical tools and symbolic instruments within the dynamic societies of the Uruk period. The enduring fascination with these enigmatic vessels underscores the importance of continued research and the ongoing quest to unravel the mysteries of the ancient Near East. Future research, employing advanced analytical techniques, such as residue analysis and micro-archaeological studies, may shed further light on the function of bevelled-rim bowls. By examining the contents of the bowls and their precise contextual associations, we may be able to discern their specific uses and gain a more nuanced understanding of their role in the social, economic, and religious life of the late 4th millennium BCE Near East.
Xiaoqiang Mi,
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
Abstract
The depiction of camel fighting in rock art to express certain rituals of human can be traced back to the late Paleolithic period and is believed to have originated in present-day northwestern Kazakhstan. After the domestication of Bactrian camels, depictions of camel fighting developed a relatively standardized format, primarily presenting paired camels engaged in aggressive biting matches. This motif of camel fighting may have originated in the Karate and Baikonur regions of Kazakhstan during the Bronze Age. Due to geographical proximity, the custom of camel fighting was introduced to the Sarmatians in the Ural steppes early on, and through the Sarmatians, it spread to the Huns (Xiongnu) in the north and the Qiemo people in Xinjiang, China, and later to Kangju. The camel fighting depicted in the Sulaek petroglyphs in the Minusinsk Basin should be attributed to the Kyrgyz, and its origin is likely the Huns. The fighting camels in the Loulan mural tombs may have been inherited from Qiemo or originated from the Huns. The camel fighting motif in Persian miniature paintings first emerged during the Timurid period in the latter half of the 15th century CE. The Timurid Empire was founded by Timur, a noble from the Barlas tribe historically affiliated with Mongol aristocratic lineages. This Central Asian polity maintained profound Mongol cultural influences. Notably, camel fighting had already been practiced as courtly entertainment in the Yuan Dynasty (established by the Mongols) as early as the first half of the 14th century CE. This chronology demonstrates that the Mongols long upheld camel fighting rituals, and the motif in Persian miniatures was transmitted westward through Mongol cultural and political influence.
Mina Rastegar Fard, Yaghoub Mohammadifar, Esmail Hemati Azandaryani,
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
Abstract
Manifestations of the Sasanian period’s artistic influence are abundantly evident in the eastern territories of this empire through archaeological discoveries and surviving artifacts. Among these, the designs on a box known as a śarīra reliquary, discovered in a Buddhist temple within the Subashi site in Kucha city, Xinjiang Province, western China, illustrate a fusion of Sasanian, Buddhist, and local artistic styles. 1 Accordingly, the present study aims to introduce and analyze the motifs of the aforementioned box, thereby addressing the following questions: 1. Which Iranian-Sasanian religious beliefs are reflected in the motifs used on the box known as the śarīra reliquary? 2. Based on the motifs of the śarīra box, what are the primary designs and themes that constitute the artistic influence of Sasanian-era Iran on the regions east of the Iranian plateau? Based on the proposed hypotheses, the motifs employed in the śarīra box reflect the most prominent religious and symbolic elements of the Sasanian period; elements whose examples can be observed throughout the Sasanian realm, Central Asia, and China, particularly along the Silk Road trade route. Sasanian art and religious beliefs found their way into China through trade exchanges, the gifting of royal presents, and the migration of Sogdians and other Iranian-speaking peoples, influencing the artistic works of those regions. The Kucha region, due to its specific geographical location in the Tarim Basin along the Silk Road in western China, was considered one of the most frequented and caravan-laden cities. Consequently, this region witnessed the formation of Buddhist temples and grottoes, an increase in the arrival of caravans and travelers, and, subsequently, the presence of artists, musicians, and other social strata of that era. Kucha gradually transformed into a city where music held a high status, and various Iranian musical instruments, such as the vertical harp and the barbat (lute), were widely played. As a result, Kucha can be considered one of the best places to study the influence of Sasanian art on Chinese art. Despite the significance of the topic, no independent research has yet been conducted on the Sasanian-Iranian elements present in the motifs of this box. The present research is theoretical in nature, conducted with an analytical-comparative approach, and its data collection was carried out through library research and the utilization of available resources.
Sonia Mirzaie,
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
year 9, Issue 31 (5-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
In 2003, the discovery of a Sogdian tomb in the historic city of Chang’an opened a new horizon for researchers studying cultural exchanges and Zoroastrian eschatological beliefs. This tomb, belonging to Wirkak, a leader of a trade caravan, and his wife, Wiyusi, contains eleven stone panels, four of which directly depict concepts related to individual end in Zoroastrian eschatology. These panels illustrate the fate of the soul after death, providing a pictorial interpretation of Zoroastrian teachings within a Sino-Sogdian context. Despite previous studies, the details of these panels have not been comprehensively analyzed from a Zoroastrian eschatological perspective, and some existing interpretations require reassessment. Employing a text-image analysis approach, this article examines the eighth to the eleventh panels of Wirkak’s tomb and, by drawing on the Avesta and Middle Persian Zoroastrian texts, seeks to elucidate the visual representations of eschatological concepts in this artwork.
In 2003, the discovery of a Sogdian tomb in the historic city of Chang’an opened a new horizon for researchers studying cultural exchanges and Zoroastrian eschatological beliefs. This tomb, belonging to Wirkak, a leader of a trade caravan, and his wife, Wiyusi, contains eleven stone panels, four of which directly depict concepts related to individual end in Zoroastrian eschatology. These panels illustrate the fate of the soul after death, providing a pictorial interpretation of Zoroastrian teachings within a Sino-Sogdian context. Despite previous studies, the details of these panels have not been comprehensively analyzed from a Zoroastrian eschatological perspective, and some existing interpretations require reassessment. Employing a text-image analysis approach, this article examines the eighth to the eleventh panels of Wirkak’s tomb and, by drawing on the Avesta and Middle Persian Zoroastrian texts, seeks to elucidate the visual representations of eschatological concepts in this artwork.
Mosayyeb Ahmadyousefi Sarhadi, Mahid Montazer Zohouri, Saeed Amirhajloo,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.
Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages.
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods.
Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.
1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.
2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).
3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).
4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.
5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.
Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.
Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages.
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods.
Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.
1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.
2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).
3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).
4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.
5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.
Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.
Asadallah Jodaki Azizi, Seyyed Rasool Mosavi Haji, Sahar Abdolahi, Afshin Ebrahimi,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Iranian architects often designed structures to serve multiple functions beyond their primary purpose, a practice heavily influenced by Iran’s hot, arid climate and long summers. This multi-functionality is most evident in water-associated architecture, particularly in Isfahan’s historical bridges. Despite extensive research on Isfahan’s architecture, this specific aspect of its bridges has been understudied. This research aims to re-examine the non-transportation functions of four Isfahan bridges: Pol-e Shahrestan/Ji, Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan/Si-o-se-pol, Pol-e Khaju/Shahi, and Pol-e Jubi/Sa’adat-Abad, highlighting their role in ceremonial and environmental landscape architecture. Main Research Question and Hypothesis: The study investigates how and why ceremonial functions were integrated into these bridges. It hypothesizes that this practice was inspired by Indian Jal Mahals (water palaces), introduced to Iran via extensive political and cultural exchanges during the Safavid era. Research Method: This study employs a historical-descriptive approach, with data gathered through documentary research and analysis of historical sources and travelogues. The findings indicate that while the concept of ceremonial water pavilions (Cheshmeh Emarat in Iran, Jal Mahal in India) pre-existed, its application on bridges was an innovation in Safavid Iran. The bridges served as ceremonial platforms for royal events like the Abrizan (Water Sprinkling Festival), receptions for ambassadors, and public spectacles. Furthermore, they played a crucial role in microclimate moderation by creating reservoirs that increased humidity and helped recharge underground aquifers, addressing critical environmental needs of the capital city.
Keywords: Historical Bridges, Cheshmeh Emarat, Safavid Isfahan, Jal Mahal, Ceremonial Architecture, Landscape Architecture.
Introduction
This paper explores the multi-functional design of Safavid-era bridges in Isfahan, which extended beyond mere river crossings to incorporate significant ceremonial and environmental roles. This architectural ingenuity was a direct response to Iran’s challenging arid climate and the socio-political ambitions of the Safavid court. The study focuses on how the bridges Pol-e Shahrestan, Allah-Verdi Khan, Khaju, and Jubi were integrated into the urban and royal landscape. While the paradigm of the water pavilion (Cheshmeh Emarat) was known in Persian and Indian (Jal Mahal) architecture, its adaptation onto bridge structures represents a unique Safavid development. This research addresses a gap in the existing literature by systematically analyzing these bridges not just as feats of engineering, but as central elements of ceremonial life and environmental engineering in the capital.
Materials and Methods
This research is based on a historical-interpretive methodology. Data was collected through meticulous documentary research, including analysis of primary sources like European travelogues (e.g., by Chardin, Tavernier) and Safavid chronicles. Secondary sources encompass modern scholarly works on Safavid architecture and urbanism. Architectural analysis was conducted by examining historical plans, photographs, and existing structures to understand the form and function of the pavilions. The comparative method is used to draw parallels between the Iranian Cheshmeh Emarat and the Indian Jal Mahal tradition, tracing potential routes of cultural and architectural influence during the 17th century.
Data and Findings
The investigation reveals distinct evolutionary stages:
• Pol-e Shahrestan: An older bridge onto which an octagonal pavilion (Hasht Behesht plan) was added during the Safavid period, representing an architectural annexation rather than an original design.
• Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan (Si-o-se-pol): Built by Shah Abbas I, its primary function was connectivity. Ceremonial activities were initially held in the vaulted spaces beneath the bridge deck due to structural constraints, serving as a royal loge for the Abrizan festival and receiving dignitaries.
• Pol-e Khaju: Constructed by Shah Abbas II, it represents the pinnacle of this integration. Two central pavilions (Beyglarbeygi), adapting the Hasht Behesht plan to the bridge’s axis, were purpose-built as ceremonial platforms. The bridge could be dammed to create a vast lake for boating, fireworks, and reflections of upstream palaces like Ayeneh-Khaneh.
• Pol-e Jubi: This bridge provided private access to royal gardens. It featured a central pavilion (now destroyed, but documented in European engravings) similar to the one on Pol-e Shahrestan, offering the royal family a secluded vantage point.
Discussion
The findings confirm the hypothesis that the sophisticated development of bridge-pavilions in Safavid Isfahan was influenced by cultural and political exchanges with the Indian subcontinent, where the Jal Mahal tradition was well-established. The Safavids adeptly synthesized this influence with pre-existing Iranian concepts like the Cheshmeh Emarat and the ancient Abrizan festival. This discussion argues that these structures were not merely aesthetic additions but vital components of urban infrastructure. They served as instruments of royal propaganda, stages for displaying sovereign power to both the public and foreign emissaries. Furthermore, the creation of artificial lakes through damming was a brilliant hydrological strategy. It addressed Isfahan’s environmental needs by significantly moderating the microclimate through evaporative cooling and critically recharging the subterranean aquifers that supplied the city’s water via qanats.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the historical bridges of Safavid Isfahan exemplify a profound integration of multifunctional design. Iranian architects, responding to climatic necessities and royal ambition, masterfully extended the function of these structures from mere utilities to complex ceremonial platforms and environmental regulators. The practice of adding pavilions to older bridges or incorporating them into new designs was a strategic innovation in the landscape architecture of the era. While inspired by the Indian Jal Mahal, the Safavid implementation on bridges was an original contribution. These structures became iconic urban elements, central to the city’s public ceremonies and essential to its ecological balance. They stand as testament to a holistic architectural vision where utility, ceremony, and environmental technology were seamlessly woven together, defining the grandeur of Isfahan as a Safavid capital.
Iranian architects often designed structures to serve multiple functions beyond their primary purpose, a practice heavily influenced by Iran’s hot, arid climate and long summers. This multi-functionality is most evident in water-associated architecture, particularly in Isfahan’s historical bridges. Despite extensive research on Isfahan’s architecture, this specific aspect of its bridges has been understudied. This research aims to re-examine the non-transportation functions of four Isfahan bridges: Pol-e Shahrestan/Ji, Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan/Si-o-se-pol, Pol-e Khaju/Shahi, and Pol-e Jubi/Sa’adat-Abad, highlighting their role in ceremonial and environmental landscape architecture. Main Research Question and Hypothesis: The study investigates how and why ceremonial functions were integrated into these bridges. It hypothesizes that this practice was inspired by Indian Jal Mahals (water palaces), introduced to Iran via extensive political and cultural exchanges during the Safavid era. Research Method: This study employs a historical-descriptive approach, with data gathered through documentary research and analysis of historical sources and travelogues. The findings indicate that while the concept of ceremonial water pavilions (Cheshmeh Emarat in Iran, Jal Mahal in India) pre-existed, its application on bridges was an innovation in Safavid Iran. The bridges served as ceremonial platforms for royal events like the Abrizan (Water Sprinkling Festival), receptions for ambassadors, and public spectacles. Furthermore, they played a crucial role in microclimate moderation by creating reservoirs that increased humidity and helped recharge underground aquifers, addressing critical environmental needs of the capital city.
Keywords: Historical Bridges, Cheshmeh Emarat, Safavid Isfahan, Jal Mahal, Ceremonial Architecture, Landscape Architecture.
Introduction
This paper explores the multi-functional design of Safavid-era bridges in Isfahan, which extended beyond mere river crossings to incorporate significant ceremonial and environmental roles. This architectural ingenuity was a direct response to Iran’s challenging arid climate and the socio-political ambitions of the Safavid court. The study focuses on how the bridges Pol-e Shahrestan, Allah-Verdi Khan, Khaju, and Jubi were integrated into the urban and royal landscape. While the paradigm of the water pavilion (Cheshmeh Emarat) was known in Persian and Indian (Jal Mahal) architecture, its adaptation onto bridge structures represents a unique Safavid development. This research addresses a gap in the existing literature by systematically analyzing these bridges not just as feats of engineering, but as central elements of ceremonial life and environmental engineering in the capital.
Materials and Methods
This research is based on a historical-interpretive methodology. Data was collected through meticulous documentary research, including analysis of primary sources like European travelogues (e.g., by Chardin, Tavernier) and Safavid chronicles. Secondary sources encompass modern scholarly works on Safavid architecture and urbanism. Architectural analysis was conducted by examining historical plans, photographs, and existing structures to understand the form and function of the pavilions. The comparative method is used to draw parallels between the Iranian Cheshmeh Emarat and the Indian Jal Mahal tradition, tracing potential routes of cultural and architectural influence during the 17th century.
Data and Findings
The investigation reveals distinct evolutionary stages:
• Pol-e Shahrestan: An older bridge onto which an octagonal pavilion (Hasht Behesht plan) was added during the Safavid period, representing an architectural annexation rather than an original design.
• Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan (Si-o-se-pol): Built by Shah Abbas I, its primary function was connectivity. Ceremonial activities were initially held in the vaulted spaces beneath the bridge deck due to structural constraints, serving as a royal loge for the Abrizan festival and receiving dignitaries.
• Pol-e Khaju: Constructed by Shah Abbas II, it represents the pinnacle of this integration. Two central pavilions (Beyglarbeygi), adapting the Hasht Behesht plan to the bridge’s axis, were purpose-built as ceremonial platforms. The bridge could be dammed to create a vast lake for boating, fireworks, and reflections of upstream palaces like Ayeneh-Khaneh.
• Pol-e Jubi: This bridge provided private access to royal gardens. It featured a central pavilion (now destroyed, but documented in European engravings) similar to the one on Pol-e Shahrestan, offering the royal family a secluded vantage point.
Discussion
The findings confirm the hypothesis that the sophisticated development of bridge-pavilions in Safavid Isfahan was influenced by cultural and political exchanges with the Indian subcontinent, where the Jal Mahal tradition was well-established. The Safavids adeptly synthesized this influence with pre-existing Iranian concepts like the Cheshmeh Emarat and the ancient Abrizan festival. This discussion argues that these structures were not merely aesthetic additions but vital components of urban infrastructure. They served as instruments of royal propaganda, stages for displaying sovereign power to both the public and foreign emissaries. Furthermore, the creation of artificial lakes through damming was a brilliant hydrological strategy. It addressed Isfahan’s environmental needs by significantly moderating the microclimate through evaporative cooling and critically recharging the subterranean aquifers that supplied the city’s water via qanats.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the historical bridges of Safavid Isfahan exemplify a profound integration of multifunctional design. Iranian architects, responding to climatic necessities and royal ambition, masterfully extended the function of these structures from mere utilities to complex ceremonial platforms and environmental regulators. The practice of adding pavilions to older bridges or incorporating them into new designs was a strategic innovation in the landscape architecture of the era. While inspired by the Indian Jal Mahal, the Safavid implementation on bridges was an original contribution. These structures became iconic urban elements, central to the city’s public ceremonies and essential to its ecological balance. They stand as testament to a holistic architectural vision where utility, ceremony, and environmental technology were seamlessly woven together, defining the grandeur of Isfahan as a Safavid capital.
Amin Allah Kamali, Mohammad Hossein Azizi Kharanaghi, Syed Iraj Beheshti, Ali Aarab,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
The slag sites under study are located in Khatam County, Yazd Province. In the archaeological surveys of Khatam County in 1400 AH, twelve metal smelting sites were identified through abundant metallic slag, and each of these sites was sampled. Petrographic analysis revealed that the predominant slag is iron, with only one instance of copper slag. The sites where metal smelting occurred, attributed to historical and Islamic periods based on pottery, exhibited evidence of iron smelting and its compounds in eleven samples. These samples contain metallic minerals such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite. Marcasite and wustite minerals are related to smelting furnace processes and are products of mineral substances. It appears that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are the predominant minerals, while in others, hematite is the predominant mineral, with a smaller amount of magnetite, which is evident in these primary minerals within the slag. Another sample related to copper slag exhibited small vesicular structures and limited copper ore minerals (chalcopyrite, digenite, and metallic copper) within the slag matrix. Alongside these primary minerals, there is a flow-like green glassy component indicating high furnace heat. The analytical results show that the MgO content in the samples is less than the amount of lime. Therefore, the limestone in this area is mainly ordinary limestone and not dolomite. Chemical analysis revealed that metal workers in this area were more successful at producing sponge iron.
Keywords: Archaeological Survey, Slag, Iron, Ancient Mining, Khatam.
Introduction
Iran has long been recognized as a center for mining and metal smelting. Archaeological evidence indicates that northern and central Iran are among the oldest centers of metallurgy in the world. The presence of rich mineral reserves in Iran, among other factors, has influenced the growth of mining and metalworking in this region (Momenzadeh, 2005). Due to the existence of various metal ores and advanced cultures in Iran, this area can be identified as one of the main hubs of technological innovation in the field of ancient mining and metalworking. Khatam County, located in the southern part of Yazd Province, holds particular significance in the realm of iron slag. One of the earliest efforts to produce steel worldwide took place in this region (Alipour et al., 2021). Considering the evidence of steel production in this area, it is essential (Alipour, 2017) to understand the role Khatam played in iron production during the Islamic and Sassanian periods. To investigate this matter, 12 sites in Khatam County were selected for studying iron slag. The main objective of this research includes petrographic and geochemical analysis of the slag to identify the type of extracted metal(s) and the extraction process and production of metal(s) at these sites. Additionally, the provision of necessary minerals for mining in this area is also under scrutiny. Historical and field research methods were employed for this study, involving the collection of data and archaeological investigations; field studies, such as topographic mapping, photography, identification of sites and metal smelting furnaces; and examination of samples using polarizing microscopes and XRF devices. This research has addressed primary inquiries related to the type of metals in slag, the mining process, and metal production at Khatam’s iron slag sites. Overall, Khatam County held significant importance in the production of metals during ancient and Islamic times. This region is recognized as one of the ancient mining and metalworking centers, and further research into the history and mining processes in this area could provide additional insights into the history of metalworking in Iran.
Discussion
Based on XRF chemical analyses of the slag, the results indicate that the majority of the mineral content in these slags consists of iron ore, with only one case showing the presence of copper. The CaO concentrations in these slags range from 3.59 to 28.41%, and an increase in CaO leads to the production of calcium-rich olivine. The type of slag (flow, permeable, massive, or furnace bottom) significantly impacts the results of chemical analysis and the ratio of oxides of the main elements (metallic oxides and silica). Additionally, the high amount of CaO facilitates the formation of a calcium-rich silicate phase. Petrographic microscopy studies confirm these findings, revealing observable olivine phases and primary silicate phases with metallic iron minerals such as magnetite and hematite. Due to the silica content, the addition of limestone to the smelting process increases the amount of duplex iron (Fe3O4). Consequently, silica stabilizes triplex iron oxide (hematite), while limestone stabilizes spinel iron oxide (magnetite). Moreover, microscopic examinations primarily reveal metallic minerals such as magnetite and metallic iron. Furthermore, sponge iron, like many other ancient civilizations in the region under study, was produced. The production of this type of iron requires less technical knowledge than other types of iron (Abbasnejad, 2009).
Surveying the region revealed that plants such as pistachios and wild almond produce high-quality charcoal. Since blacksmiths have no idea about using additional limestone in the furnace, the smelted slags were highly adhesive, leading to significant iron loss. The use of limestone in iron removal creates slags with fine properties that are easily separated from the iron (Abbasnejad, 2009). A good slag resulting from smelting should contain 30 to 40% limestone. Tests conducted on iron ore in this region show limestone percentages ranging from 3.59 to 28.41%. The slag analysis results also indicate a small amount of limestone, averaging approximately 11.38%. The deficiency of these two elements in slag, as they play crucial roles in reducing smelting heat and separating iron from slag, can indicate high iron levels and the inadequacy of slag (adhesiveness, viscosity, high density), resulting in low-quality sponge iron. The percentage of Fe2O3 ranges from 23.20 to 74.25%, and the percentage of Al2O3 ranges from 0.003 to 0.94%. The percentage of MgO in the tested slags is less than 0.003%. According to the mineral analysis, the most important iron minerals in this region include hematite (Fe2O3) and magnetite (Fe3O4). Due to technical flaws in these furnaces, sponge iron contains impurities such as silica, phosphorus, aluminum oxide, manganese oxide, and other metallic oxides, as confirmed by various tests conducted on ore and slag.
Conclusion
Eleven samples from the metal smelting site showed evidence of iron smelting and its compounds. In these samples, metallic ores such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite are observed. Marcasite and wustite ores are related to smelting furnace processes and are mineral byproducts. It seems that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are predominant, while in others, hematite is less prevalent, and magnetite dominates. Additionally, in the sample related to copper smelting slag, small and limited vesicles of copper ores (covellite, digenite, and metallic copper) are observed alongside a part of the green glassy matrix, indicating high furnace heat. This primary mineral evidence is observed in the slags. Considering the changes in the calcium oxide (CaO) concentration, it can be inferred that this substance was added during smelting operations to aid in smelting and reduce the temperature of the furnace materials. The microscopic results of some slags reveal primary minerals, mostly hematite and magnetite metallic ores, indicating a magmatic origin for the utilized minerals. The percentages of silica (SiO2), magnesium, and aluminum in these slags are relatively low. Analyses of these slags and iron stones from this region show that a deficiency of CaO and SiO2 leads to iron loss in the slag while increasing the iron content within it.
Based on this research, it is likely that iron ore was extracted from mines near the site and was subsequently transported to this location. Given the presence of iron mines at distances of 8, 10, and 15 kilometers from these sites, these mines are likely the source of these slags. Regarding the archaeology of the region, historical references indicate that the area held significance and prominence in various historical periods, particularly during historical and Islamic eras. However, due to insufficient information about the archaeology of the region and the lack of precise dating of these sites, accurate dating of these sites is unfeasible.
The slag sites under study are located in Khatam County, Yazd Province. In the archaeological surveys of Khatam County in 1400 AH, twelve metal smelting sites were identified through abundant metallic slag, and each of these sites was sampled. Petrographic analysis revealed that the predominant slag is iron, with only one instance of copper slag. The sites where metal smelting occurred, attributed to historical and Islamic periods based on pottery, exhibited evidence of iron smelting and its compounds in eleven samples. These samples contain metallic minerals such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite. Marcasite and wustite minerals are related to smelting furnace processes and are products of mineral substances. It appears that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are the predominant minerals, while in others, hematite is the predominant mineral, with a smaller amount of magnetite, which is evident in these primary minerals within the slag. Another sample related to copper slag exhibited small vesicular structures and limited copper ore minerals (chalcopyrite, digenite, and metallic copper) within the slag matrix. Alongside these primary minerals, there is a flow-like green glassy component indicating high furnace heat. The analytical results show that the MgO content in the samples is less than the amount of lime. Therefore, the limestone in this area is mainly ordinary limestone and not dolomite. Chemical analysis revealed that metal workers in this area were more successful at producing sponge iron.
Keywords: Archaeological Survey, Slag, Iron, Ancient Mining, Khatam.
Introduction
Iran has long been recognized as a center for mining and metal smelting. Archaeological evidence indicates that northern and central Iran are among the oldest centers of metallurgy in the world. The presence of rich mineral reserves in Iran, among other factors, has influenced the growth of mining and metalworking in this region (Momenzadeh, 2005). Due to the existence of various metal ores and advanced cultures in Iran, this area can be identified as one of the main hubs of technological innovation in the field of ancient mining and metalworking. Khatam County, located in the southern part of Yazd Province, holds particular significance in the realm of iron slag. One of the earliest efforts to produce steel worldwide took place in this region (Alipour et al., 2021). Considering the evidence of steel production in this area, it is essential (Alipour, 2017) to understand the role Khatam played in iron production during the Islamic and Sassanian periods. To investigate this matter, 12 sites in Khatam County were selected for studying iron slag. The main objective of this research includes petrographic and geochemical analysis of the slag to identify the type of extracted metal(s) and the extraction process and production of metal(s) at these sites. Additionally, the provision of necessary minerals for mining in this area is also under scrutiny. Historical and field research methods were employed for this study, involving the collection of data and archaeological investigations; field studies, such as topographic mapping, photography, identification of sites and metal smelting furnaces; and examination of samples using polarizing microscopes and XRF devices. This research has addressed primary inquiries related to the type of metals in slag, the mining process, and metal production at Khatam’s iron slag sites. Overall, Khatam County held significant importance in the production of metals during ancient and Islamic times. This region is recognized as one of the ancient mining and metalworking centers, and further research into the history and mining processes in this area could provide additional insights into the history of metalworking in Iran.
Discussion
Based on XRF chemical analyses of the slag, the results indicate that the majority of the mineral content in these slags consists of iron ore, with only one case showing the presence of copper. The CaO concentrations in these slags range from 3.59 to 28.41%, and an increase in CaO leads to the production of calcium-rich olivine. The type of slag (flow, permeable, massive, or furnace bottom) significantly impacts the results of chemical analysis and the ratio of oxides of the main elements (metallic oxides and silica). Additionally, the high amount of CaO facilitates the formation of a calcium-rich silicate phase. Petrographic microscopy studies confirm these findings, revealing observable olivine phases and primary silicate phases with metallic iron minerals such as magnetite and hematite. Due to the silica content, the addition of limestone to the smelting process increases the amount of duplex iron (Fe3O4). Consequently, silica stabilizes triplex iron oxide (hematite), while limestone stabilizes spinel iron oxide (magnetite). Moreover, microscopic examinations primarily reveal metallic minerals such as magnetite and metallic iron. Furthermore, sponge iron, like many other ancient civilizations in the region under study, was produced. The production of this type of iron requires less technical knowledge than other types of iron (Abbasnejad, 2009).
Surveying the region revealed that plants such as pistachios and wild almond produce high-quality charcoal. Since blacksmiths have no idea about using additional limestone in the furnace, the smelted slags were highly adhesive, leading to significant iron loss. The use of limestone in iron removal creates slags with fine properties that are easily separated from the iron (Abbasnejad, 2009). A good slag resulting from smelting should contain 30 to 40% limestone. Tests conducted on iron ore in this region show limestone percentages ranging from 3.59 to 28.41%. The slag analysis results also indicate a small amount of limestone, averaging approximately 11.38%. The deficiency of these two elements in slag, as they play crucial roles in reducing smelting heat and separating iron from slag, can indicate high iron levels and the inadequacy of slag (adhesiveness, viscosity, high density), resulting in low-quality sponge iron. The percentage of Fe2O3 ranges from 23.20 to 74.25%, and the percentage of Al2O3 ranges from 0.003 to 0.94%. The percentage of MgO in the tested slags is less than 0.003%. According to the mineral analysis, the most important iron minerals in this region include hematite (Fe2O3) and magnetite (Fe3O4). Due to technical flaws in these furnaces, sponge iron contains impurities such as silica, phosphorus, aluminum oxide, manganese oxide, and other metallic oxides, as confirmed by various tests conducted on ore and slag.
Conclusion
Eleven samples from the metal smelting site showed evidence of iron smelting and its compounds. In these samples, metallic ores such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite are observed. Marcasite and wustite ores are related to smelting furnace processes and are mineral byproducts. It seems that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are predominant, while in others, hematite is less prevalent, and magnetite dominates. Additionally, in the sample related to copper smelting slag, small and limited vesicles of copper ores (covellite, digenite, and metallic copper) are observed alongside a part of the green glassy matrix, indicating high furnace heat. This primary mineral evidence is observed in the slags. Considering the changes in the calcium oxide (CaO) concentration, it can be inferred that this substance was added during smelting operations to aid in smelting and reduce the temperature of the furnace materials. The microscopic results of some slags reveal primary minerals, mostly hematite and magnetite metallic ores, indicating a magmatic origin for the utilized minerals. The percentages of silica (SiO2), magnesium, and aluminum in these slags are relatively low. Analyses of these slags and iron stones from this region show that a deficiency of CaO and SiO2 leads to iron loss in the slag while increasing the iron content within it.
Based on this research, it is likely that iron ore was extracted from mines near the site and was subsequently transported to this location. Given the presence of iron mines at distances of 8, 10, and 15 kilometers from these sites, these mines are likely the source of these slags. Regarding the archaeology of the region, historical references indicate that the area held significance and prominence in various historical periods, particularly during historical and Islamic eras. However, due to insufficient information about the archaeology of the region and the lack of precise dating of these sites, accurate dating of these sites is unfeasible.
Sanam Janani, Mehdi Razani, Hadi Ebrahimi,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Damage to cultural artifacts after discovery occurs due to various factors. One of these harmful cases is moisture originating from underground water, which appears as soil moisture, and over time, due to the oxidation process and the salts and ions in the water, as well as the incompatible pH of the environment with the texture and construction of the artifacts, it aggravates the process of destruction. In line with the mission of archaeometry as a bridge between archeology and other sciences, hydrogeology is used in this study in order to protect ancient artifacts. Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of the city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the free aquifer of Tabriz. Underground water is one of the main factors causing corrosion and decay in the bones in this museum site. There are various solutions for lowering the water table locally, which according to the location coordinates and technical requirements of the site, the best method is to use underground water pumping. In this study, by using the available data in the study zone which is taken from the Tabriz urban train project and the data obtained from the Regional Water Company of East Azarbaijan, by using computer methods, the appropriate amounts of water pumping have been simulated according to the optimal water level drop and We define the placement of bones in a dry position. The use of new sciences for archeometric purposes is the main goal of this study and an attempt is made to solve the problem of destruction of ancient bones by establishing this connection.
Keywords: Conservation, Groundwater, Pumping Well, Soil Moisture, Tabriz Iron Age Museum.
Introduction
The discovery of ancient bones belonging to the Iron Age of the first and second millennium BC in the area of Tabriz Blue Mosque in 1997 is an important event in the field of archeology and ancient anthropology in Azarbaijan. When this ancient area has been discovered, studies have been carried out in the fields of dating about these bones and studies related to the origin and the migration (Kasiri, 2019) and the conservation and restoration of the graves in the Iron Age Museum area in 2016 was carried out by Majidi and Razani. In recent years, the effect of humidity on buried organisms in the soil has been the subject of many researchers’ studies. Soil moisture can play an important role in decomposition (Swift et al, 1979). Fluctuations of groundwater in the soil is one of the most important factors affecting microbial activity in the field conditions (Lund and Goksoyr, 1980). Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of this city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the unconfined groundwater aquifer of Tabriz. Tabriz aquifer has an alluvial nature, which has expanded as a result of the Mehran Rood River flowing in its ancient path and creating numerous meanders during geological time. Hydrogeology as a new branch of earth sciences and engineering studies the condition, behavior and hydrological characteristics of the layers of the earth. As a porous environment, the basement contains soil grains, and the empty space between these grains can be saturated with water and provide a path for the flow of groundwater. The voracity of water movement in the basement compared to the surface currents is very low and varies from a few centimeters per year to several meters per day. Due to passing through various minerals and rocks, groundwater often has a significant amount of different solutes and has relatively high electrical conductivity (E.C). These solutes can cause a lot of damage to cultural works by sedimentation or crystallization in case of evaporation of groundwater. The climatic conditions of each region are different in the occurrence of damaging moisture factors and their effects in different seasons of the year (Nawai, 2016). The amount of humidity in the environment, which can cause destruction due to freezing with the participation of the temperature change parameter, will cause serious damage due to the transport of new solutes and sedimentation at each stage and the recrystallization of previous sediments. In addition to the above, the penetration of moisture through underground water can change the pH of the environment, and this change causes the destruction of cultural works by increasing the acidity.
Discussion
Iron Age Museum of Tabriz, as a result of its archaeological excavations, 108 graves were identified, based on the typology of pottery and metal artefacts and the method of burial and comparing them with the collections discovered from the excavations of Hassanlou Hill and Dinkhah Tepe, dating from around 1200 to 800 BC and the period of Iron Age I and II have been estimated for them, which of course is relatively consistent with the results of carbon 14 dating of these sites (Hojbari Nubri, 1381 and 1383). Its cultural, historical, social and economic nature, along with the aesthetic quality and historical and cultural importance of that area; The type of constituent materials and the composition and method of construction of the works found in it, the value, validity and information and messages hidden in those findings and how they are used are valuable documents of its cultural heritage collection. These works, mainly from archaeological excavations, have been obtained over several years, and their preservation in relatively inappropriate conditions has led to the progress of damage caused by the burial of these objects in the ground, and after a rather long period of time, they will disappear (Bagherzadeh Kasiri, 2016, 8). Based on the studies of Tabriz Urban Railway line 1, water level data is available near the study area of Asr Ahan Museum site, and according to the principle that the groundwater level almost follows the topography, it is possible to estimate the groundwater level in The location of the museum was found. For this purpose, the water level data was collected in the study boreholes near the study area (Table 8) and the map of the ISO lines of ground water in the study area was drawn (Fig. 10). It is necessary to explain that ISO lines or equipotential lines of groundwater are curves on each of these curves, the level of ground water has the same values and the map of parallel lines shows the changes of the level of ground water in the study area. It is possible to draw this type of map both manually and by using software that allows for interpolation and drawing. Next, modeling of groundwater drawdown due to pumping from the extraction well was done using GMS software version 16.4. For archeological stratification, before installing the drilling machine, a manual well should be dug to the desired diameter and to the depth of the ground water, and after reaching the depth of the underground water, the drilling machine will continue drilling from inside this well until it hits The stone should be foamed.
Conclusion
The Iron Age Museum site of Tabriz is one of the prominent sites in the northwest of the Iran, which is facing major problems due to the groundwater infiltration. This research uses information and data of the studies of the aquifer of this region with taking account to the problem of how to intervene in the ancient sites. It has provided a solution to deal with the problem of groundwater in order to reduce its flow, and in this regard, by introducing the place of preliminary evaluations using speculation and Finally suggests a piezometric well to start working in this area and control the groundwater level. Noting that the change of seasons and amount of rainfall can affect the condition of groundwater to some extent; Therefore, by changing the flow rate and duration of pumping, other values of drawdown can be achieved. For this reason, it is suggested that if the plan is implemented, a piezometer well should be drill as close as possible to the museum site so that the condition of the groundwater as well as the amount of its draw done due to pumping from the extraction well can be under immediate control. To prevent the water used in the green space and other uses of the museum site from returning to the area of ancient graves, drainage channels should be used between the area and the main space of the museum.
Damage to cultural artifacts after discovery occurs due to various factors. One of these harmful cases is moisture originating from underground water, which appears as soil moisture, and over time, due to the oxidation process and the salts and ions in the water, as well as the incompatible pH of the environment with the texture and construction of the artifacts, it aggravates the process of destruction. In line with the mission of archaeometry as a bridge between archeology and other sciences, hydrogeology is used in this study in order to protect ancient artifacts. Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of the city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the free aquifer of Tabriz. Underground water is one of the main factors causing corrosion and decay in the bones in this museum site. There are various solutions for lowering the water table locally, which according to the location coordinates and technical requirements of the site, the best method is to use underground water pumping. In this study, by using the available data in the study zone which is taken from the Tabriz urban train project and the data obtained from the Regional Water Company of East Azarbaijan, by using computer methods, the appropriate amounts of water pumping have been simulated according to the optimal water level drop and We define the placement of bones in a dry position. The use of new sciences for archeometric purposes is the main goal of this study and an attempt is made to solve the problem of destruction of ancient bones by establishing this connection.
Keywords: Conservation, Groundwater, Pumping Well, Soil Moisture, Tabriz Iron Age Museum.
Introduction
The discovery of ancient bones belonging to the Iron Age of the first and second millennium BC in the area of Tabriz Blue Mosque in 1997 is an important event in the field of archeology and ancient anthropology in Azarbaijan. When this ancient area has been discovered, studies have been carried out in the fields of dating about these bones and studies related to the origin and the migration (Kasiri, 2019) and the conservation and restoration of the graves in the Iron Age Museum area in 2016 was carried out by Majidi and Razani. In recent years, the effect of humidity on buried organisms in the soil has been the subject of many researchers’ studies. Soil moisture can play an important role in decomposition (Swift et al, 1979). Fluctuations of groundwater in the soil is one of the most important factors affecting microbial activity in the field conditions (Lund and Goksoyr, 1980). Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of this city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the unconfined groundwater aquifer of Tabriz. Tabriz aquifer has an alluvial nature, which has expanded as a result of the Mehran Rood River flowing in its ancient path and creating numerous meanders during geological time. Hydrogeology as a new branch of earth sciences and engineering studies the condition, behavior and hydrological characteristics of the layers of the earth. As a porous environment, the basement contains soil grains, and the empty space between these grains can be saturated with water and provide a path for the flow of groundwater. The voracity of water movement in the basement compared to the surface currents is very low and varies from a few centimeters per year to several meters per day. Due to passing through various minerals and rocks, groundwater often has a significant amount of different solutes and has relatively high electrical conductivity (E.C). These solutes can cause a lot of damage to cultural works by sedimentation or crystallization in case of evaporation of groundwater. The climatic conditions of each region are different in the occurrence of damaging moisture factors and their effects in different seasons of the year (Nawai, 2016). The amount of humidity in the environment, which can cause destruction due to freezing with the participation of the temperature change parameter, will cause serious damage due to the transport of new solutes and sedimentation at each stage and the recrystallization of previous sediments. In addition to the above, the penetration of moisture through underground water can change the pH of the environment, and this change causes the destruction of cultural works by increasing the acidity.
Discussion
Iron Age Museum of Tabriz, as a result of its archaeological excavations, 108 graves were identified, based on the typology of pottery and metal artefacts and the method of burial and comparing them with the collections discovered from the excavations of Hassanlou Hill and Dinkhah Tepe, dating from around 1200 to 800 BC and the period of Iron Age I and II have been estimated for them, which of course is relatively consistent with the results of carbon 14 dating of these sites (Hojbari Nubri, 1381 and 1383). Its cultural, historical, social and economic nature, along with the aesthetic quality and historical and cultural importance of that area; The type of constituent materials and the composition and method of construction of the works found in it, the value, validity and information and messages hidden in those findings and how they are used are valuable documents of its cultural heritage collection. These works, mainly from archaeological excavations, have been obtained over several years, and their preservation in relatively inappropriate conditions has led to the progress of damage caused by the burial of these objects in the ground, and after a rather long period of time, they will disappear (Bagherzadeh Kasiri, 2016, 8). Based on the studies of Tabriz Urban Railway line 1, water level data is available near the study area of Asr Ahan Museum site, and according to the principle that the groundwater level almost follows the topography, it is possible to estimate the groundwater level in The location of the museum was found. For this purpose, the water level data was collected in the study boreholes near the study area (Table 8) and the map of the ISO lines of ground water in the study area was drawn (Fig. 10). It is necessary to explain that ISO lines or equipotential lines of groundwater are curves on each of these curves, the level of ground water has the same values and the map of parallel lines shows the changes of the level of ground water in the study area. It is possible to draw this type of map both manually and by using software that allows for interpolation and drawing. Next, modeling of groundwater drawdown due to pumping from the extraction well was done using GMS software version 16.4. For archeological stratification, before installing the drilling machine, a manual well should be dug to the desired diameter and to the depth of the ground water, and after reaching the depth of the underground water, the drilling machine will continue drilling from inside this well until it hits The stone should be foamed.
Conclusion
The Iron Age Museum site of Tabriz is one of the prominent sites in the northwest of the Iran, which is facing major problems due to the groundwater infiltration. This research uses information and data of the studies of the aquifer of this region with taking account to the problem of how to intervene in the ancient sites. It has provided a solution to deal with the problem of groundwater in order to reduce its flow, and in this regard, by introducing the place of preliminary evaluations using speculation and Finally suggests a piezometric well to start working in this area and control the groundwater level. Noting that the change of seasons and amount of rainfall can affect the condition of groundwater to some extent; Therefore, by changing the flow rate and duration of pumping, other values of drawdown can be achieved. For this reason, it is suggested that if the plan is implemented, a piezometer well should be drill as close as possible to the museum site so that the condition of the groundwater as well as the amount of its draw done due to pumping from the extraction well can be under immediate control. To prevent the water used in the green space and other uses of the museum site from returning to the area of ancient graves, drainage channels should be used between the area and the main space of the museum.
Vahid Zolfi Heris, Hassan Hashemi Zarj Abad, Abed Taghavi, Ali Farhani,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.
Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.
Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.
Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.
Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.
Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.
Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.
Recovery of the Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni, Afghanistan Based on Archaeological Studies
Said Ali Agha Hashimi, Hassan Karimain, Behzad Sedaghati,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.
Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.
Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).
Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.
Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.
Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).
Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.
Fezeh Rahimi, Alireza Razaghi ,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Identity is one of the concepts that has a wide meaning in humanities. In recent years, the issue of identity has become more important in the face of globalization. Therefore, the identity of cultural-historical rilcs with different concepts has been the subject of many international documents, including the Scientific and Cultural Educational Organization of the United Nations, UNESCO and the International Council of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. How the concept of identity has been considered in international documents related to cultural heritage, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, is a question that this research addresses. Based on this, in the current research, the characteristics and dimensions of the concept of identity in these documents were examined and related concepts were extracted and analyzed. For this purpose, the identity contained in the mentioned documents was examined from the framework of social sciences. Studies related to social sciences have been used interpretatively and content analysis method to examine international documents. In the content analysis, after a detailed study of the texts, key phrases and codes were extracted and classified into three main categories and ten subcategories. The main categories include identity, identity characteristics and identity dimensions. By analyzing the obtained results, a model for investigating the identity of a cultural-historical relic was explained. According to this model, the identity type of the cultural-historical relics is one of the seven types of identity, which includes three one-dimensional types, three two-dimensional types, and one three-dimensional type. This model is useful in understanding the dimensions and identity aspects of cultural-historical rilcs. The importance of this model lies in the comprehensiveness of knowledge that is obtained in relation to cultural-historical relices, because the comprehensiveness of knowledge of cultural-historical relics makes it possible to take the most appropriate way to face them.
Keywords: Identity, Cultural-Historical Relics, UNESCO, ICOMOS, International Documents.
Introduction
In the contemporary century, with the emergence of the new trend of globalization, the main values related to cultural heritage faced emerging social and economic facts as well as sustainable environmental development. On the other hand, industrial developments were another factor that affected the disappearance of many cultures and even previous industries. For this reason, along with the growth of modern industrial society and globalization, sacred landscapes and sites are facing the danger of extinction. So that after the 19th century, we have witnessed the complete decline of some cultures, which have buried with them the knowledge of the location and meaning of the sacred sites and have erased them from our minds. However, there are many areas that still preserve their traditions. Accordingly, the issue of cultural identity has become one of the central issues in modern cultural policies and has become the subject of many international documents in different ways. Therefore, the purpose of this research is: ”to explain how the concept of identity in cultural-historical relics is based on UNESCO and ICOMOS documents”
In relation to how to deal with a relic, many documents have been compiled in recent years that have tried to help the protection of historical relics. Here there are questions related to the concept of identity, which are: How is the identity of cultural-historical relics explained in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents? How can the intrinsic and credit dimension of the identity of cultural-historical relics in the documents of UNESCO and ICOMOS be explained? The present research qualitatively answers the questions raised by relying on induction in ICOMUS and UNESCO documents. The content analysis method was used to study the documents. First, the main sentences related to the aforementioned study axes were selected and then the key sentences were extracted from the main sentences. In the next step, key sentences were coded. These codes were determined based on the concepts in the sentences. In the next step, the extracted codes were placed under subcategories and in the final step, the subcategories were classified under the main categories.
In this research, the statistical population includes 15 documents related to UNESCO and ICOMOS, which include regulations, recommendations and international charters from 1956 to 2005
Identified Traces
Based on content analysis in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents, three main categories have been formed under the title of identity, characteristics of identity, dimensions of identity.
That is, in these documents, attention has been paid to the concept of identity in the subcategories of cultural diversity, diversity of values and assets. In fact, in the documents, the concepts related to the identity characteristics of the cultural-historical relics were extracted, which includes the subset of aesthetic, cultural, social and special characteristics.
A number of extracted codes were placed in the main categories of identity dimensions based on the topic and content. These codes were classified in the subsets of intrinsic dimension, primary credit dimension and secondary credit dimension.
It can be said that the identity of the cultural-historical relics is based on having different dimensions, and the difference in their identity is due to the difference in their dimensions. Therefore, some cultural-historical relics are one-dimensional, some are two-dimensional, and some are three-dimensional. In fact, the effect is the result of the performance of these dimensions.
Based on the said identity dimensions, it is possible to explain a model based on limit cases for a cultural-historical relic. The importance of these limit states is that it makes it easy to understand the identity dimensions of the relics and avoids identifying some identity dimensions. It also guides us to know which part of the identity of the relic is damaged. As a result, it contributes to the pre-studies of conservation and restoration and causes them to be pathological, as a result, identity measures are carried out in such a way as to avoid the identity crisis of the cultural-historical relic.
Conclusion
In cultural-historical relics, the mentioned dimensions in interaction with each other form the identity of the relic. Interaction in identity in one-dimensional relics is formed among the characteristics of the same dimension, and in relics with two-dimensional and three-dimensional identity, the interaction between the characteristics of each dimension is formed with other dimensions. In two-dimensional and three-dimensional cases, it is formed with an intermediate space between its different dimensions. In this space, the identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other to create a common space. This space is actually an intermediate space that is formed between different dimensions of the relic, which is different in each relic according to its unique position. The identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other at the point of intersection, and this makes each relic express its identity according to which one of the dimensions is closer. Identity development is not the result of a single aspect. Rather, it is a formative thing based on the dialogue of different aspects of the relic. This means that all aspects of the relic are in a mutual relationship and none of these aspects alone can form the identity of the historical-cultural relic.
Identity is one of the concepts that has a wide meaning in humanities. In recent years, the issue of identity has become more important in the face of globalization. Therefore, the identity of cultural-historical rilcs with different concepts has been the subject of many international documents, including the Scientific and Cultural Educational Organization of the United Nations, UNESCO and the International Council of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. How the concept of identity has been considered in international documents related to cultural heritage, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, is a question that this research addresses. Based on this, in the current research, the characteristics and dimensions of the concept of identity in these documents were examined and related concepts were extracted and analyzed. For this purpose, the identity contained in the mentioned documents was examined from the framework of social sciences. Studies related to social sciences have been used interpretatively and content analysis method to examine international documents. In the content analysis, after a detailed study of the texts, key phrases and codes were extracted and classified into three main categories and ten subcategories. The main categories include identity, identity characteristics and identity dimensions. By analyzing the obtained results, a model for investigating the identity of a cultural-historical relic was explained. According to this model, the identity type of the cultural-historical relics is one of the seven types of identity, which includes three one-dimensional types, three two-dimensional types, and one three-dimensional type. This model is useful in understanding the dimensions and identity aspects of cultural-historical rilcs. The importance of this model lies in the comprehensiveness of knowledge that is obtained in relation to cultural-historical relices, because the comprehensiveness of knowledge of cultural-historical relics makes it possible to take the most appropriate way to face them.
Keywords: Identity, Cultural-Historical Relics, UNESCO, ICOMOS, International Documents.
Introduction
In the contemporary century, with the emergence of the new trend of globalization, the main values related to cultural heritage faced emerging social and economic facts as well as sustainable environmental development. On the other hand, industrial developments were another factor that affected the disappearance of many cultures and even previous industries. For this reason, along with the growth of modern industrial society and globalization, sacred landscapes and sites are facing the danger of extinction. So that after the 19th century, we have witnessed the complete decline of some cultures, which have buried with them the knowledge of the location and meaning of the sacred sites and have erased them from our minds. However, there are many areas that still preserve their traditions. Accordingly, the issue of cultural identity has become one of the central issues in modern cultural policies and has become the subject of many international documents in different ways. Therefore, the purpose of this research is: ”to explain how the concept of identity in cultural-historical relics is based on UNESCO and ICOMOS documents”
In relation to how to deal with a relic, many documents have been compiled in recent years that have tried to help the protection of historical relics. Here there are questions related to the concept of identity, which are: How is the identity of cultural-historical relics explained in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents? How can the intrinsic and credit dimension of the identity of cultural-historical relics in the documents of UNESCO and ICOMOS be explained? The present research qualitatively answers the questions raised by relying on induction in ICOMUS and UNESCO documents. The content analysis method was used to study the documents. First, the main sentences related to the aforementioned study axes were selected and then the key sentences were extracted from the main sentences. In the next step, key sentences were coded. These codes were determined based on the concepts in the sentences. In the next step, the extracted codes were placed under subcategories and in the final step, the subcategories were classified under the main categories.
In this research, the statistical population includes 15 documents related to UNESCO and ICOMOS, which include regulations, recommendations and international charters from 1956 to 2005
Identified Traces
Based on content analysis in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents, three main categories have been formed under the title of identity, characteristics of identity, dimensions of identity.
That is, in these documents, attention has been paid to the concept of identity in the subcategories of cultural diversity, diversity of values and assets. In fact, in the documents, the concepts related to the identity characteristics of the cultural-historical relics were extracted, which includes the subset of aesthetic, cultural, social and special characteristics.
A number of extracted codes were placed in the main categories of identity dimensions based on the topic and content. These codes were classified in the subsets of intrinsic dimension, primary credit dimension and secondary credit dimension.
It can be said that the identity of the cultural-historical relics is based on having different dimensions, and the difference in their identity is due to the difference in their dimensions. Therefore, some cultural-historical relics are one-dimensional, some are two-dimensional, and some are three-dimensional. In fact, the effect is the result of the performance of these dimensions.
Based on the said identity dimensions, it is possible to explain a model based on limit cases for a cultural-historical relic. The importance of these limit states is that it makes it easy to understand the identity dimensions of the relics and avoids identifying some identity dimensions. It also guides us to know which part of the identity of the relic is damaged. As a result, it contributes to the pre-studies of conservation and restoration and causes them to be pathological, as a result, identity measures are carried out in such a way as to avoid the identity crisis of the cultural-historical relic.
Conclusion
In cultural-historical relics, the mentioned dimensions in interaction with each other form the identity of the relic. Interaction in identity in one-dimensional relics is formed among the characteristics of the same dimension, and in relics with two-dimensional and three-dimensional identity, the interaction between the characteristics of each dimension is formed with other dimensions. In two-dimensional and three-dimensional cases, it is formed with an intermediate space between its different dimensions. In this space, the identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other to create a common space. This space is actually an intermediate space that is formed between different dimensions of the relic, which is different in each relic according to its unique position. The identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other at the point of intersection, and this makes each relic express its identity according to which one of the dimensions is closer. Identity development is not the result of a single aspect. Rather, it is a formative thing based on the dialogue of different aspects of the relic. This means that all aspects of the relic are in a mutual relationship and none of these aspects alone can form the identity of the historical-cultural relic.
Hamidreza Bakhshandehfard, Kourosh Kouhestani,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The settlements of the Qazvin Plain, particularly at Tepe Qabrestan and Sagzabad, demonstrate a continuous sequence of metallurgical development in the prehistoric period of this region. The aim of the present study is to examine the functional aspects, manufacturing technology, chemical composition, microstructure, and alloy phases of metal artifacts recovered from the Iron Age levels of the Sagzabad site. In this context, the study aims to address key questions regarding the production processes and manufacturing techniques of the artifacts, the alloying practices employed, as well as the chemical composition and formation conditions of the identified corrosion products. To achieve these objectives, various analytical techniques were employed, including XRF for determining the chemical composition. The results indicated the presence of various alloys, including copper–arsenic, copper–antimony, tin bronze, and nearly pure copper. Metallographic analysis of two samples with preserved metallic cores revealed a cast structure with a distinct core, providing important information about the manufacturing techniques. In addition, SEM-EDS observations confirmed the presence of α-phase dendrites and the formation of γ-phases associated with copper–arsenic and copper–antimony alloys. Elemental analysis results indicate varied patterns in the use of copper–arsenic and copper–antimony alloys, suggesting that ancient metalworkers possessed considerable knowledge of how to achieve desirable mechanical properties in their metallic products. In addition, the identification of silver inclusions and sulfide intermetallic compounds within the microstructure allows hypotheses to be proposed regarding the types of ore sources used in the metal extraction process. The identified manufacturing technologies ranged from two-part mold casting to the production of chisels with both spiral and simple cross-sections. The analyzed artifacts comprise decorative, ornamental, and Functional objects. This typological and technological diversity provides a comprehensive view of Iron Age metallurgical practices at Tepe Sagzabad.
Solmaz Mansouri, Ahmmad Salehi Kakhki, Mitra Shateri,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Among the finest artistic productions of the Safavid period is lusterware, which continued the tradition that flourished during the Middle Islamic era. Despite brief references in some sources to the distinctive nature and form of Safavid lusterware, no independent and focused study has been conducted to date. Therefore, given the formal characteristics of existing lusterware, this study aims to classify them in detail to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of their forms and then to conduct a comparative analysis with blue-and-white ceramics. To achieve this goal, the following questions have been raised: “Into what formal categories can the lusterware of the Safavid period be classified?” and “In terms of form, how do Safavid lusterware correspond to, or compare with, their contemporary blue-and-white counterparts?” In this research, data collection has been carried out through library and field methods, and the study has proceeded with a descriptive-comparative-analytical approach. The statistical population comprises 69 Safavid lusterware pieces and 40 blue-and-white vessels, which, in turn, represent 486 lusterwares and 106 blue-and-white ceramics selected as representative samples of each type based on their formal characteristics. The results of the typological study of these vessels indicate that the lusterware comprises 17 groups, which fall into two main categories: Open forms, such as dishes, bowls, and cups (Piyaleh); and closed forms, such as ewers, bottles, and pitchers. Moreover, although the two pottery types exhibit considerable typological similarity, the lusterware demonstrates greater formal diversity, whereas the blue-and-white ceramics are relatively finer in execution and somewhat larger in scale.
Hamid Zarei, Seyyed Mehdi Miri, Seyed Amir Ali Hosseini Harandi,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.
Mohsen Janjan, Behrouz Afkhami, Karim Hajizadeh,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The Naqqārechi Tepe, located on the southern outskirts of Nahavand, is among the surviving remains of the Seleucid period. Although it lacks visible surface evidence and recognizable cultural materials, a detailed account of its exploration during the Qajar era does exist. According to the report by Dr. Feuvrier and Moḥammad-Ḥasan Khan Eʿtemād-al-Salṭana (1309 AH), which accurately describes and illustrates the structural characteristics of the site and correctly identifies its historical period, the Naqqārechi Tepe may represent a tomb or tumulus belonging to one of the Seleucid commanders. A careful examination of this structure offers insights into the burial methods and funerary practices of Seleucid society. The Tepe was re-excavated in two archaeological seasons in 2019 and 2022 in order to reassess the buried structure and to critically re-read the Qajar-period descriptive account. This reconsideration aims to enhance our understanding of Seleucid architecture and cultural traditions in Iran. The main research questions, based on existing hypotheses, include: Does the buried tomb at Naqqārechi originate from Greek cultural traditions? How does the architectural design of the Tepe relate to similar Greek tumuli? Accordingly, the study proposes the hypothesis that the Naqqārechi Tepe is a tumulus, likely containing the burial of a Seleucid military commander or satrap of the region. Archaeological evidence and structural features obtained from the site, in comparison with similar Greek examples, suggest that this tomb reflects Seleucid cultural and architectural traditions. The research methodology is based on a combination of fieldwork and library studies. The description and analysis of the findings follow a historical-analytical approach and rely on the results of two excavation seasons at Naqqārechi. The findings indicate that the Naqqārechi Tepe exhibits all the key characteristics of Hellenic tumuli. The construction of a dedicated funerary monument for a single individual, along with the preparation of a carved stone sarcophagus, demonstrates the high social and political status of the deceased—status comparable to that of military commanders, warriors, or even successors of Alexander.
Mozhgan Rostami, Ardashir Javanmardzadeh, Amir Saed Mucheshi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Gholamreza Shamloo, Ali Salmani, Davoud Mirzaei,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
Ahad Variji, Hamid Khanali, Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Rahim Salamati, Farzad Mafi, Amir Hashempoor Mafi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
Introduction
Despite the location of the Tarrom region between the well-known cities of Zanjan, Ardabil, Qazvin, and Rasht, it has received less attention in historical texts compared to the aforementioned regions. The aim of this study, based on a field survey, is to investigate the identification, quality, and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the study area and to analyze some relevant information from historical texts. The main questions addressed in this study are as follows: 1. What was the quality and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the villages of Abbar and Darram? 2. What insights can be gained from comparing historical texts and archaeological evidence regarding the study area during the Islamic period? 3. Based on the survey data, which site or sites in the study area can be identified as the main centers in the basin of the Abbar and Darram villages during the Islamic period?
It is assumed that the study area housed various settlements during the Islamic period.
Research Method
This research was carried out in two parts: field and library studies. In the field section, the ancient sites of the study area were examined, and cultural materials, mainly including pottery fragments, were collected. In the library section, the Islamic pottery of the sites in the study area was typified, and the distribution of the sites in the region was examined and evaluated using common methods such as GIS. Additionally, special attention was paid to historical and geographical texts of the Islamic period in the library studies section.
Research Background
So far, very few archaeological studies have been conducted in the study area at Tarrom Olya County, the most important of which was the first season of the survey of Tarrom County under the supervision of A. Najafi in 2007, as a result of which 96 ancient sites related to different periods were identified (Najafi, 2007). The present study was conducted based on the results of this survey.
Discussion
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the early Islamic era
Historical sources indicate that during the Musafirid rule in the fourth century AH, the Tarrom region, particularly the fortress of Samiran, experienced a period of development and prosperity as mentioned in Naser Khosrow Qobadiani’s travelogue. Subsequently, the Tarrom region became a battleground between the Ismailis and Seljuks and a target for conquest by Mongol, Ilkhanid, and Timurid rulers seeking to control Gilan. Notably, Tughrol Beig visited Tarrom Castle in 454 AH and demanded a substantial sum from its ruler (Ibn Athir, 1991: vol. 22: 375). Various castles and locations in Tarrom, such as Andjan, Rustamkuyeh, Sheruz, Kufal, Harkam, Samiran, and Qalat, are mentioned in historical sources from this period (Hamawi, 1995; al-Baghdadi, 1412). Archaeological findings from eight sites in the Abbar and Darram districts, including Tape Las, Sharfan Darreh, Ghaybullah, Torobar, Tape Chenar, Mine Bala, Sibisun, and Dam, contain pottery dating back to the early Islamic period (Figs. 7 & 8, Table 2).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the middle Islamic era
Tarrom also reappears in historical texts of the Mongol era due to its strategic location on the route to northern regions, particularly Gilan, and its proximity to key centers like Soltaniyeh (cf. Ibn Khaldun, 1984: vol. 4, 204; Hafez Abro, 2001, vol. 2: 572, 717, 766). The most accurate description of the Tarrom region at this time is provided by Hamdullah Mostofi Qazvini (d. 750 AH), who wrote:
“Tarromain is a warm province to the north of Soltaniyeh, a day’s journey away, and the harvest is very good in its highlands, and most of the fruits of Soltaniyeh come from there. At first, there was a city center called Firuzabad in the land of Lower Tarrom, but now it is completely ruined, and the town of Andar in Tarrom Olya has become the city there... The people of that province are Sunni Shafi’i, and that province has five parts: First, Upper Tarrom (Olya) was a vassal of Qala Taj, it includes about a hundred villages, and Jezla, Shawarzad, Darram, Jiya, Qalat, Zarand, and Shind are among its most important villages... (Mustofi, 1957: 71). Mustofi’s reference to Darram is the oldest reference to this place in historical texts.
At least seven sites in the study area in the villages of Abbar and Darram, including Abbar Cemetery, Torobar, Mine-Bala, Sibison, Dam, Kelavlagh, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar, have had medieval Islamic pottery, especially Seljuk-Ilkhani pottery. These potteries are mostly glazed, sufficiently fired, and have various types of decoration, especially incised patterns, incised patterns under the glaze (Sgraffito), and underglaze painting (Table 3, Figs. 9 & 10).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the later Islamic era
Historical records indicate that the Tarrom region remained of interest to Safavid rulers due to its proximity to important Safavid centers like Ardabil and Qazvin. For example, in 911 AH, Shah Ismail spent winter in Tarrom (Badlisi, 1998: Vol. 2, 137), and in 969 AH, Shah Tahmasb went to Tarrom for hunting (Ibid: 217). Pietro Della Valle, who traveled to the Tarrom region via Ardabil in 1619, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, reached Darram village through a narrow and difficult valley (Della Valle, 2005: 331-332). Della Valle’s description contains important information about the geographical features and communication routes of the region during the Safavid period.
From an archaeological point of view, some pottery sherds from the site of Burhan al-Saltaneh date back to the Timurid-Safavid period (Table 4 & Fig. 11). Notably, glazed pottery, including azure-glazed pieces likely from the Seljuk era, and monochromatic pottery with green, blue, and turquoise glaze possibly from the middle or late Islamic period, have been discovered at the study sites.
During the Qajar period, Tarrom continued to serve as a route for royal campaigns and recreational activities, with notable figures like Agha Mohammad Khan, Fath Ali Shah, and Naser al-Din Shah visiting the region (Fasai, 2003: Vol. 1, 645, & 720; Etemad al-Saltanah, 1988: Vol. 3, 1605). During this period, Rawlinson, while traveling to the region, mentioned Abbar and Darram as the two main places in the region of Posht kouh (Rawlinson 1840: 62-63). According to Rawlinson’s description, it is likely that part of the facility known today as Darram Castle is remains of the palace of Abdullah Mirza (d. 1263 AH), the son of Fath Ali Shah who was the ruler of Zanjan during the Qajar period. Based on our survey, Darram Castle is a large site dating back to the pre-Islamic and Islamic period, covering an area of about 20 hectares.
Additionally, based on the architectural style and type of materials, a number of buildings in the study area, including mosques or Imamzadeh, probably belong to the late Islamic period (mostly Qajar), of which we can mention Siahroud Bath, Imamzadeh Ebrahim, Imamzadeh Khatun Khadijeh, Burhan-ol-Saltaneh Mansion, Khasareh Bath, Khasareh Mosque, Molanour, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar.
Conclusion
The analysis of historical texts and archaeological evidence provides valuable information about the settlements in the Tarrom region during the Islamic period, including the size of the settlements and communication routes in this region. Based on the data in Table 5, which was calculated based on our field survey, eight sites (44 percent) are less than one hectare in size. Eight sites are between one and five hectares (44%), and only three sites of Gerdeh Tepe, Tepe Qabristan, and Qala’e Darram are larger than five hectares, all three of which are located along the Qezel Uzan valley, along the main roads of the region. However, compared to the cities of the Islamic era, even these three sites are not considered large settlements. The map in Fig. 12 shows the distribution of Islamic sites in the study area regarding their sizes. Overall, these statistics indicate that most of the settlements in the Islamic period in the study area were, in fact, small, rural settlements, which is in exact accordance with the medieval geographers’ descriptions of the Tarrom as a region with numerous villages but no major city (see: Hamawi 1995: Vol. 2, p. 6; al-Baghdadi, 1412: 249).
It seems that Darram Castle can be considered a central settlement in the Islamic period in the Tarrom region due to its vast size of more than 20 hectares and its special location in the middle of the Qezel Uzan River valley, and the availability of important environmental components such as access to water resources and communication routes. Considering the description of Della Valle and the location of the Islamic sites in the study area, mainly in the Qezel Uzan River valley, it seems that the old roads in the study area were in accordance with the topographic conditions of the region and to a large extent coincided with or were close to the modern road.