Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.

Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records. 

Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018). 

Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.

Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios. 


Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4). 

Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records. 
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.

Abstract
The right of possession is not an absolute one today and the lawmaker has the power to limit the possession right according to several reasons. It is a general thought in the public regulations of the civil law that the possession is a legal absolute right. Accordingly, and due to different tools, the limitation is fulfilled by the lawmaker and this right is completely ignored. The rules of cultural heritage are of the tools to make the limitation and to devest possession. The main question of this article is that what are features cultural-historical properties possession in Iran and what are the position of intellectual and material property right of the of the historical-cultural owner of the properties? It seems that there could be limitations in some situations to some cultural heritage properties. The mentioned laws could weaken the private ownership in some cases. Additionally, the private ownership is respected in Islam and according to the first verdicts the ownership of cultural-historical properties are authentic its ignorance is assumed wrong. The today law are not upgraded and its fulfilment is ignored in order not to be against the religious and legal frameworks.
Keywords: Possession, Cultural Heritage, Cultural-Historical Properties, Movable Properties.

Introduction
Cultural heritage includes series of valuable movable and immovable properties from the past. A significant part of the properties is owned privately or is inherited or discovered by them. Now-a-days it is the aim of the government to protect these properties with cultural-historical values. As the verification of their ownership in the laws of cultural heritage are not noticeable by the lawmakers it is significant to study the different aspects and illuminate the ownership situation of these properties as the aim of the Authors in this article.

The Aim and Necessity of this Research
The lawmaking process for cultural heritage in Iran started in 1930 as the law of national properties protection by the national consulate of the parliament of Pahlavi I and under the direction of Andre Godar, the French architect and archaeologist, of the antiques center. Several paragraphs have been added or removed from the mentioned law since then. It seems that the law on cultural heritage and cultural-historical properties are not efficient as the traffic of the properties are increasing and the national treasures are looted. Therefore, it seems that the study in this field and the different aspects of the protection and conservation of cultural heritage are essential in the present situation. 
The primary and secondary question and hypothesis: What are the features of cultural-historical properties in the laws and regulations of Iran? What is the position of the tangible and intangible cultural-historical properties ownership in the legal and administrative sections?

Research Method
The research method is according to the library study of the present laws and decisions in the field. Cultural-historical properties ownership in the laws and regulations
The ownership and its features are as above-mentioned. The ownership is significant in the present society as the method of personal economic relationship adjustment. Respecting one’s control over the objects gives him authority to protect his material benefits. This ownership is fair, defensible, and even sacred. The respect for it is as the blood of human and even more than Kaaba in Islam. The constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, paragraph 22, it is mentioned as following: “The property of the persons is safe from assault unless the law approves” and in paragraph 47 it is mentioned: “The legitimate property is respected and the law designates its rules”. Some lawyers describe the respect for personal property as the fundamental respected laws and its soul (Katouzyan, 2010: 133).
In paragraph 3 about the protection of national property, approved at 1930, two sorts of properties are mentioned; the properties without personal owners and the properties with personal owners. These tangible and intangible properties could be faced according to paragraphs 3 and 4. Additionally, the personal properties are mentioned in the law of land and construction purchasing for the protection of historical and ancient properties, approved at October 1968, paragraph 1. The properties with or without owners will be discussed here (Khodadadi Larzjan, 2016: 5).
Obviously, thousands of properties with personal owners cannot be only safeguarded by law that is approved 80 years ago and is enforced unilaterally. It means if the owners of the historical properties know that they are not alone on protection their properties and this might improves their social position and their benefits they will not take those properties abroad. 
In another hand the inscribing of a property in the national list destructs their property right for the personal property owners. Therefore, the destruction of the properties accelerated according to the more nationally inscribed process in 1990s. The owners destructed the buildings as they knew they will not be able to sell, be benefited or destruct their properties after inscribing them in the national list of cultural heritage. The owners whose properties were inscribed previously were shocked for some times and due to the consultation of the lawyers found out the legal solution and complained in Court of Administrative Justice.

Conclusion
The attention and support of the government of the legal cultural-historical owners’ property rights and checking property conflicts and also the separation of personal and public ownable properties (with respect to the governmental sovereign rights) could be one of the best methods to encourage people to identify and protect the mentioned properties and preventing them from being exported illegally. 
According to paragraph 4 of the constitution, all the laws should be congruous with the religious rights and a rules should be religiously interpreted accordingly. As, the property is of the legal rules and respected by the sacred lawgiver in Islam, the lawmaker could not regard the property as a public benefit tool. Ignoring the property right could divest thee economic drafty and help the export of the property from the society and to harm the public and personal benefits. Regarding the properties as not being absolute and allowing the government to threating the personal property right leads to disrespecting the property right. Therefore, there is not a common method for confiscating cultural-historical properties and the discovered ones and also a right for the finder- with respect to the situation of the discovery process and the place- although very little. This could be either usurpation and forbidden by the religion or could cause more traffic and secretly keeping the properties and eventually destruction the national property. The conflict of the public and personal benefits of historical buildings and also the lack of a serious, functional and legal solution could lead to the destruction of the constructions through the years and the blame of the future.
Therefore, there is an urgent need for a religious, critical and courageous review of the law with respect to the constitution and international laws in order to conclude public and personal property limitation and identifying the features of property to respect the owners’ right and prevent the traffic of cultural-historical properties.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Abstract
In natural hazards such as earthquakes, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) plays a fundamental role in adaptability, resilience and reconstruction of a disaster-struck society. The main objective of this study how to manage of cultural heritage during the crisis in November 2017 Kermanshah earthquake. This research seeks to answer the questions that; Do crisis managers manage cultural heritage in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake area and does cultural crisis management in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake have the equipment to provide a model to increase the resilience and adaptability of cultural heritage in times of crisis? The findings of this field study, which are based on assessing the concepts of resilience and vulnerability in the crisis management cycle, indicate that crisis management in the field of cultural heritage during and after the crisis has not been performed satisfactorily despite vulnerability assessments. According to the patterns and models of enhancing resilience, Our society is not sustainable. As a result the management of cultural heritage has not clearly considered the issues of adaptability and resilience, focusing only on minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period. In the crisis management cycle, Pre-crisis measures that will reduce vulnerability in future hazards have not been considered in relation to earthquakes in these areas. During the recovery and social rehabilitation phase, considering the cultural characteristics of the people, the intangible heritage has significantly contributed to enhancing social and cultural resilience among the affected population. Nevertheless, the crisis management of society and cultural heritage has never been able to serve as a repository for knowledge to reduce vulnerability and enhance resilience in society, aiming to establish a balanced relationship between resilience and vulnerability within the crisis management cycle.
Keywords: Vulnerability, Resilience, Earthquake, Crisis Management, Cultural Heritag.

Introduction
Our country, which is more than eleven thousand years old, is one of the accident-prone countries of the world, and due to the fact that most of its regions are among the regions with high seismicity, the occurrence of earthquakes in it is inevitable. In an earthquake, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage forms the backbone of human and social life of the society, and its reconstruction in the post-disaster period should be considered in the early stages. Tangible cultural heritage (museums, ancient sites, memorial tablets, etc.) and intangible (culture, stories, myths, rituals and ceremonies, celebrations and performing arts such as music, theatre and film) which play a fundamental role in shaping human memory. This memory helps people to be more resilient during crises.
Following other field researches that the writer has conducted in the field of anthropology of disaster from 2017-2024 in Sarpol-Zahab, the research on the management of cultural heritage in the earthquake was one of his research priorities. 
The November 2017 earthquake in Kermanshah (Sarpol-e-Zahab) killed 626 people and damaged many cities and villages.
 According to the announcement of the Department of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism of Kermanshah Province,in this earthquake,Khosrow’s Palace,Fire tample(Charqapi), Qasr-e-shirin Karavansarai, Zij Manizheh, Abodojaneh historical Cemetery, Yazdegerd Castle (Dalahu County), Gilangharb Castle, Islamabad-e-gharb palang fire temple, Hosseinieh Sarpol-e-Zahab, the shrine of Ahmad ibn Ishaq Ash’ari Qomi in Sarpol-e-Zahab, Abdullah ibn Omar Rijab Mosque were damaged.
 In this research, the researcher, who was trying to find out the degree of damage, the adaptability and resilience of cultural heritage management, in the first stage of his research, visited the earthquake-affected cities and their ancient monuments. In the second stage, in order to complete the information, the researcher conducted structured and unstructured interviews with crisis managers and cultural heritage managers. Finally, based on disaster anthropology studies and this research, the researcher was able to provide a model for how to manage cultural heritage during the disaster cycle and crisis.

Discussion
The findings of this research show that the most important cultural heritage measures after the earthquake have been carried out in the fields of aid, cultural heritage, infrastructure, handicrafts, tourism and investment. Examining the performance of  the cultural heritage during the crisis shows that since our crisis management system does not have a resilient system, the cultural heritage sector also does not have the capabilities to manage the crisis and the action it has taken cannot return the society to a normal  situation in a short period of time. In the earthquake, our society showed that it is not a resilient society, and in passing through the crisis and dealing with it, it faced the greatest disruption in all its parts, such as cultural heritage. The management of cultural heritage in the infrastructure sector will not be able to plan and operate in order to deal with future hazards.
In this area, restorations and renovations have been done, but due to the risk of this society, the necessary funds for the future to increase adaptability and resilience have not been considered. In the field of tourism, investment and infrastructure even reconstruction and restoration of damaged areas have not been done after estimating the amount of damage. As a result, in this part of the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is unsuccessful, and its performance has been limited to visits and meetings to adjust requests and express problems.
Intangible cultural heritage during the earthquake had an impact on the adaptability and resilience of the society. This heritage helped the people in different ways during the mourning such as the native sounds and tunes of mourning (ĉamar, Môye, Hûre and Môr). In the post-disaster stage and during social recovery, the use of the culture of aid, local foods, rituals and ceremonies, music and local games is undeniable.
In disaster we lose everything, the only thing left for us is the past. This past brings our culture for us. Culture tells us what we did in times of crisis and what we can do to heal our pain. This culture is divided and multiplied in different times and places. It supports and sustains our culture in times of disaster. The intangible cultural heritage can play an irreplaceable role in the days of the people who have suffered disaster after disaster to recover.

Conclusion
The cultural heritage of our country is vulnerable and our crisis management does not have the ability to reduce vulnerability. But our intangible heritage has the ability to increase social resilience in our disaster-stricken society. Our cultural heritage management does not have the knowledge of risk analysis, assessment of financial and human resources for coping and reconstruction, location, emergency evacuation of visitors in the prevention phase (before the crisis). Since the cultural heritage managers do not have the necessary knowledge to deal with the crisis, our cultural heritage does not have the ability to manage and perform optimally in the stage of preparation and coping during the crisis and reconstruction. In the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is also facing important problems in the post-crisis reconstruction phase. At this stage, protective measures and compliance with the standards (body and physical) of constructions around cultural works should also be considered, which due to the lack of sufficient knowledge about cultural heritage by various institutions, the protection of cultural works has not been respected and retrofits It does not take place in this section. In this area, intangible heritage such as museum, narratives, poetry, legend were not formed to   commemorate and form the cultural memory of Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake. As a result, it can be said that the intangible heritage has also played a role in the social rehabilitation of the people, but it has not been able to perform well as a category that takes steps towards the preservation of cultural heritage. 
Since according to the patterns and models of increasing the resilience of society, our society is not a resilient society. As a result, the main question of this research can be answered as follows: The management of cultural heritage in the Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake did not consider the issue of adaptability and resilience and limited itself to the minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period.
This research was able to provide a model for managing cultural heritage in times of crisis. This model emphasizes the flexible relationship between vulnerability and resilience. Increasing resilience in a society will reduce vulnerability in all parts of society. According to this model, a society that is resilient is consciously and purposefully take risks and crises and applying knowledge to reduce their consequences. This society has defined goals for its long-term recovery in all its sectors and always treats risk as an opportunity.

Abstract
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.

Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019). 
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.

Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.

Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. 
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated. 
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities. 
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.

Abstract
Earthquakes have always been considered a threat to human settlements. According to the results of archeological studies, one of the behavioral patterns of humans in the face of earthquakes has been to permanently change their place of residence. The fact that the major part of Iran’s plateau is located in one of the earthquake-prone areas of the planet makes the research and investigation about the impact of these natural events on the human way of life, especially in the prehistoric era, to be studied more. In this direction and with the aim of assessing the impact of this natural phenomenon in Central Zagros and in order to know how humans react to this phenomenon, it has been studied. Our main question in this research revolved around how ancient earthquakes can be identified in archaeological contexts, and based on what evidence? What were the effects of this destructive phenomenon on the change in people’s biological patterns in the period after the incident? The information of this research has been collected from the archaeological excavations of Godin Tepe, Kangavar and Baba Kamal Tepe Tuiserkan from the Bronze Age to the end of the Iron Age III BC. In the following, based on the evidence of the severity of the destruction caused by the earthquake, an attempt has been made to reconstruct the intensity scale of the earthquakes based on the Mercalli scale. As a result, it was determined that the occurrence of destructive earthquakes with an intensity of more than 6 degrees on the Richter scale in the area of the investigation, especially in the Bronze and Iron Age, was not unrelated to the impact of climate change caused by the intensity of melting glaciers and the change in the hydrological conditions of the earth. After the Late Bronze Age, the events caused by this event caused the relative collapse of many settlements until the Iron III period, and practically at this time, the population of the region was reduced to the minimum possible.
Keywords: Ancient Earthquakes, Archeology of Eastern Central Zagros, Godin Tepe, Baba Kamal Tepe, Bronze & Iron Age.

Introduction
Throughout history, villages and cities have always been threatened by cultural or natural disasters such as war, fire, earthquakes, floods, and storms. Earthquakes are natural events that have been important causes of damage and destruction for humanity. The land of Iran, due to its location in the middle part of the Alpine-Himalayan orogenic belt, is always exposed to high-intensity earthquakes and is known as one of the centers of destructive earthquakes.
Studying and researching the remaining signs of ancient earthquakes in Iran according to archaeological data can provide information on long-term seismicity in different parts of this land for researchers. By using archaeological data and matching their information with specific regional geological conditions, it tries to recognize the occurrence of earthquakes that occurred in prehistoric times and their effects on the formation of settlement patterns. 
In this regard, the Kangavar Plain and the eastern region of Central Zagros have been studied and researched, focusing on the archaeological information of Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal Tepe. This research aims to investigate and identify the archaeological studies carried out in Godin Tepe and East Central Zagros to study and investigate the events that are suspected to be natural earthquake hazards in Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal. Also, the role and effect of these earthquakes in the distribution of settlements after the earthquake will be studied in the region, seeking to answer questions such as: How can the earthquake during the settlement of Tepe Godin and Tepe Baba Kamal be recognized? In what period of the settlements of Tepe Godin and Baba Kamal and with what approximate magnitude did these earthquakes occur? How can the role and effect of these earthquakes be explained by the change and distribution of settlement patterns in the post-earthquake era of the region? In the investigations and field studies, the evidence and signs of earthquakes in the Bronze Age of Godin Tepe Kangavar and the Iron Age of Baba Kamal Tepe Tuysarkan have been observed, which can be the hypothesis proposed in this regard.

Discussion
The investigation of different cultural layers showed that the Godin site experienced at least three important events that changed the lives of the people at that time. Evidence of these events can be seen in layers III5, III4, and III2 in the Bronze Age in different years between 2400 and 1650 BC. Yang, the explorer of Godin Tepe, believes that the earthquake in these phases caused destruction and destruction in the buildings, which caused the settlement to leave and the site to be abandoned at the end of phase III2. Among the damages caused by the earthquake in Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal, the following can be mentioned:- Collapse of ceilings and walls;
• Collapse of ceilings and walls;
• Debris left on the floor of the rooms;
• Crushing of healthy pottery under the debris;
• Humans being buried under the rubble and being killed by falling bricks;
• Cracks in the walls
• Abandonment of the site after the earthquake
Using the empirical relationships and the Mercalli intensity scale (MMI), we can attribute an average magnitude of 6 to Godin III2 and Iron III Baba Kamal events, and an average of 7 to Godin III4 and III5 events. 
 According to the archaeological surveys conducted in the studied area, it can be seen that the region has experienced a decrease in human settlements and population collapse in the periods after the Godin earthquakes. The reduction of settlement areas during different phases of the Middle and New Bronze Age compared to the previous layers is observed in the plains of Kangavar, Nahavand, Asadabad, Tuysarkan, Malair, Sanghar, Sahne and Borujerd. In layer III2, the number of sites with artifacts from this period increases in the region. Young and Henrikson believe Godin III2 pottery at the same time as this phase, or probably at the end of this phase, we see an increase in the nomadic process, and it is likely that this issue has influenced the increase in the number of ancient sites. 
During the Iron Age, the central Zagros region underwent changes that led to the reduction of human settlements in Iron Age I. Archaeological data show that there was no population density in Iron Age I/II in areas like Kangavar Plain. Several abrupt climate changes occurred during the Holocene epoch. This change in weather conditions, along with the earthquakes in the region, could have been a factor that affected the settlement of human populations and settlements in the region in prehistoric times and caused a change in the settlement pattern and a decrease in human populations.

Conclusion
In this study, in order to investigate the seismicity of the eastern central Zagros region and the earthquakes that occurred in the Bronze and Iron Ages of the region, the collection of evidence and documentation of the earthquakes of the mentioned periods, obtained from archaeological excavations, was collected. Earthquake evidence in Baba Kamal Tuiserkan Tepe was obtained in the form of disturbed layers with cracks in the Iron Age III clay structure. Also, these signs have been observed in the form of ruins and human remains found under the debris, scattered artifacts and pottery on the floors of residential houses, and cracks on the walls in the Bronze Age of Godin Kangavar Tepe. Godin Tepe has witnessed three destructive earthquakes in phases III5, III4, and III2, which, in addition to the destruction that followed, caused the area to be abandoned for a long time. The abandonment of the area can also be seen on Baba Kamal hill, which was without settlement until the Parthian period.
After the Godin III period until the end of the Iron Age I and II, the reduction of settlement areas is observed not only in the Kangavar plain but also in most of the surrounding areas of the Kangavar plain in the east of central Zagros. However, some researchers have pointed out the change in weather conditions as another reason for the decrease in the number of settlements in the region, and climatological research has proven that during this period, climatic dry events occurred in Southwest Asia. According to the seismicity of the central Zagros region and the evidence of earthquakes from Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal, these climate changes, along with the occurrence of earthquakes in this region, are both factors that have provided unfavorable conditions for life in the region at the same time. Based on the data obtained from the Godin and Baba Kamal sites, a magnitude of 7 was estimated for the Godin earthquakes of layers III5 and III4 and a magnitude of 6 for the earthquakes of Godin layer III2 and Iron Age III of Baba Kamal.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.

The preserved 6-7th century portraits of royal supporters from the Kucha Caves in Xinjiang show a “patterned” costume and appearance, especially the “standing on tiptoe” posture and the pictorial structure of multiple figures standing side by side, which have a strong connection with Iranian and Central Asian art. The unique “standing on tiptoe” style of the Kucha Grottoes mural depicts a donor pattern that is neither found in the painting and sculpture of Dunhuang or other regions of China, nor seen in Gandhara reliefs, Parthian art, or Near Eastern art of the Parthian period. However, is frequently seen in painting and sculpture from Iran to Central Asia between the 3rd and 7th centuries AD. The origin of the art of Iran and Central Asia the forms of expression are related to the construction of royal identity, religious rituals, and the viewing habits and aesthetic concepts of the people of Kucha. The small number of inscriptions preserved in the Kucha Caves on the donor’s figures indicate that these Kucha kings were real people, and it is highly likely that the painters had met them. However, the way the feet of the figures are drawn is not realistic, but rather stylized, creating a perfect visual pattern that transcends ordinary reality, indicating that the painters were aiming to present all the Kucha kings as an “idealized” manner. The pictorial pattern of “standing on tiptoe” posture influenced by Iranian Sasanian and Central Asian Sogdian art is evident. 

Abstract
Damage to cultural artifacts after discovery occurs due to various factors. One of these harmful cases is moisture originating from underground water, which appears as soil moisture, and over time, due to the oxidation process and the salts and ions in the water, as well as the incompatible pH of the environment with the texture and construction of the artifacts, it aggravates the process of destruction. In line with the mission of archaeometry as a bridge between archeology and other sciences, hydrogeology is used in this study in order to protect ancient artifacts. Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of the city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the free aquifer of Tabriz. Underground water is one of the main factors causing corrosion and decay in the bones in this museum site. There are various solutions for lowering the water table locally, which according to the location coordinates and technical requirements of the site, the best method is to use underground water pumping. In this study, by using the available data in the study zone which is taken from the Tabriz urban train project and the data obtained from the Regional Water Company of East Azarbaijan, by using computer methods, the appropriate amounts of water pumping have been simulated according to the optimal water level drop and We define the placement of bones in a dry position. The use of new sciences for archeometric purposes is the main goal of this study and an attempt is made to solve the problem of destruction of ancient bones by establishing this connection.
Keywords: Conservation, Groundwater, Pumping Well, Soil Moisture, Tabriz Iron Age Museum.

Introduction
The discovery of ancient bones belonging to the Iron Age of the first and second millennium BC in the area of Tabriz Blue Mosque in 1997 is an important event in the field of archeology and ancient anthropology in Azarbaijan. When this ancient area has been discovered, studies have been carried out in the fields of dating about these bones and studies related to the origin and the migration (Kasiri, 2019) and the conservation and restoration of the graves in the Iron Age Museum area in 2016 was carried out by Majidi and Razani. In recent years, the effect of humidity on buried organisms in the soil has been the subject of many researchers’ studies. Soil moisture can play an important role in decomposition (Swift et al, 1979). Fluctuations of groundwater in the soil is one of the most important factors affecting microbial activity in the field conditions (Lund and Goksoyr, 1980). Iron Age Museum of Tabriz is located in the central area of this city and among the young Quaternary sediments that form the unconfined groundwater aquifer of Tabriz. Tabriz aquifer has an alluvial nature, which has expanded as a result of the Mehran Rood River flowing in its ancient path and creating numerous meanders during geological time. Hydrogeology as a new branch of earth sciences and engineering studies the condition, behavior and hydrological characteristics of the layers of the earth. As a porous environment, the basement contains soil grains, and the empty space between these grains can be saturated with water and provide a path for the flow of groundwater. The voracity of water movement in the basement compared to the surface currents is very low and varies from a few centimeters per year to several meters per day. Due to passing through various minerals and rocks, groundwater often has a significant amount of different solutes and has relatively high electrical conductivity (E.C). These solutes can cause a lot of damage to cultural works by sedimentation or crystallization in case of evaporation of groundwater. The climatic conditions of each region are different in the occurrence of damaging moisture factors and their effects in different seasons of the year (Nawai, 2016). The amount of humidity in the environment, which can cause destruction due to freezing with the participation of the temperature change parameter, will cause serious damage due to the transport of new solutes and sedimentation at each stage and the recrystallization of previous sediments. In addition to the above, the penetration of moisture through underground water can change the pH of the environment, and this change causes the destruction of cultural works by increasing the acidity.

Discussion
Iron Age Museum of Tabriz, as a result of its archaeological excavations, 108 graves were identified, based on the typology of pottery and metal artefacts and the method of burial and comparing them with the collections discovered from the excavations of Hassanlou Hill and Dinkhah Tepe, dating from around 1200 to 800 BC and the period of Iron Age I and II have been estimated for them, which of course is relatively consistent with the results of carbon 14 dating of these sites (Hojbari Nubri, 1381 and 1383). Its cultural, historical, social and economic nature, along with the aesthetic quality and historical and cultural importance of that area; The type of constituent materials and the composition and method of construction of the works found in it, the value, validity and information and messages hidden in those findings and how they are used are valuable documents of its cultural heritage collection. These works, mainly from archaeological excavations, have been obtained over several years, and their preservation in relatively inappropriate conditions has led to the progress of damage caused by the burial of these objects in the ground, and after a rather long period of time, they will disappear (Bagherzadeh Kasiri, 2016, 8). Based on the studies of Tabriz Urban Railway line 1, water level data is available near the study area of Asr Ahan Museum site, and according to the principle that the groundwater level almost follows the topography, it is possible to estimate the groundwater level in The location of the museum was found. For this purpose, the water level data was collected in the study boreholes near the study area (Table 8) and the map of the ISO lines of ground water in the study area was drawn (Fig. 10). It is necessary to explain that ISO lines or equipotential lines of groundwater are curves on each of these curves, the level of ground water has the same values and the map of parallel lines shows the changes of the level of ground water in the study area. It is possible to draw this type of map both manually and by using software that allows for interpolation and drawing. Next, modeling of groundwater drawdown due to pumping from the extraction well was done using GMS software version 16.4. For archeological stratification, before installing the drilling machine, a manual well should be dug to the desired diameter and to the depth of the ground water, and after reaching the depth of the underground water, the drilling machine will continue drilling from inside this well until it hits The stone should be foamed.

Conclusion
The Iron Age Museum site of Tabriz is one of the prominent sites in the northwest of the Iran, which is facing major problems due to the groundwater infiltration. This research uses information and data of the studies of the aquifer of this region with taking account to the problem of how to intervene in the ancient sites. It has provided a solution to deal with the problem of groundwater in order to reduce its flow, and in this regard, by introducing the place of preliminary evaluations using speculation and Finally suggests a piezometric well to start working in this area and control the groundwater level. Noting that the change of seasons and amount of rainfall can affect the condition of groundwater to some extent; Therefore, by changing the flow rate and duration of pumping, other values of drawdown can be achieved. For this reason, it is suggested that if the plan is implemented, a piezometer well should be drill as close as possible to the museum site so that the condition of the groundwater as well as the amount of its draw done due to pumping from the extraction well can be under immediate control. To prevent the water used in the green space and other uses of the museum site from returning to the area of ancient graves, drainage channels should be used between the area and the main space of the museum.

Abstract
The Mersin Chal cemetery lies to the east of Telajim village, situated in the Poshtkouh district of Mehdi Shahr city. This site is located in the north of Semnan province, within Iran’s central plateau. The Telajim region offers significant biological diversity and livelihood potentials, providing the Mersin Chal people access to a diverse range of flora and fauna. Studying the skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery serves as an important resource for understanding various aspects, including paleodiet, dietary habits, and human behaviors. They provide insights into the levels of adaptation and environmental compatibility, and offer a basis for modeling economic conditions. The focus of this research was to investigate the biological and subsistence strategies employed by the individuals buried in this cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing bioarchaeological methods. To achieve the stated objective, a key question emerges: how can the dietary patterns of the population from the study area be identified through stable isotope analysis conducted on biological samples obtained from archaeological excavations at the Mersin Cal cemetery? To address the question, this study employs a laboratory-analytical approach, specifically stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis, conducted on dental collagen samples. Statistical methods were applied to analyze and interpret the results from the isotope analysis. The investigation focuses on the human skeletal remains from 12 graves among 49 excavated burials at the Mersin Cal cemetery. Physical anthropological research indicates that the examined skeletal remains are of adults, encompassing both male and female individuals. Considering the biological potentials of the studied area, this research concluded that the Mersin Chal community had a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants. Their protein intake was derived predominantly from herbivores (a diet based on C3 and C4 plants), with a smaller portion coming from carnivores.
Keywords: Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Biological Strategies, Dental Collagen, Carbon Isotope, Nitrogen Isotope.

Introduction
“Human skeletal remains serve as the foundation for shaping both individual and collective experiences of the world throughout our lifetime. The dual nature of skeletal remains, viewed both as biological and cultural entities, serves as a basis for theoretical research in bioarchaeology, which studies the biological remains left by past peoples in their cultural contexts (ancient sites)” (Afshar, 2018:82). Chemical analysis of bones and teeth has become a fundamental tool in bioarchaeology, offering insights into human migration and movement, livelihoods, biological strategies, paleodiet, gender differences, etc (Basu et al., 2015; Bogaard & Outram, 2013:333, Lewis et al., 2017:45, Makarewicz & Sealy, 2015:146-14). The isotopic composition of a diet can be assessed by analyzing the ratio of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes found in the collagen of bones and teeth (Agarwal & Glencross, 2011: 413-414). The isotopic values (δ13C and δ15N) derived from the food consumed by animals and humans are incorporated into their tissues. By analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen in the dental collagen of human remains, it is possible to determine the proteins consumed by each individual in the last years of their life due to tissue regeneration processes (Bocherens et al., 2005:10; Budd et al., 2013:862). Therefore, it is essential to identify the main components of the diet, including C3 and C4 plants, marine-based proteins, and non-protein sources (Price, 2015: 74). The stable carbon isotope ratio (δ13C) serves as an indicator for estimating the proportional intake of C3 and C4 plants in both human and animal diets. C3 plants have more negative δ13C values (-20 to -35%), and C4 plants have more positive δ13C values (-9 to -14%) in human skeletal collagen (Agarwal and Glencross, 2011:414, Ambrose, 1986:711, Ambrose and Lynette, 1993:2-3, Price, 2015:73, Katzenberg, 2008:423-424). The proportion of the stable carbon isotope is influenced by dietary intake, whereas the proportion of the stable nitrogen isotope is affected by both diet and habitat conditions (Katzenberg, 2008: 430-431). Nitrogen isotope (δ15N) levels are influenced not only by trophic level but also by environmental variables like rainfall and agricultural management practices, including fertilization methods (Budd et al., 2017:5; Sołtysiak, 2020:117; Sołtysiak and Schutkowski, 2018:1). In this regard, this research focuses on reconstructing the livelihood patterns and biological strategies of the people buried in the Mersin Chal cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing an analysis of the stable isotopes δ13C and δ15N.

Discussion 
Analyzing carbon and nitrogen isotopes in skeletal remains, including bones and teeth, provides valuable insights into palaeodiet, biological strategies, and dietary habits. The isotope values (δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N) found in the food consumed by animals and humans are retained within the tissues of the individual consumer. By analyzing stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in the dental/bone collagen of human or animal remains, it is possible to identify the diet consumed during the last years of the individual’s life (Bocherens et al., 2005: 10; Budd et al., 2013: 862). In the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery in 2021, 49 pit grave burials dating back to the second half of the first millennium BC were identified (Nemati, 2021). Skeletal remains, much like other archaeological evidence, have significant value in reconstructing the past. This research examined the remains obtained from this cemetery using a bioarchaeological approach. A total of 12 skeletal remains with third molars were chosen for laboratory isotopic analysis.  The samples consisted entirely of adult skeletons, comprising a mix of both male and female individuals. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses were conducted at the Center for Physical Science and Technology in Vilnius, Lithuania, utilizing an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. These analyses revealed that the δ¹³C ratios varied between -16.33% and -17.86%, while δ¹⁵N ranged from 11.12% to 8.61%. These isotopic values indicate a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants, as well as protein sources such as herbivores and carnivores. Sołtysiak & Schutkowski (2018) noted, “The isotopic values of domesticated ungulates (goats, sheep, and camels) overlap with humans. However, certain instances reveal slightly more positive δ¹³C values. Conversely, wild ungulates (gazelles and horses) show higher δ¹³C values and lower δ¹⁵N values compared to humans and domesticated animals. The presence of more positive δ¹³C values in wild ungulates suggests that these ungulates (gazelles, equines) occasionally grazed on C4 plants” (Sołtysiak & Schutkowski, 2018: 7). The δ¹³C isotope values provide insight into dietary habits: higher positive values suggest a likelihood of consuming C4 plants, while lower negative values point to the consumption of C3 plants. It highlights that the primary source of fodder for the herbivores contributing to their diet came from both C3 and C4 plants. The geographical position of Mersin Chal cemetery, situated in a region rich in environmental assets and diverse flora and fauna, has granted the community convenient access to food resources.

Conclusion 
The carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery holds significant value as a key aspect of archaeological research, offering crucial insights and serving as a vital source of information for reconstructing past cultures and studying the social and economic conditions of past societies. Research on paleo-nutrition has predominantly centered on the examination of skeletal remains. Collagen found in biological remains, such as teeth and bones, serves as the foundation for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. Consequently, ensuring the presence of collagen in optimal condition is one of the most important criteria for selecting a skeleton for isotopic research. If the amount of collagen in the sample is insufficient, the sample becomes unsuitable for analysis. Thus, to reliably reconstruct dietary patterns, it is crucial to use samples with intact and well-preserved collagen. The tooth samples from the Mersin Chal skeletal remains exhibit favorable collagen quality indicators, including collagen concentration, collagen yield ranging between 16.12% and 7.67%, carbon concentration between 40.16% and 36.38%, nitrogen concentration from 14.60% to 13.28%, and a C/N atomic ratio spanning 3.25 to 3.18, confirming their well-preserved condition. Analysis of stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes in the dental collagen extracted from skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery revealed that the isotopic values for the region fall within the ranges of δ13C (-16.33% to -17.86%) and δ15N (11.12% to 8.61%). These isotopic values indicate a diet composed of C3 plants, including cultivated cereals such as wheat and barley, as well as rice, legumes, vegetables, and fruits, and also C4 plants. The people of this region primarily derived their protein from herbivores that fed on C3 plants, such as goats, sheep, and camels, as well as from herbivores with a mixed diet of C3 and C4 plants, including cattle, gazelles, and equines. Based on isotopic evidence, the inhabitants of this region incorporated carnivores such as Felidae indet into their diet, albeit in limited amounts. carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses have revealed no evidence of aquatic-based dietary contributions, indicating that the Mersin Chal community relied entirely on terrestrial animals as their primary protein source. Considering the rich biological diversity of the research field, it is clear that the Mersin Chal community has direct access to both plant and animal food resources. These environmental potentials have played a crucial role in shaping the most suitable biological strategies for the residents of this region.

The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks.  The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.

Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.

Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.

Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.

Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.

Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.

Abstract
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.

Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.

Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.

Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.

Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.

The transition from the late 4th millennium BCE to the Bronze and Iron Ages along the northern and southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains is a major topic in archaeology, closely linked to the emergence of urbanism. Archaeological research indicates that with the end of Sialk III, many settlements, including those on the Qazvin Plain, collapsed. Similar processes occurred during the early 3rd millennium BCE in regions such as Kashan and Tehran. Although new settlements appeared in the Qazvin Plain during the later 3rd millennium BCE, the areas of Tehran, Qomrud, and Kashan were reoccupied only after a significant gap. In contrast, the northern flank of the Alborz displays a settlement history distinct from that of the southern side. While evidence for the influence of Sialk III in the north is limited, substantial occupation during the 3rd millennium BCE suggests divergent cultural developments on the two sides of the Alborz. This study draws on archaeological data from excavations and surveys in the northern and southern Alborz Mountains to examine Bronze Age (3rd millennium BCE) cultural developments. It highlights interaction networks linking the Gorgan Plain, southern Turkmenistan, Mazandaran, northeastern Iran, and the Central Plateau through exchanges of raw materials, technologies, and pottery traditions. Evidence from sites such as Tepe Hissar, Tureng Tepe, Ghal e-Ben, Ghal e-Kash, Tepe Kalar, and Qoli Darvish demonstrates cultural diversity, overlapping ceramic traditions, and continuous or discontinuous occupational sequences. The article emphasizes a contrast between the cultural hiatus of the Iranian Central Plateau and the flourishing development of the northern Alborz, particularly eastern Mazandaran and the Gorgan Plain, where regional interaction networks expanded. By contrast, the southern Alborz reflects migration, settlement disintegration, and environmental adaptation. Overall, the study identifies the Central Alborz as a key corridor for cultural interaction and interregional networks during the Bronze Age.

Stamp seals constitute one of the most enduring elements of administrative traditions in the Central Zagros of western Iran. However, the uneven archaeological record has generated ongoing debate regarding continuity and discontinuity in their use, particularly during the late fourth and early third millennia BCE, when securely stratified evidence remains limited. Drawing on newly published materials from Tepe Tyalineh, Godin Tepe, Chogha Maran, and Dehsavar, this study reassesses the evolution of stamp seal traditions between ca. 5000 and 2500 BCE within an updated regional chronological framework. By examining the style, iconography, and archaeological contexts of stamp seals and seal impressions from a comparative perspective, the article evaluates competing interpretations of the development of administrative practices in the Central Zagros. The evidence indicates that stamp seals and seal impressions were employed in the region from the Early Chalcolithic (5000–4600 BCE) through Late Chalcolithic phases 1–3 (4600–3700 BCE), during which they continued to develop locally while interacting with broader supra-regional networks. Although the archaeological record suggests an apparent gap during Late Chalcolithic phases 4–5 (3700–3100 BCE), stamp seal traditions persisted into the Early Bronze Age (3100–2500 BCE). While these traditions underwent significant transformation and were increasingly overshadowed by cylinder seals and supra-regional administrative systems during the later fourth millennium BCE, they nevertheless continued to play a role in local administrative practices in the Early Bronze Age. The analysis suggests that this apparent gap is more plausibly explained by biases in archaeological visibility, preservation, excavation coverage, and chronological resolution than by an actual interruption in the production and use of stamp seals. Overall, the study supports a model of relative continuity accompanied by stylistic, iconographic, and administrative transformation within the Central Zagros glyptic tradition. These findings underscore the active role of Central Zagros communities in the development of administrative practices and contribute to broader discussions of cultural continuity, interregional interaction, and the emergence of sociopolitical institutions in prehistoric Southwest Asia.

The archaeological sites of the Ardabil Plain provide essential evidence for understanding the cultural sequences of northwestern Iran and its interactions with the Iranian Plateau, the South Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia. Among these sites, the mound of Qaleh Yeri–Kuraim is of particular significance. This paper presents the results of the first season of stratigraphic excavations conducted in 2023, based on two test trenches. Test Trench I (TTI) was opened to establish a comprehensive cultural sequence at the site, while Test Trench II (TTII) targeted deposits associated with the Transcaucasian/Kura Araxes Early Bronze Age horizon. The excavations revealed substantial archaeological evidence, including dry stone and mudbrick architectural remains, industrial installations such as kilns, metallurgical evidence, and extensive ceramic assemblages. In TTI, a long and well defined stratigraphic sequence of approximately 14.6 meters was documented, containing successive and occasionally alternating layers with Islamic, historical, and Bronze Age pottery. This sequence represents one of the most continuous stratigraphic records in the eastern sector of northwestern Iran. TTII yielded significant evidence of metallurgical activities, including furnace remains, slag, copper ore fragments, ceramic molds, and crucibles, indicating metal smelting, refining, and production during the Early Bronze Age. Eco-factual evidence, including animal remains (primarily sheep and cattle) and plant remains (notably wheat and barley), reflects a subsistence economy based on mixed farming and animal husbandry. Special finds such as obsidian tools, spindle whorls, grinding stones, bone implements, and clay figurines demonstrate a range of domestic, economic, and symbolic activities from the Bronze Age through the historical and Islamic periods. In the absence of absolute dating, the site’s chronology currently relies on relative dating and ceramic typology. The results indicate long term occupation interrupted by two major hiatuses, likely linked to tectonic, environmental, and historical changes.

The archaeological excavation of the Zich site formed part of the salvage archaeology program conducted in the reservoir area of the Kangir Dam, located in the Zarneh district of Iwan County, in the northwestern part of Ilam Province. The results of this investigation, based on the systematic survey of nine 100×100 m grid units, the excavation of eight test trenches measuring between 2×2 m and 3×3 m, and the excavation of four trenches ranging in size from 5×5 m to 10×10 m, ultimately led to the identification of a temporary settlement, or nomadic campsite. The study of the architectural remains and surviving architectural features exposed in the excavation trenches, together with their comparative analysis against contemporary regional examples, indicates that Zich was a single-phase, short-term temporary settlement used by mobile pastoralist groups. The settlement pattern at the site appears to have consisted of tents, each enclosed by one- or two-course dry-stone walls and separated from one another by the same one- or two-row stone alignments. Comparative analysis of the ceramics and other materials recovered from all four excavation trenches dates the occupation of the site to the early Islamic centuries, specifically the 2nd to 3rd centuries AH. Zich appears to have developed because of several favorable locational factors; its suitable topographic setting, proximity to a perennial spring and the Kangir River, nearness to the Guriyeh structure, the presence of dense pastureland, and its position along one of the old tribal routes running parallel to the Kangir River, which connected the Kermanshah region to the warmer areas south of Iwan County. The study of the structures and built remains of present-day nomadic communities constitutes one of the most effective and precise scientific approaches for achieving a better understanding of the architectural organization of ancient mobile pastoralist societies, and it falls within the scope of ethnoarchaeological research. On the basis of the settlement practices of a contemporary tribal community, the present study examines the settlement pattern of a nomadic campsite within its local landscape. The data were collected through field survey and excavation, following the conventional methods of archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research carried out in the region.