Abstract
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. The main queries are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.
Keywords: Tappeh Mokhar, Khorasan (Torbat-eJam), Bronze Age, Namazga 3 & 4, Achaemenid, Parthian.

Introduction
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from two types of archaeological programs: delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. In addition to chronology, the regional relationship of the site has been inferred from the comparative studies. The main queries of this research are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites within the northeast region and beyond. In fact, the ceramic studies suggest that the cultural relation of Tappeh Mokhar was mostly with the population centers of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran. 
Our information on the archaeology of eastern Iran and Khorasan is limited and those few research conducted few decades ago were concentrated on the sites in northern and central parts of the province. Tappeh Mokhar with its long sequence of occupation, representing at least four periods, provides a unique opportunity to study the cultural development in this part of Iran during the late prehistoric and historic eras. This research tries to provides a reliable chronology for the site based on studies of the ceramic collection recovered from both delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling conducted at the site. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is the quantitative and qualitative studies of the recovered collection and provides their classification and typology.  
Research Question: There are two main questions in this research: Which periods are represented by ceramic collection and cultural finds of Tappeh Mokhar; What are the main characteristics of Tappeh Mokhar ceramic collection; Which ceramic types of which periods are represented in the collection; and what they suggest about the cultural interaction of the site from an intra-regional and inter-regional perspective? 

Research Method
The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical, and is based on literature review and analysis of the archaeological materials. The main bulk of the materials studied is ceramic collection, recovered from delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling, which are analyzed on the basis on typology, technical characteristics, decorations. Finally, a relative dating is suggested for the site based on the aforementioned studies. 

Research Background
In 1975 two geologists, Ariai and Tiboult, conducted a fieldwork in north of the Torbat-e Jam County and in the Kashaf Roud basin, resulting in discovery of an important palaeolithic locale (Jam e Al – Ahmadi, 1387; Ariai&Thibault,1975:101-103; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 1975 and 1987, Bernard Ekin, and in 1988 Wilber and Glombeg published their investigation on the proceedings of Sheikh Ahmad Jami (Okeane, 1979; Okeane, 1987; Wilber& Golombek, 1988; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 2003 a large scale excavation and stratigraphy sounding at the Architectural Complex of Torbat-e Jam has been conducted by Mohmoud Toghraei (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:147). He also conducted a delimitation sounding at Tappeh Ghar of Torbat-e Jam in 2008 (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:151). The latest research about the Islamic Period Torbat-e Jam complex is coming back to the works by Ali Zarei, as part of his PhD dissertation (Zarei,1394). 
The first archaeologist who visited Tappeh Mokhar was Gunter Kerbel. He visited this site and also the Shah Abbasi Caravansarai complex in 1980 en route his trip to Afghanistan (See: Labbaf Khaniki,1391:144; Korbel,1983;18-57). After him, the area was archaeologically surveyed by Rajab Ali Labbaf Khaniki in 1985 on behalf of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, in which many site from prehistory to Islamic period were identified (Labbaf Khaniki,1364). The latest research at Tappeh Mokhar was conducted by Hasan Nami, of Neishabour University, in 2017 with the aim of defining the limit of the site by delimitation sounding (Nami,1394). 

Conclusion
The study area in which Tappeh Mokhar is located is part of the Qara Qum Basin, subsuming in the Jam and Hariroud Basin; Hariroud River originates from Afghanistan and the Jam Plain is very fertile because of the river sedimentation. In addition to several other environmental potentials, this factor is one of the main reasons of foundation of Tappeh Mokhar settlement. Along with natural factors, both historical and cultural factors were responsible for establishment of settlements during different periods in what is now Khorasan. Due to limitation in conducting basic, archaeological and historical research, identification and picturing the historical occupation of the study area is confronted with difficulties. Yet, thanks to increasing research during last two decades, our understanding on the ancient communities of the area is developing. The endangered site of Tappeh Mokhar was chosen in this part of Khorasan for getting a better understanding on the prehistoric and historical human developments, which proved that the site is a significant settlement during prehistoric and historic eras. 
Archaeological research at Tappeh Mokhar consisted of two approaches: a systematic surface sampling and a delimitation sounding, in which 30 small trenches were excavated around the hypothetical perimeter of the site, inferred from both topography and concentration of the surface materials. Most parts of the site have been leveled during last decades and it was used as agricultural land and also a depot for modern construction wasters. Based on our comparative studies, the site represents occupations from late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods; the latter is thought to be significantly represented. Future excavations at Tappeh Mokhar would potentially answer some important questions about the nature of prehistoric and historic settlements in this part of Khorasan.

Acknowledgments
My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Kourosh Rostaei (Associate Professor of RICHT), Dr. Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jolodar (Associate Professor Depart of Archeology, University of Tehran), Reza Haidareii (M. A of Archeology, University of Tehran), Dr. Hassan Basfa, Dr. Mohsen Dana and Dr. Seyyed Javad Jafari for their insightful comments on the manuscript.
 

Abstract
So far, the settlements of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain have not been studied archaeologically, and on the other hand, the Iron Age of Plain Sarakhs represents the Yaz culture in the region and owes its name to the Yaz Hill area in southwestern Turkmenistan. Studies of the Iron Age culture of the Sarakhs Plain can reveal the basic information of this period and help to understand the general Iron Age of the Iranian plateau and the land of Turkmenistan. The purpose of this study, while identifying Iron Age settlements, is to analyze environmental factors to explain the patterns of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs plain. For this purpose, a field study was conducted in the plain and by studying the collected works and library studies. It was found that 16 sites have Iron Age artifacts. Some settlements are single-period and some have chronological sequences. The necessity of the present study is the unknown culture of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain. Therefore, the identified Iron Age settlements of Sarakhs plain were analyzed from the perspective of environmental factors and their role in explaining settlement patterns. The output of maps and data of Iron Age settlements in Sarakhs plain showed that among the environmental factors influencing the determination of settlement patterns, Distance and proximity in the range of 300 to 900 meters above sea level, Location of settlements along the rivers of Sarakhs plain (linear settlement pattern) and large urban or rural centers (Mir Ahmad and Bazangan) up to 65 hectares (central location), Communication routes (communication route of Greater Khorasan in the Iron Age), In the formation and distribution of settlements have been more influential than other environmental factors. One of the most important results of the present archaeological study, Identifying the Iron Age settlements represents the culture of Yazd Plain Sarakhs, which will be used to measure the distribution of Iron Age settlements in this area to draw a very accurate and comprehensive perspective for understanding the social life of the people of that period.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Iron Age, Yaz, Establishment Patterns.

Introduction
Sarakhs Plain as the research site has been a favorable habitat for the formation of various human communities due to its natural potential and optimal environmental conditions, including altitude, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions. The study of the collected works of the Iron Age in the Sarakhs plain through archaeological investigation shows that some cultural traditions of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz culture) of the Iron Age were prevalent in the Sarakhs plain, and this plain is probably the link between the southwest of Turkmenistan and the northeast of Iran and culture. Its pottery is noticeably and significantly influenced by the culture of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz area). At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The pottery of this period is generally simple and in red, pea and gray colors.

Materials and Methods
The current research is based on the purpose of fundamental research and based on the nature and method of descriptive and analytical research. The method and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the field survey, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the said sites and recorded in the database. In order to obtain scientific answers, the conventional methods of establishment patterns and GIS and Spss analyzes were used in this research, and after preparing the outputs and maps, two descriptive and inferential methods were used to analyze the questions.

Data
Our information about the land of Turkmenistan is based on the findings of Russian and Turkmen archaeologists’ excavations in the region and presenting their latest findings and reports, some of which have been translated and used, which can be used as library studies. he remembered at this stage, all written sources, images and maps were collected and analyzed. In the field investigation, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database.

Discussion
At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The iron settlement patterns of the Ferns Plain have been formed with the influence of these environmental and natural factors. With these interpretations and based on this, in the current research, the relationship of each establishment and establishment patterns with respect to major and main environmental variables have been analyzed and measured.

Conclusion
During one season of archeology field investigation in Sarakhs Plain and study of collected works and library studies, it was obtained that the extent and continuity of culture in the place, the proximity and location of the settlements along the Tajan, Harirood, Kashafrood, Shurluq and Chakoodar (linear settlement model) in all the geographical directions studied in Sarakhs Plain showed that This plain has a direct relationship with the facilities and environmental conditions, such as the quantity and quality of settlements, the frequency and increase of the Iron Age settlements of the Sarakhs Plain compared to the previous period in terms of population density and the gradual complexity of the relationships between settlements and the relationship with the environment and Direct exploitation of water resources for agriculture and animal husbandry has been on the rise and in the last period of the Iron Age It increased all of a sudden and it is through this plain that this culture spread to other areas of South Khorasan and the plateau of Iran. In order to analyze and explain the settlement patterns of the Iron Age of Sarakhs Plain, a test was conducted between various ecological variables with the distribution of settlements based on the Pearson correlation coefficient and the effect of the significant level. The result of this study was the identification of 16 settlements from the Iron Age, which can be considered and evaluated from the perspective of environmental factors and the size of the sites. In the analysis and explanation of the Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain, the height above the surface of open water, the distance from rivers and other water sources, and the distance from communication routes with Pearson’s correlation coefficient with a significant level, had the greatest impact, and the other variables each implied They have left a significant impact on the Iron Age settlements of the Ferns plain. The results of Pearson’s correlation coefficient indicate that the distribution of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain are regularized in relation to environmental and ecological capabilities and limitations, and these factors have played a significant role in the spatial distribution, determining the type of function and the importance of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain. This has had an undeniable effect on the distribution of the population, the type of livelihood, the settlement patterns and their bodies. The Iron Age settlements that can be seen in this plain are the result of the specific geographical conditions of the region.

Abstract
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.

Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.

Discussion 
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares. 

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.

Abstract
In the summer of 2018, the archaeological excavation of Taghiabad Tepe land 2 was carried out in Varamin city.  The areas are located in the north of Taghiabad village and in the south of Ajorbast village of Javadabad Varamin. The excavation findings include the Bronze Age and Iron Age cultural periods. Among the valuable findings of this site were animal remains, which are very important to understand the subsistence system of this site. The most important goal of this article is knowing the subsistence economic system among the society living in the Iron Age based on zooarchaeological studies in Tagh. The main question that is raised in this research is, how can the animal species be identified in this area and how can the bone remain of animals be used in the reconstruction of the livelihood of the studied period? On the bone findings of the Iron Age area of Taghiabad (1&2) the traces of burns and cuts can be seen on some bones, which may have been caused by butchering. The basis of this research is based on studies on animal finds that were obtained in the archaeological excavations of Taghiabad Tepe 1 and 2. The findings of the research show the use of sheep, goat, cattle, gazelle, deer, susscrofa, urial, canine and birds’ species in Taghiabad Tepe 2. The study showed that animal husbandry played an important role in the livelihood of the people of that area. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Subsistence Economy, Varamin Plain, Zooarchaeological.

Introduction
Depiction of subsistence, environmental and other living conditions of ancient societies is one of the most important approaches in archaeology and anthropology which is considered a multidisciplinary approach that requires archaeologists, biologists and ecologist cooperation.
By using zooarchaeology theories and based on analysis on animal remaining, archaeologists try to understand the different aspects animal’s livings and depict the interaction between the man and animal. 
Historically, zoologists only presented the recognizable species but recent studies on the remaining provide a more through insight. (Davis, 1987: 23) 
Identifying the species their prevalence and sex could be of immense value in the strategy of selecting the animal for herding and use of their flash. 
The main question in this study (Which is based on findings of Taghiabad site under supervision of Dr. Morteza Hessari in 2018 to identify the diet of residents in Taghiabad in Varamin Plain) is to scientifically identify the animal species and their role in meat provision. Moreover, if the residents were using domestic animals’ flesh or hunted animal and their ratio, if they were animal herders or farmers as well.
The most important goal of studying these remains is to reconstruct the animal-human behavior towards animals and his environment. 
Based on these introductions, identifying the species and being whether domestic or wild is one of the goals of this study.
With this approach the prevalence and ratio of species in an area is another goal.
The first review revealed the animal species which helped to identify the subsistence strategies such as animal herding and hunting were identified.
Understanding the human-environment relationship, ecologic, specifications of studied society and other conditions such as environmental changes could be achieved by bone analysis. (O’Conner, 2018). 
By studying the domestic animal bones, we could understand the herding methods and their goals of animal herding. 

Taghiabad Site
This site is located in agriculture zone of Adjorbast village in Pishva town of Varamin district. This site is named as Taghiabad1 and Taghiabad2.

Animal Findings
In this study the animal remaining which were recovered through the first season of excavation in 2018, have been analyzed, which dates back to Iron Age (1&2). First of all, the bones have been prepared by numbering and locus allocation. Then the species and the organs were recognized by using animal bones manual and bank of animal bones. 
Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 1
326 pieces of bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad1 related to Iron Age, 225 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 101 pieces related to Iron Age2 and 386 pieces belongs to Taghiabad2 (379 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 7 pieces from Iron Age2).
Species recognized in Taghiabad1 contains: sheep 114  pieces (71 pieces from Iron Age 1 and 43 pieces Iron Age2), goat 9 (6 Iron Age1 and 3 Iron Age2), gazelle 26 (19 pieces Iron Age1 and 7 Iron Age2), cattle 32 ( 19 pieces Iron Age1 and 13 Iron Age2), fox 1 piece related to Iron Age2, 8 pieces of canine from Iron Age1, small carnivorous 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equid 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equus 8 pieces (6 Iron Age1 and 2 pieces Iron Age2), sus scrofa 2pieces from Iron Age1, deer 1 piece from Iron Age1, 3 pieces of avian (1 from Iron Age1 and 2 Iron Age2), 1 piece of urial (Iron Age1) and 118 broken and non-recognizable pieces.

Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 2
63 pieces of sheep bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad2 related to Iron Age, 62 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 1 piece Iron Age2, goat 5 pieces (Iron Age1), gazelle 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), cattle 23 pieces (Iron Age1), canine 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), 1 piece of small carnivorous from Iron Age1, 2 pieces of equid from Iron Age1, 1 piece of equus from Iron Age2, 1 piece of equus asinus from Iron Age1, 11 pieces of sus scrofa from Iron Age1,  I piece of deer from Iron Age1, 1 piece of avian from Iron Age1 and 257 broken and non-recognizable.
34%were sheep and 2% goat bones in Taghiabad1, while in Taghiabad2 16% were sheep and 1% were goat bones. The found items were jaw, teeth, scapula, pelvis, ribs and vertebra bones. 
On some of the bones cut marks and burns were obvious. Cut marks are probably secondary to peeling and butchery process by a knife-like instrument. Abnormalities and bone reactions were seen on some items, most of them were adult to death.
Injuries which could be found on the bones are mostly manmade such as breaking the bones to have access to bone marrow, marks related to peeling process or cutting meat off the bones, burning marks secondary to cooking process and bite marks (Merritt, Sr 2016).
And the other injuries such as bite marks or signs of alimentation which caused by other animals.
17 pieces (11.8%) out of 144 goat and sheep bones and 3 (23%) out of 13 cattle bones were non adult I Iron Age1.
Most of the sheep and goats were adult at death which means they were exploited not only for primary product (meat) but also secondary products (milk, wool, breeding…). One of the advantages of goats is their reproductivity which makes their milk accessible. Cattles were being exploited not only for primary and secondary products but also for daily labor as transportation and plowing but duo to scarcity of their bones it could not be a precise finding.

Conclusion
By identifying the species from finding of Taghiabad, we could understand the strategies of subsistence such as herding and hunting and interactions among human- animals environment, which shows the important role of herding. The main sources of meat supply in Taghiabad site during Iron Age were sheep, goat and cattle (46.8%), sheep was the most found one then cattle and goat respectively. The reason for prevalence of cattle is its role in secondary products supply and its role in labor and transportation which is reflected in deformities on their bones. Equid, like cattle, were being used for labor and riding as well, most of them were adult at death which amplifies their role as secondary product supply source.
The most hunted animal were gazelles and sus scrofa (8.2% in Taghiabad1 and 5.59% in Taghiabad2). Comparison of findings from other sites of central Iran shows the equal importance of sheep and cattle herding among all of them in all Ages. Sheep was always more than goats. Study of the sus scrofa’s bones showed that except one sample, all the others were wild animals. Finally, we must emphasis that more precise results, require as more precise studies.

The artifact studied in this paper is a bimetallic sword made of bronze handle and an iron blade, which was excavated from the Tol ancient cemetery, located in Talash city, Gilan province, in 2001 by Mohammad Reza Khaltabari. This research aims to study the technology and pathology of the mentioned object by conducting comparative and archeological studies using the library method, conducting technological studies using the laboratory methods of radiography, metallography, and microstructural observations using a scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDS). The phase analysis of corrosion products was done by X-ray diffraction (XRD), as well as knowing the manufacturing method and identifying the types of damage and corrosion. The result shows that this work belongs to the Iron Age. Also, the tests performed on the two parts of the handle and the blade showed that the material of the iron blade is iron-carbon alloy. The amount of carbon in different parts of the body of blade is not the same and the handle is made of bronze alloy with casting and hammering techniques. It also has a galvanic corrosion effect.

Ziwiye, as one of the key sites for Iran’s North West Iron Age (Median kingdom), has many masterpieces kept in different museums and a long list of publications. The main part of this list consists of monographs that are written based on one or more limited objects from an out of context collection. There are few articles that comprehensively include the findings “attributed Ziwiye” and “came from excavation”. However, many articles have been published about Zavieh’s findings, but parts of this collection still remain unknown and do not receive enough attention. The corpus of bone arrowheads is one of them, some of which were found during archaeological excavations while others came to museums from antiquities dealers. These include: the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Musée du Louvre in Paris, the National Museum of Iran in Tehran, and the Sanandaj Archaeological Museum. This article aims to introduce and categorize 51 bone arrowheads. Some of these were registered as ivories, but our research concluded that all of these were made of bone. In few instances, the production manner prevented the proper identification of bone versus ivory. Another examined point in this research is whether such arrowheads were produced for actual warfare or for prestige and symbolic use in ceremonial events considering their bone material. The examined samples from other sites show that bone can be hard enough to penetrate game and human body even with light protection such as archery. Bone for making arrowheads was used for hunting big games and some tribes still use them.

Abstract
Nusratabad Farmstead was built in 1264 AH by Aqamirza Nasrullah Sadr al-Mamalik around Qom and was dedicated to his two male children. This farmstead was active until the Pahlavi period and after that, the remains of the farmstead called Sadri castle were registered in the list of national monuments of Iran in 2001 with the number 4868. there are written documents such as historical maps and endowments related to the year 1270 AH about this farmstead. The mentioned documents provide useful information about the characteristics of the farmstead and qualities such as why it is made, the formation process, various physical elements and agricultural products. The research problem is the low familiarity of the communities with the subject of “farmsteads architecture” and also the possibility of reviving Nusratabad and Sadri Castle in the future. The aim of this study is to introduce a Qajar farmstrad and to achieve them two questions are asked: 1. What are the physical and functional characteristics of Nusratabad Farmstead? 2. What was the role of these characteristics in the survival of Nusratabad farmstead? this study tries to approach the subject with an interpretive approach and historical interpretive strategy and uses the three main formats of document research, interviews and field studies. Studies show that Nusratabad farmstead has two physical and functional characteristics and their subsystems. Positioning, formation of physical elements and farmsteads monitoring methods are related to its physical characteristics and the functional characteristics of Nusratabad farmstead also refer to the type of crops, social pyramid and related cultural issues. The architecture of Nusratabad Farmstead have been the product of a combination of physical and functional characteristics over time and Sadr al-Mamalik was able to protect the farmstead with these measures and hand it over to the current supervisors.
Keywords: Nusratabad Farmstead, Sadri Castle, Agricultural Heritage, Qom.

Introduction
Historical farmsteads have been seen in two forms so far; the first form is called “Agriculture castles” in which the castle is the axis of the farmstead and the residence of the farmstead dwellers and usually Agriculture lands and gardens were gradually formed outside the castle.
But the second form is “Agriculture complexes” in which the elements of the farmsteads are seen as a small village and a concentrated fabric in cooperation with each other and the farmsteads dwellers lived in a place other than the castle.
Nusratabad farmsteads was built with the model of Agriculture castle and centered on Sadri Castle in 1264 AH by Aqamirza Nasrullah Sadr al-Malik and the date of its endowment dates back to 1270 AH. The mentioned properties is now located at the end of Hazrat Masoumeh Boulevard, at the old road from Qom to Saveh and Sadri Street. From this farmstead and the Agriculture castle related to those two maps have been seen so far: a); The main and first map is made of fabric and has dimensions of 216 × 88 cm, in which the qanat and four mills of Nusratabad farmstead in the old plain and the western and eastern fronts of Qom river are also shown. This map is currently available to heirs and is not available. B); The second or monitoring plan is made of fabric with dimensions of 70 × 257 cm, which was prepared during the construction of the castle in 1264 AH. (Mohseni, 2014:203) This map is mentioned in Madame Dieulafoy ‘s travelogue and will be discussed in this article. The research problem is the low familiarity of the communities with the subject of “farmsteads architecture” and also the possibility of reviving Nusratabad and Sadri Castle in the future. The aim of this study is to introduce a Qajar farmstead. Rereading these documents can acquaint the scientific community with the architectural pattern and social and cultural characteristics of a Qajar farmsteads. For this reason, it is tried based on three formats; Document research, interviews and field studies to answer research questions. this research approaches the issue with its interpretive approach and historical interpretive strategy.

Identified Sites
The available documents show that the owner of the farmstead, Sadr al-Malik, was originally from Taleqan but her ancestors had migrated to Ardabil. During the reign of Mohammad Shah Qajar, Sadr al-Malik was in a good position in terms of relations with the court as well as religious relations with the people and he had built this farmstead for the development of property and qanat as well as economic exploitation. After building the castle, he selected people from the Zandieh tribe and settled as slaves in the Sadri Farmstead Castle (Arbab, n.d.: 51). According to the calculation of Afzal-ol-Molk, their number reached 40 to 50 families and between 200 to 250 people (Afzal Al-Molk, 2017: 88). The tribe was responsible for maintaining and producing on the farmstead and cultivating summer and winter crops. There are currently two historical maps of this farmstead: a; Main and first map b; Second map and monitoring. In the historical map, the two elements of the castle and the refrigerator can be clearly seen. According to the plan, Sadri Castle had a fort and twelve main and secondary towers, qanats, buildings and interior spaces. In addition, the remains of a historic bath can now be seen in the castle, which were not drawn on the castle monitoring map and may have been added to the complex later. This map describes other spaces under construction such as mills, baths, caravanserai, mosques and qanats. These features with the details stated in Tables 1 and 2 are the result of reviewing the documents studied in different sections of the research and it can be considered as physical and functional characteristics of Nusratabad farmstead. The contents of these tables show that the architecture of the farmstead was a function of social, economic, cultural, security, environmental and climatic issues that manifested themselves in different ways in historical periods.

Conclusion
This study has concluded that Nusratabad farmstead has two physical and functional characteristics and their subsystems. Positioning, formation of physical elements and field monitoring methods are related to its physical characteristics. Based on this, Nusratabad farmstead was built in the Qajar period with a short distance from Qom and Water resources and security have played a role in its location. Sadr al-Malik was able to build a large farmstead with elements such as an Agriculture castle, caravanserai, mosque, mill, qanat, bath and refrigerator and settle some of the Zandieh tribe. The functional characteristics of Nusratabad Farmstead also refer to crops, social pyramid and related cultural issues. Accordingly, the formation of Nusratabad farmstead started with good intentions and then economic exploitation has been given priority. Sadr al-Malik was able to achieve a monitoring program in by designing architecture, monitoring plan, determining the type of endowment operation and setting up the endowment letter. In a way that has been continued by his supervisors until now. Therefore, the architecture and composition of Nusratabad Farmstead have been the product of a combination of physical and functional characteristics over time.

Acknowledgment
We would like to thank the managers of the Sadri Castle(Ghal-eh Sadri) complex, especially Mr. Hamed Sadri and Younes Sadri.

Observation Contribution
The authors have contributed equally to the compilation of the paper.

Conflict of Interest
There is no conflict of interest.
 

Abstract
Today, architectural heritage management faces many challenges due to the extent of assets, limited financial resources, development threats and change in concepts and social values. Accordingly, comprehensive principles are essential for integrated management and conservation prioritization. Most developed or developing countries in the region have reached a logical framework for the classification of immovable cultural heritage as an instrument for management and conservation, But in Iran, an independent policy and approach in this field has not been presented yet. This study tries to develop theoretical concepts in the field of classification system by reviewing the constitutions, national guidelines and experiences of countries of the common cultural field of Iran in East and Central Asia. The main question is the types of approaches, Classification levels and how to evaluate the assets in the decision-making process in the countries of the region. Due to the subject, the research approach is qualitative and with the method of documentary study, first, policies and actions are reviewed and regulated and then the content analysis done by descriptive-interpretive and comparative. According to the research findings, achieve an appropriate mechanism to prioritize the level of conservation for the implementation of integrated policies in order to raise awareness of local communities and economic participation, respect the rights of private owners and facilitate future decisions, has been the main aims of classification. Architectural heritage classification in case countries is done with a Managerial- Conservative approach in a specific system. In this process, after comprehensive identification and listing, based on criteria of Cultural Significance, Historical and Architecture importance, Outstanding Values, Uniqueness, Authenticity and Integrity, Aesthetic features and at risk, by the advisory committee in the presence of government officials, experts and stakeholders, level of assets is evaluated and determined. Finally, classification is considered as a tools to explain the management approach and level of conservation.
Keywords: Architectural Heritage, Classification, Heritage Management, Conservation, Asia.

Introduction
Architectural heritage, like biology, requires an integrated and centralized organization system and pattern for classification, given the wide and diverse range of assets. Iran has many cultural properties from prehistoric period to modern times that are difficult and intricate to manage and protect based on the current situation. Despite the passage of more than one hundred years of modern cultural thought in Iran, to date, no independent policy and approach for classification of immovable cultural heritage has been presented; while most developed or developing countries in the region have reached a logical framework in this regard.
One of the main challenges that led to the formation of this research is the lack of appropriate tools to create a unified procedure in decisions and conservative measures. This study tries to help develop knowledge in the field of management and conservation by review, survey and analyzing constitutions, guidelines, policies and experiences of countries with a common cultural sphere with Iran in East and Central Asia. Achieving the aims, approaches, evaluation process and criteria for classification of architectural heritage in other countries in the region is the main purpose of this study. The two main questions of this research are: 1-What policies and approaches have the countries of East and Central Asia used in the system of management of assets and classification of architectural heritage? 2-What is the level and process of decision-making in evaluating the classification of the architectural heritage of these countries? This research has a qualitative approach and the method used is descriptive-interpretive. Research data have been collected and organized through documentary studies and have been evaluated by interpreting and analyzing the content.

Identified Traces
Japan is a leader in the classification of heritage among the countries of the East Asian region, and the Republic of Korea has largely followed its policy. Tangible cultural in Japan are first divided into two categories, “national treasures” and “important cultural”, and then national treasures are divided into two groups: “architectural heritage” and “fine arts and crafts”; finally, architectural heritage is classified according to a “Designation System” at three levels: national, regional and local. South Korea first classifies its heritage into three levels: national, provincial, and local, and then categorizes each into different groups. Thus, South Korea’s cultural heritage is classified into five levels based on national, provincial, or local significance, period of construction, and location, with intangible, tangible, movable, and immovable heritage.
China lags behind other countries in the region in terms of classification due to many challenges such as the large number of assets, political conflicts, as well as rapid development. China’s architectural heritage is classified into three levels of protection, including national, provincial and local, and unclassified assets are listed and registered only to inform the Authorities of the location and type of the assets. Hong Kong, in a specific process and according to an administrative system, classifies architectural heritage into three levels, including: Grade 1: Buildings with outstanding features and competencies that must be maintained; Grade 2: Buildings with special qualifications that are protected selectively and on a priority basis; Grade 3: Buildings with relative competencies that will be desirable to protect and if conservation is not possible, other methods and tools can be substituted.
The policy of management and protection of architectural heritage in Turkey and Egypt emphasizes the implementation of laws with international standards and the promotion of world heritage sites as tourist destinations and the use of existing capacities such as local councils, endowments, municipalities and the private sector. In these countries, decisions on classification are made by interdisciplinary advisory committees at the regional and national levels. The Government of India considers classification to be a subset of the categories “economic”, “cultural” and “environmental” and considers this policy to be in the interest of society and the people. Indian architectural heritage is classified into three levels: One: Buildings of national or historical significance. Two: buildings of regional or local importance and Three: Important buildings for the urban landscape that evoke architectural, aesthetic or sociological features.

Conclusion 
The process of architectural heritage conservation includes inclusive activities that the provision of management tools can greatly help to prioritize and facilitate actions by responsible Authorities and the community. Therefore, it would be useful to develop logical principles for classification of architectural heritage by reviewing the experiences of other countries. According to the research findings, achieve an appropriate mechanism to prioritize the level of conservation for the implementation of integrated policies in order to raise awareness of local communities and economic participation, respect the rights of private owners and facilitate future decisions, has been the main aims of classification. Architectural heritage classification in case countries is done with a Managerial- Conservative approach in a specific system. In this process, after comprehensive identification and listing, based on criteria of Cultural Significance, Historical and Architecture importance, Outstanding Values, Uniqueness, Authenticity and Integrity, Aesthetic features and at risk, by the advisory committee in the presence of government officials, experts and stakeholders, level of assets is evaluated and determined. According to the structure of laws and policies in East and Central Asia, architectural heritage works are classified into three levels: National, Provincial (state, city, and region) and Local (municipalities and councils).

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
Equally between authors.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, explicitly declare the absence of any conflict of interest in this research.

Abstract
The central plateau and southwestern Iran were two pivotal points to begin social and economic developments during the second half of 5th millennium BC, which played an important role in commercial exchanges and cultural interactions between the east and west of the Iranian plateau in the 4th millennium BC. Technology and industry were the main indicators of complexity in the central plateau, while in the southwestern of Iran, agriculture, animal husbandry and water resources were important in this sense. The level of complexity, the appearance of management technique, and pottery production in the key excavated sites in a range from the central plateau to a part of the eastern plains of central Zagros and the and southwest of Iran, was evaluated and studied. The structural analysis of the interactions between the two regions with a cultural ecology approach and based on five paradigms including assimilation, specialization, synchronization and self-organization, condensation of geo-economy, and concentration of power has shown that some societies during the second half of the fifth millennium BC, based on these five principles, they strengthened each other and created complex societies. We have achieved some results in the framework of economic-sociological indicators which include the creation of production and distribution systems, efficient families, pyramids of power and super elites, the destruction of public consensus and expanding elites. 
Keywords: Complexity Indicators, Central Plateau, Southwest of Iran, Pottery, Management Technique.

Introduction
Due to its economic, cultural and geographical capabilities, Iran has always been at the center of transportation routes. Based on the available settlement maps, the dense and compact geographical structure of the southwest Iran caused the integration and unity of settlements and ultimately the formation of early states. On the other hand, the scattered geographical context of the central plateau had caused its social fragmentation. 
The current research is based on the following questions and hypotheses: 1) how can the studies on the indicators of socio-economic complexity in the central plateau and southwestern Iran in the second half of the 5th millennium BC be evaluated? What are these indicators and why and how did they cause complexity? 2) What does the comparative study of the process of socio-economic complications in the central plateau and the southwestern region of Iran indicate?
Technologies such as pottery and metalworking, intra-regional and extra-regional relations are the main reasons, and agriculture, animal husbandry and exploitation of ground water and irrigation are secondary indicators of the complexities in the central plateau. In the southwest, agriculture, animal husbandry, exploitation of ground water and the intensive agricultural system in the western and eastern Shushan plains and the rainfed system in the middle and high plains (Dehlran plain) are the main characteristics. It seems that the residents of these two regions acted based on adaptation of surrounding environment. The theory of Special Evolution of Culture and interaction between humans and the environment can be used to interpret this topic. They used similar indicators in the process of complexity, but followed different paths in terms of quantity, quality and prioritization of the use of the mentioned indicators.
In the current research, the required documents have been collected through library studies. The method of analysis is to use the method of explaining cultural changes and using theories of socio-economic complexity.

Structural analysis of the interactions of two regions
In the second half of the 5th millennium BC and especially in the late 4th millennium BC, each of the five mentioned paradigms, on the part of the more advanced societies, not only did not endanger the old civilizations, but they strengthened each other and important results brought.
A) Standardization (assimilation): Regions such as the central plateau where the industry formed the basis of daily work and activities, needed standardized weight and measure tools. By applying the principle of standardization, many differences were eliminated or regional and local differences were distinguished from other places. An example in this regard is the making and decorating of pottery in regions such as Shushan, Fars and Central Plateau (such as dot motive pottery, plum ware, and Cheshme-Ali); which provides the possibility of rebuilding inter-regional cultural and ultimately political boundaries.
b) Specialization: With the acceleration of the division of labor, the expert, who only specialized in one profession, took the versatile villager place who worked intermittently. In this way, there was an opportunity for some specialist groups to monopolize the relevant knowledge and specialized professions emerged. The evidence of ancient metalworking in Zaghe, Uzbaki, Cheshme-Ali, and Tepe Gabrestan, as well as the similarity of inscribed buff ware from layers II-V of Qara-Tepe Qomrud with Rahmat-Abad, Gap, Chogha-Ahovan, and Geser sites, is a symbol of the level of specialization.
C) Synchronization (self-organization): Sometimes the concentration of power in societies will cause multiple pressures; and self-organization refers to the formation of patterns that were related to the endogenous factors of societies, and finally, this discipline became evident in a factor called management technique that it leads to the emergence of specialization and convergence. The similarities of the management technique of these regions can be found in the similarity of the seals of Qara Tepe Qomroud and Sialk with Giyan V, Shush A and Bakun A.
d) Density of geo-economy factors: When the economic capabilities of states depend on geographic issues, a geo-economy is formed, whose main goal is not to achieve physical power, but trade and commerce. The geo-economic position of the Central Plateau in line with the industrialists and southwest of Iran in line with increasing agricultural production and regular and permanent surplus production (relying on the data of irrigation canals obtained from Mahme, Sabz and Musian) and growth the development indicators.
e) Concentration of power and stability: the construction of buildings with a view and structures with a special spatial arrangement, such as temples and monuments such as the adobe platform of Shush, Farrokh Abad, Chogha Mish, Jafar Abad and the patterned structures of Zaghe are a sign of the concentration of power for supervision. On economic and religious technological activities.

Conclusion
The five principles proposed in the factions of societies that were becoming more complex were used almost identically and strengthened each other; created some of the most powerful administrative organizations in the societies from 4500 BC and then the 3rd millennium BC and left his special stamp on the civilizations of the 4th millennium BC.
Therefore, the results obtained from the five paradigms in line with economic-sociological indicators led to the creation of production and distribution systems. Early societies, based on their needs, started “necessary innovations”; the appearance of tools and development of the accounting and counting systems are some changes that have happened in Qomroud, Geser, Zaghe, Shush and related sites. Creating efficient families is another result. The nuclear family with relatives could have a standard model.
Some nuclear families were superior to others and caused complexities. Tribal territories are clearly visible in the settlement pattern of the southwest Iran. Chogha Mish and Shush 15 hectares expansion shows the preference of some households over another. Following this issue, pyramids of power and super elites were formed. The technologists and experts of power, who were in charge of the leader, were themselves organized in the hierarchy of elites and sub-elites, and in turn, they were integrated by the comprehensive elites, which consisted of people with various specialties; such as the control of central locations such as Zaghe, Qomroud, Shush, Chogha Mish, Farrokhabad, Bayat, and Jafarabad.
On the other hand, the people had similar and basic needs, and the other hand, a factor called public consensus was considered an attainable goal which its collapse discredited the concept of leadership; sometimes there was a possibility of this event which its analysis is very difficult. Most of the sites of this period, after an amazing prosperity suffered a gradual collapse. The expanding elite is another case in this regard. 
An important factor called the burden of decision is always up to the few who can handle it, unless the number of decisions increases and the decision load abilities of the old ruling groups become weaker; then new elites were placed at the head of affairs in recent periods so that they could handle the decision load burden. Therefore, the level of participation in a society can be less depend on culture and political wills and more about the result of decision-making. Frank Hole considers the organization of the late 5th millennium BC of Susa and its administrative positions to belong to religious people or the existence of a state with hereditary classes. It is not unlikely that centralization occurred in these societies.

Acknowledgment
This article is extracted from the thesis of the first Author entitled “Comparative study of the trend of socio-economic complexities in the central plateau and southwest of Iran in the second half of the 5th millennium BC” which is worthy of the material and administrative support University of Mazandaran Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor, Faculty of Arts And the architecture and archeology department are grateful.

Observation Contribution
The Authors declare that according to the extraction of the article from the doctoral dissertation, the writing of the article was done by the first Author with the guidance and supervision of the second Author and the consultation of the third Author.

Conflict of Interest
The Authors, while complying with the publication ethics, declare the absence of conflict of interest and material and administrative support from University of Mazandaran Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor, Faculty of Art and Architecture, and Department of Archeology.

Abstract
Seals are one of the most important archaeological data, being always considered in archeological and ancient art studies. As one of the most important archeological sites in Iran in different historical-cultural periods, especially the Elamite period, the ancient city of Susa has provided a lot of cultural-artistic data to archaeologists and art history experts, including seals. Findings from this ancient city, including the seals, indicate various artistic styles in the past, various styles of engraved seals, and iconography have a special place among this data that can express information in various fields such as symbols, myths, or narrative stories. In the Elamite period and especially the ancient Elam that is discussed in this article, we are faced with different artistic styles in the engraved seals. Styles that can express both the special Elamite art and in some cases have not been without the influence of the engraving styles of the neighboring land, i.e., Mesopotamia. Here is a selection of seals of the Early Elamite period of Susa (11 pieces) in this regard, which belongs to the National Museum of Iran, which are considered to study their images in terms of a specific cultural-artistic style to respond to the question indicating “whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite express a special narrative style!” The study, which is a library-museum method and is accompanied by a comparative analysis of images, can be a narrator of the power of “master of the animals” / or perhaps the best person in the society of that day in protecting the animals under his support against wild animals such as lions, somehow narrating its power with these illustrations.
Keywords: Susa, Seal, Early Elamite, Images, Symbols.

Introduction
The seal or sealing has always had an important meaning for archaeologists and art historians. The researcher can use them in indicating dates, subject analysis, determining customs, and sometimes even in understanding myths, and thus reconstructing a forgotten world in parts. In addition, by studying seals, complex administrative processes, business relationships, and cultural relationships may be somewhat understood (Neuman, 2013: 83). The use of a seal was a guarantee of authenticity, ownership, documentary participation in a legal exchange, or protection of goods against encroachment on individuals (Collon, 1990: 11).
No seals have been found in the 7-12 layers of the metropolitan area dedicated to the Susa IV period, but in any case, Le Breton’s tabulation of seals without exact origin indicates the superiority of the Mesopotamian style of seals during the first half of the third millennium (Carter, 1980: 25; Carter, 1979: 453). The influence of Akkadian art on the seals of Iran / Elam - almost simultaneously with the Awan period - can be seen on a group of cylindrical seals of unknown origin, at least one of which is purchased in the Foroughi collection from Iran (Porada, 1964: 88 -93). 

Discussion 
The form of wide shoulders and narrow waist and proportion of people in these seals is comparable to the examples of the Akkadian period. However, the equal distribution of people in the scenes of Iranian seals distinguishes them from the form of narrative distribution of people in the Akkadian seals, in which there were wide empty spaces in front of people (Porada, 1993: 486). The domination of the rulers of the third dynasty of Ur/ Ur III over Susa (from the last years of Shulgi rule on 2094-2097 BC) is reflected in the influence of the Mesopotamian sealing style on the seals of the rulers of Shimashki dynasty and the first kings of Sukkalmah (Porada, 1993: 486).
Based on the studies by researchers and comparative studies on several selected seals in the repository of the National Museum of Iran, this article will try to answer the question regarding whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite could express a special narrative style. The study was conducted by the library-museum method and was accompanied by the comparative analysis of images.
The seals selected from the National Museum of Iran, which are 11, can be divided into the following categories in terms of visual style and iconography:
- Susa style (Susa IV), which includes the seals No.: 592.1 (Susa), 597 (Susa), 599 (Susa), 602 (Susa), and 601 (Susa) of this collection.
In the period of Early Elamite, we   also see different styles, which we will discuss as follows:
- Akkadian Related style, which includes the seals No. 607 (Susa), and 605.1 in this collection.
- Popular Elamite style (Akkadian / Awan Related), which includes the seals No.: 619.1 (Susa), 619.2 (Susa), and 595 (Susa) in this collection.
- Ur III Related / Susa V, which includes the only seal: 606 (Susa) in this style collection.

Conclusion
What can be seen in all the designs and images of the seals is the depiction of things that existed in the life and climate of the people of that period, which were influenced their thoughts and type of look, somewhat being the engraved designs affected by the customs, beliefs, and traditions of those people. Except for the scorpion motifs on the seals, which symbolized the insidious creatures and suffering or even indicated rebirth, they were often found in arid lands and could be related to the climate that had influenced the beliefs of the people of those lands. What most of the pictures in this collection tell us, is about the fight between humans and animals; a powerful human being against strong animals, perhaps to defend a weaker animal. The fight of man and lion, with the presence of animals such as goats and cows; an ideal narrative of superior personal power. These fighting scenes are often seen in the motifs of ancient Iran (and of course Mesopotamia) from the period before Elamite and Elamite to later periods, indicating the power of a superior person in most interpretations - in older periods, perhaps the of “master of the animals” or ruler and referring to the king in more recent periods.
On the one hand, the distinct and prominent presence of animals such as lions (or cats) being the symbol of power in the land of Elam - especially the Susa plain as a habitat of this animal - e and also the goats as a constant companion of humans from The agricultural period onwards, and also in this period. On the other hand, the need to protect the owned animals accompanied by man against hostile animals does not take the creation of such scenes out of the mind. Inspired by the issues and landscapes around him, the engraving artist used to create images, which ultimately led to a particular style. In these special cases, the battle scene is a kind of narrative of a superior person to show his superiority and power. Now, this person should be considered the ruler of animals to be sought in myths, or a powerful king that is present in the historical scenes.

Abstract
The Kurgan and the megalith tombs were common graves in the Bronze and Iron Ages. The vast geographical area is central Europe, central Asia, Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. The size of Kurgans and the objects discovered from these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Animal burial was also common in the late second millennium BC in the Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. This study explains the Kurgans, megalith tombs, and the traditional victim animals for particular social classes in the Bronze Age. One of the questions in this research is about trade relations between the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran in the Bronze Age. And why the Kurgans of this period in size and number of objects discovered inside graves differ. In answer to these questions, the represented research hypothesis found the Obsidian bows and Urmia ware of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. In this period, close relations existed between the South Caucasus and the Northwest of Iran. Also, the large size of the Kurgans and the objects discovered inside these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Ordinary people had a simple coffin grave, and their graves had no funeral gifts. But the high-ranking people in this community have huge graves and, along with the owner, discovered a lot of funeral gifts.  The Kurgans of the South Caucasus and Northwest of Iran were studied using observation and library surveys. The results show that the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus are older than those in the Northwest of Iran, and in the Late Bronze Age, there was a cultural and commercial connection between the two regions. In the Late Bronze Age, most Kurgans were discovered in the Aslandooz and Pars Abad in Ardabil, Ahar, and Khodaafarin in Eastern Azerbaijan. Most of them had a circular shape, and many of these graves found animals deceased, such as cows, horses, and dogs, with funeral gifts.  
Keywords: Bronze Age, Kurgan, Megalith Tombs, South Caucasus.

Introduction
According to archaeological findings in the Bronze Age, due to migrations and close relations, various developments happened between the Caucasus and northwestern Iran, especially in the burial tradition in the Bronze Age sites of Northwestern Iran. The Kurgans were formed from the late Chalcolithic Age to the Iron Age in a wide geographical area, including the Southern Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran. However, most Kurgans are chronologically related to the Bronze Age and Iron Ages. These tombs were by people who lived in semi-permanent settlements in the geographical area of steppe plains, extensive pastures, grasslands, and forests.
Animal burials are the essential issues in these Kurgans. According to studies on Kurgans from the Southern Caucasus and Northwestern Iran, animal burials, including horses, cows, and dogs, have been found in most large-sized Kurgans (Rudenko, 1953: 53-60). The graves in which animal burials show that the owner of these graves had a high social position. 
The lack of knowledge in this study is limited to the Kurgans of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. For this reason, one of the innovations in this study is a careful study of Bronze Age Kurgans in Northwestern Iran, especially the late Bronze. This research investigates the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran during the Bronze Age using objective observation and library studies. Most of the research done in the late Bronze Age Kurgans of Iran is based on field surveys and documenting and collecting the necessary information. 

The Kurgans of the Southern Caucasus region
The oldest Kurgans are in Asia Minor, the Balkan, and the Caucasus. These Kurgans are related to the fourth and third millennium BC. The oldest Kurgan belongs to the fourth millennium BC in the Caucasus region. The Scythians learned this burial method from the native inhabitant, and in combination with their belief, they gave it a shape that is today known as Tomolus (Firouzmandi, 2015: 157). There are two types of tombs: simple tombs that belonged to ordinary people and luxurious tombs that belonged to princes and kings. These Kurgans contained wooden structures and, with great skill, were made, which included pottery, war tools, and ornaments (Gershevitch, 1993: 189). Several Kurgans belong to the Kura-Aras culture in the Shanghvit area and other parts of Armenia in the Southern Caucasus. These Kurgans belong to the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age. These Kurgans are very large and similar to those found in Armenia and Georgia. Objects such as pottery, gold, and other things have been found inside these Kurgans.

The Kurgans of Northwestern Iran
Khorramabad cemetery in Ardabil is one of the ancient sites of Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs have been discovered at this site. This cemetery belongs to the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. In another of these graves, which is unique, the remains of 34 horses have been found. The main Kurgan has found various types of Gold, Bronze, Iron, Stone, Glass objects, and pottery.
The Zardkhaneh site of Ahar, which belonged to the Late Bronze Age, is one of the essential sites in Northwestern Iran. From this site, there are 95 Kurgans and large stone graves. These graves are like the Kurgans and large stone graves of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey. These tombs have many grey and brown potteries with bronze and stone objects.

Division of Kurgans and large stone tombs in Northwestern Iran
Simple Chinese stone tombs: These graves are constructed of large stone and are covered with soil about half a meter from the surrounding lands. The direction of the graves was east to West (author).

Box tombs: These tombs consist of large stones. These types of graves are recognizable as mounds of soil. A raised stone with carved motifs was placed vertically on top of the tombs (author).
 
Kurgans: Kurgans in archaeology are called cone-shaped tombs. These tombs are known as plains steppe pyramids. There are several Kurgans in the Aslamdooz of Pars Abad. These tombs are about 10 to 14 meters in diameter and 5/3 to 4 meters high (author).

Discussion 
The burial traditions of the people in the Bronze Age show a general understanding of their beliefs at that time. Based on excavations in the northwest of Iran, various burial methods have been identified, and each of these patterns followed the people’s worldview. Megalithic stones and Kurgans appeared for the first time in the South Caucasus region. They later became popular in this region as a cultural connection with neighboring areas in the Northwest of Iran. Kurgans had a rectangular room consisting of the main chamber of the Kurgans, and around it, they lay stones in a circle. The shape of the circle was a sacred symbol in the past. For this reason, since prehistoric times, the circle motif has been used on pottery, metal objects, architectural structures, and in constructing Kurgans and megalithic tombs in the Bronze Age.

Conclusion
Based on the study, most Kurgans have been discovered from outside the current borders of Iran related to the Early and Middle Bronze Age and are larger than the Kurgans found in Iran. While most of the Kurgans and large stone tombs belong to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, most are in Eastern Azerbaijan and Ardabil in Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs in this area and the shape and burial objects inside these tombs are similar to the large stone tombs found in the Southern Caucasus, especially in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Additional evidence related to the stelae or raised stone tombs was found on the Ardabil plain in the Late Bronze Age. There are carved animal motifs on these stones. These raised stones belonged to Bronze Age sites in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Inside tombs of the Zardkhaneh site in Ahar are Urmia potteries, and samples of these potteries have been discovered in Kura-Aras cultures in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Another Bronze Age site in Northwestern Iran with shiny grey pottery is the Buini Yughun site in the Nir area, similar to the Urmia potteries. In the Southern Caucasus, Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran, the Bronze Age was characterized by mass metal production, trade with the neighboring area, economic growth, construction of military buildings, and large stone tombs. The discovery of valuable objects in this period shows these societies’ high economic and social levels in the Bronze Age. One of the essential pieces of evidence is the discovery of the arrowhead of the Obsidian in the Zardkhaneh site of Ahar. The discovery of the Urmia potteries and Obsidian in the Bronze Age shows trade relations between Northwestern Iran and the Southern Caucasus in the Late Bronze Age.

Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.

Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn.  It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.

History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture.  Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.

The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.

Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.

Abstract
Saqanefars are kinds of wooden ritual monuments with religious functionality, found only in Mazandaran province, north of Iran, and date back to the Qajar era. In these buildings, the mourning of Muharram and other mourning rituals are held every year. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran’s Saqanefars, the type of wood used in these buildings has not yet been identified and researches have been focused on their architecture and paintings. In this research, the wood used in different structural members of five Saqanefars in different areas of Qaemshahr including Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK) were examined macro- and microscopically. After extracting a list of wood anatomical features from the stained microscopic sections, each specimen was identified. All studied specimens were of ring-porous hardwoods. Except for GN, other wood samples turned the water golden after immersion. The wood species used in the Saqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were identified as Zelkova (Zelkova carpinifolia) while the Saqanefar of GN were made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). Both kinds of wood are durable, have little moisture uptake, and do not require much repair and maintenance work. Oaks and other tree species with high-quality constructional timber were as widespread as Zelkova in the forests near studied Saqanefars. Hence, the preference for Zelkova could not solely be related to its availability and technical quality. Considering that from the 16th century onwards, Zelkova wood became one of the most popular types of timber for the construction of historical and religious buildings in the Far East (especially in Korea and Japan), and the similarity of the architecture and painting of wooden Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, choosing this wood could partly be influenced by cultural exchanges.
Keywords: Wooden Structure, Cultural Heritage, Sacred Building, Wood Identification, Iran.

Introduction
A Saqanefar is a kind of ritual monument in Mazandaran province, north of Iran. Some older Saqanefars are completely wooden and were built in the late Safavid and early Qajar periods, and due to cultural exchanges between the local people and Chinese merchants, they are partially influenced by the architecture of Buddhist temples. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran Saqanefars, the type and age of the timbers used in them has not been investigated so far, and researches have been limited to their architecture and surface paintings. However, knowing the type of constructional timbers used in ancient wooden structures and objects can provide many unknown facts about the history, culture and trades in a region. Moreover, for the maintenance and renovation of ancient buildings, it is essential to know the type of wood used in them. In this research, the types of used timbers in the historical Saqanefars of Qaemshahr city were identified and discussed. The main hypothesis of the research was that due to the sacredness of Saqanefar s, lumbers from a certain tree species was used in their construction.

Materials and Methods 
Five Saqanefars were identified in different areas of Qaemshahr city, located in the villages of Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK). Small wooden samples were extracted from different parts of each monument, using a handsaw or an increment borer. The transverse surface of the samples was sanded and first examined macroscopically. Then, thin sections were cut, stained, and analyzed, microscopically. The anatomical features of the wood of each sample were extracted based on the IAWA list of microscopic features for hardwood identification (Wheeler et al., 1989) and finally, each sample was identified.

Results and Discussion 
With the macroscopic and microscopic examination of the samples, it was found that all samples extracted from different structural members of a Saqanefar are made of the same wood species. The wood used in the four Sqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were all from zelkova trees (Zelkova carpinifolia), while the Sqanefar GN was made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). This distinction was evident in the golden color of the water after immersing the wood of the first four Saqanefar and the absence of such a state in the last one. Zelkova is a high-quality wood and is known as one of the best construction timbers. Zelkova wood has a low moisture uptake, and in addition to wooden structures, it was also used to make the door and window frames of mosques in Iran (Browicz, 1982). This wood was widely used for construction of historic timber structures (Hwang et al., 2009) and places of worship in the Far East, and is considered the most important hardwood in building of old temples in South Korea (Kim & Choi, 2016). In Japan, Zelkova wood has been used to build temples since the 16th century. In fact, it was the Chinese carpenters who taught the Japanese how to work with this tough wood and suggested its use in the 15th century (Mertz, 2016). Oak has been one of the most popular type of wood for building timber for centuries due to its high durability and the little need for maintenance and repair. 

Conclusion 
Most of the old, timber-structured Saqanefars in the villages of north Iran were made of zelkova, and only one of the five investigated structures was from oak wood. Considering that these two woods are of good and comparable quality, and almost the similar abundance of these two species in the forests around the location of Saqanfears, the preference for using Zelkova is not only due to technical and economic issues, and could be related to cultural reasons. Zelkova wood is mostly used for the construction of shrines and religious sites in the Far East and especially in Korea, and due to the similarity of the architecture and painting of Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, the choice of Zelkova timber for the construction of these places can be partly influenced by cultural exchanges. 

Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.

Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records. 

Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018). 

Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.

Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios. 


Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4). 

Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records. 
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.

Abstract
The right of possession is not an absolute one today and the lawmaker has the power to limit the possession right according to several reasons. It is a general thought in the public regulations of the civil law that the possession is a legal absolute right. Accordingly, and due to different tools, the limitation is fulfilled by the lawmaker and this right is completely ignored. The rules of cultural heritage are of the tools to make the limitation and to devest possession. The main question of this article is that what are features cultural-historical properties possession in Iran and what are the position of intellectual and material property right of the of the historical-cultural owner of the properties? It seems that there could be limitations in some situations to some cultural heritage properties. The mentioned laws could weaken the private ownership in some cases. Additionally, the private ownership is respected in Islam and according to the first verdicts the ownership of cultural-historical properties are authentic its ignorance is assumed wrong. The today law are not upgraded and its fulfilment is ignored in order not to be against the religious and legal frameworks.
Keywords: Possession, Cultural Heritage, Cultural-Historical Properties, Movable Properties.

Introduction
Cultural heritage includes series of valuable movable and immovable properties from the past. A significant part of the properties is owned privately or is inherited or discovered by them. Now-a-days it is the aim of the government to protect these properties with cultural-historical values. As the verification of their ownership in the laws of cultural heritage are not noticeable by the lawmakers it is significant to study the different aspects and illuminate the ownership situation of these properties as the aim of the Authors in this article.

The Aim and Necessity of this Research
The lawmaking process for cultural heritage in Iran started in 1930 as the law of national properties protection by the national consulate of the parliament of Pahlavi I and under the direction of Andre Godar, the French architect and archaeologist, of the antiques center. Several paragraphs have been added or removed from the mentioned law since then. It seems that the law on cultural heritage and cultural-historical properties are not efficient as the traffic of the properties are increasing and the national treasures are looted. Therefore, it seems that the study in this field and the different aspects of the protection and conservation of cultural heritage are essential in the present situation. 
The primary and secondary question and hypothesis: What are the features of cultural-historical properties in the laws and regulations of Iran? What is the position of the tangible and intangible cultural-historical properties ownership in the legal and administrative sections?

Research Method
The research method is according to the library study of the present laws and decisions in the field. Cultural-historical properties ownership in the laws and regulations
The ownership and its features are as above-mentioned. The ownership is significant in the present society as the method of personal economic relationship adjustment. Respecting one’s control over the objects gives him authority to protect his material benefits. This ownership is fair, defensible, and even sacred. The respect for it is as the blood of human and even more than Kaaba in Islam. The constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, paragraph 22, it is mentioned as following: “The property of the persons is safe from assault unless the law approves” and in paragraph 47 it is mentioned: “The legitimate property is respected and the law designates its rules”. Some lawyers describe the respect for personal property as the fundamental respected laws and its soul (Katouzyan, 2010: 133).
In paragraph 3 about the protection of national property, approved at 1930, two sorts of properties are mentioned; the properties without personal owners and the properties with personal owners. These tangible and intangible properties could be faced according to paragraphs 3 and 4. Additionally, the personal properties are mentioned in the law of land and construction purchasing for the protection of historical and ancient properties, approved at October 1968, paragraph 1. The properties with or without owners will be discussed here (Khodadadi Larzjan, 2016: 5).
Obviously, thousands of properties with personal owners cannot be only safeguarded by law that is approved 80 years ago and is enforced unilaterally. It means if the owners of the historical properties know that they are not alone on protection their properties and this might improves their social position and their benefits they will not take those properties abroad. 
In another hand the inscribing of a property in the national list destructs their property right for the personal property owners. Therefore, the destruction of the properties accelerated according to the more nationally inscribed process in 1990s. The owners destructed the buildings as they knew they will not be able to sell, be benefited or destruct their properties after inscribing them in the national list of cultural heritage. The owners whose properties were inscribed previously were shocked for some times and due to the consultation of the lawyers found out the legal solution and complained in Court of Administrative Justice.

Conclusion
The attention and support of the government of the legal cultural-historical owners’ property rights and checking property conflicts and also the separation of personal and public ownable properties (with respect to the governmental sovereign rights) could be one of the best methods to encourage people to identify and protect the mentioned properties and preventing them from being exported illegally. 
According to paragraph 4 of the constitution, all the laws should be congruous with the religious rights and a rules should be religiously interpreted accordingly. As, the property is of the legal rules and respected by the sacred lawgiver in Islam, the lawmaker could not regard the property as a public benefit tool. Ignoring the property right could divest thee economic drafty and help the export of the property from the society and to harm the public and personal benefits. Regarding the properties as not being absolute and allowing the government to threating the personal property right leads to disrespecting the property right. Therefore, there is not a common method for confiscating cultural-historical properties and the discovered ones and also a right for the finder- with respect to the situation of the discovery process and the place- although very little. This could be either usurpation and forbidden by the religion or could cause more traffic and secretly keeping the properties and eventually destruction the national property. The conflict of the public and personal benefits of historical buildings and also the lack of a serious, functional and legal solution could lead to the destruction of the constructions through the years and the blame of the future.
Therefore, there is an urgent need for a religious, critical and courageous review of the law with respect to the constitution and international laws in order to conclude public and personal property limitation and identifying the features of property to respect the owners’ right and prevent the traffic of cultural-historical properties.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Abstract
In natural hazards such as earthquakes, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) plays a fundamental role in adaptability, resilience and reconstruction of a disaster-struck society. The main objective of this study how to manage of cultural heritage during the crisis in November 2017 Kermanshah earthquake. This research seeks to answer the questions that; Do crisis managers manage cultural heritage in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake area and does cultural crisis management in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake have the equipment to provide a model to increase the resilience and adaptability of cultural heritage in times of crisis? The findings of this field study, which are based on assessing the concepts of resilience and vulnerability in the crisis management cycle, indicate that crisis management in the field of cultural heritage during and after the crisis has not been performed satisfactorily despite vulnerability assessments. According to the patterns and models of enhancing resilience, Our society is not sustainable. As a result the management of cultural heritage has not clearly considered the issues of adaptability and resilience, focusing only on minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period. In the crisis management cycle, Pre-crisis measures that will reduce vulnerability in future hazards have not been considered in relation to earthquakes in these areas. During the recovery and social rehabilitation phase, considering the cultural characteristics of the people, the intangible heritage has significantly contributed to enhancing social and cultural resilience among the affected population. Nevertheless, the crisis management of society and cultural heritage has never been able to serve as a repository for knowledge to reduce vulnerability and enhance resilience in society, aiming to establish a balanced relationship between resilience and vulnerability within the crisis management cycle.
Keywords: Vulnerability, Resilience, Earthquake, Crisis Management, Cultural Heritag.

Introduction
Our country, which is more than eleven thousand years old, is one of the accident-prone countries of the world, and due to the fact that most of its regions are among the regions with high seismicity, the occurrence of earthquakes in it is inevitable. In an earthquake, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage forms the backbone of human and social life of the society, and its reconstruction in the post-disaster period should be considered in the early stages. Tangible cultural heritage (museums, ancient sites, memorial tablets, etc.) and intangible (culture, stories, myths, rituals and ceremonies, celebrations and performing arts such as music, theatre and film) which play a fundamental role in shaping human memory. This memory helps people to be more resilient during crises.
Following other field researches that the writer has conducted in the field of anthropology of disaster from 2017-2024 in Sarpol-Zahab, the research on the management of cultural heritage in the earthquake was one of his research priorities. 
The November 2017 earthquake in Kermanshah (Sarpol-e-Zahab) killed 626 people and damaged many cities and villages.
 According to the announcement of the Department of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism of Kermanshah Province,in this earthquake,Khosrow’s Palace,Fire tample(Charqapi), Qasr-e-shirin Karavansarai, Zij Manizheh, Abodojaneh historical Cemetery, Yazdegerd Castle (Dalahu County), Gilangharb Castle, Islamabad-e-gharb palang fire temple, Hosseinieh Sarpol-e-Zahab, the shrine of Ahmad ibn Ishaq Ash’ari Qomi in Sarpol-e-Zahab, Abdullah ibn Omar Rijab Mosque were damaged.
 In this research, the researcher, who was trying to find out the degree of damage, the adaptability and resilience of cultural heritage management, in the first stage of his research, visited the earthquake-affected cities and their ancient monuments. In the second stage, in order to complete the information, the researcher conducted structured and unstructured interviews with crisis managers and cultural heritage managers. Finally, based on disaster anthropology studies and this research, the researcher was able to provide a model for how to manage cultural heritage during the disaster cycle and crisis.

Discussion
The findings of this research show that the most important cultural heritage measures after the earthquake have been carried out in the fields of aid, cultural heritage, infrastructure, handicrafts, tourism and investment. Examining the performance of  the cultural heritage during the crisis shows that since our crisis management system does not have a resilient system, the cultural heritage sector also does not have the capabilities to manage the crisis and the action it has taken cannot return the society to a normal  situation in a short period of time. In the earthquake, our society showed that it is not a resilient society, and in passing through the crisis and dealing with it, it faced the greatest disruption in all its parts, such as cultural heritage. The management of cultural heritage in the infrastructure sector will not be able to plan and operate in order to deal with future hazards.
In this area, restorations and renovations have been done, but due to the risk of this society, the necessary funds for the future to increase adaptability and resilience have not been considered. In the field of tourism, investment and infrastructure even reconstruction and restoration of damaged areas have not been done after estimating the amount of damage. As a result, in this part of the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is unsuccessful, and its performance has been limited to visits and meetings to adjust requests and express problems.
Intangible cultural heritage during the earthquake had an impact on the adaptability and resilience of the society. This heritage helped the people in different ways during the mourning such as the native sounds and tunes of mourning (ĉamar, Môye, Hûre and Môr). In the post-disaster stage and during social recovery, the use of the culture of aid, local foods, rituals and ceremonies, music and local games is undeniable.
In disaster we lose everything, the only thing left for us is the past. This past brings our culture for us. Culture tells us what we did in times of crisis and what we can do to heal our pain. This culture is divided and multiplied in different times and places. It supports and sustains our culture in times of disaster. The intangible cultural heritage can play an irreplaceable role in the days of the people who have suffered disaster after disaster to recover.

Conclusion
The cultural heritage of our country is vulnerable and our crisis management does not have the ability to reduce vulnerability. But our intangible heritage has the ability to increase social resilience in our disaster-stricken society. Our cultural heritage management does not have the knowledge of risk analysis, assessment of financial and human resources for coping and reconstruction, location, emergency evacuation of visitors in the prevention phase (before the crisis). Since the cultural heritage managers do not have the necessary knowledge to deal with the crisis, our cultural heritage does not have the ability to manage and perform optimally in the stage of preparation and coping during the crisis and reconstruction. In the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is also facing important problems in the post-crisis reconstruction phase. At this stage, protective measures and compliance with the standards (body and physical) of constructions around cultural works should also be considered, which due to the lack of sufficient knowledge about cultural heritage by various institutions, the protection of cultural works has not been respected and retrofits It does not take place in this section. In this area, intangible heritage such as museum, narratives, poetry, legend were not formed to   commemorate and form the cultural memory of Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake. As a result, it can be said that the intangible heritage has also played a role in the social rehabilitation of the people, but it has not been able to perform well as a category that takes steps towards the preservation of cultural heritage. 
Since according to the patterns and models of increasing the resilience of society, our society is not a resilient society. As a result, the main question of this research can be answered as follows: The management of cultural heritage in the Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake did not consider the issue of adaptability and resilience and limited itself to the minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period.
This research was able to provide a model for managing cultural heritage in times of crisis. This model emphasizes the flexible relationship between vulnerability and resilience. Increasing resilience in a society will reduce vulnerability in all parts of society. According to this model, a society that is resilient is consciously and purposefully take risks and crises and applying knowledge to reduce their consequences. This society has defined goals for its long-term recovery in all its sectors and always treats risk as an opportunity.

Abstract
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.

Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019). 
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.

Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.

Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. 
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated. 
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities. 
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.

Abstract
Earthquakes have always been considered a threat to human settlements. According to the results of archeological studies, one of the behavioral patterns of humans in the face of earthquakes has been to permanently change their place of residence. The fact that the major part of Iran’s plateau is located in one of the earthquake-prone areas of the planet makes the research and investigation about the impact of these natural events on the human way of life, especially in the prehistoric era, to be studied more. In this direction and with the aim of assessing the impact of this natural phenomenon in Central Zagros and in order to know how humans react to this phenomenon, it has been studied. Our main question in this research revolved around how ancient earthquakes can be identified in archaeological contexts, and based on what evidence? What were the effects of this destructive phenomenon on the change in people’s biological patterns in the period after the incident? The information of this research has been collected from the archaeological excavations of Godin Tepe, Kangavar and Baba Kamal Tepe Tuiserkan from the Bronze Age to the end of the Iron Age III BC. In the following, based on the evidence of the severity of the destruction caused by the earthquake, an attempt has been made to reconstruct the intensity scale of the earthquakes based on the Mercalli scale. As a result, it was determined that the occurrence of destructive earthquakes with an intensity of more than 6 degrees on the Richter scale in the area of the investigation, especially in the Bronze and Iron Age, was not unrelated to the impact of climate change caused by the intensity of melting glaciers and the change in the hydrological conditions of the earth. After the Late Bronze Age, the events caused by this event caused the relative collapse of many settlements until the Iron III period, and practically at this time, the population of the region was reduced to the minimum possible.
Keywords: Ancient Earthquakes, Archeology of Eastern Central Zagros, Godin Tepe, Baba Kamal Tepe, Bronze & Iron Age.

Introduction
Throughout history, villages and cities have always been threatened by cultural or natural disasters such as war, fire, earthquakes, floods, and storms. Earthquakes are natural events that have been important causes of damage and destruction for humanity. The land of Iran, due to its location in the middle part of the Alpine-Himalayan orogenic belt, is always exposed to high-intensity earthquakes and is known as one of the centers of destructive earthquakes.
Studying and researching the remaining signs of ancient earthquakes in Iran according to archaeological data can provide information on long-term seismicity in different parts of this land for researchers. By using archaeological data and matching their information with specific regional geological conditions, it tries to recognize the occurrence of earthquakes that occurred in prehistoric times and their effects on the formation of settlement patterns. 
In this regard, the Kangavar Plain and the eastern region of Central Zagros have been studied and researched, focusing on the archaeological information of Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal Tepe. This research aims to investigate and identify the archaeological studies carried out in Godin Tepe and East Central Zagros to study and investigate the events that are suspected to be natural earthquake hazards in Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal. Also, the role and effect of these earthquakes in the distribution of settlements after the earthquake will be studied in the region, seeking to answer questions such as: How can the earthquake during the settlement of Tepe Godin and Tepe Baba Kamal be recognized? In what period of the settlements of Tepe Godin and Baba Kamal and with what approximate magnitude did these earthquakes occur? How can the role and effect of these earthquakes be explained by the change and distribution of settlement patterns in the post-earthquake era of the region? In the investigations and field studies, the evidence and signs of earthquakes in the Bronze Age of Godin Tepe Kangavar and the Iron Age of Baba Kamal Tepe Tuysarkan have been observed, which can be the hypothesis proposed in this regard.

Discussion
The investigation of different cultural layers showed that the Godin site experienced at least three important events that changed the lives of the people at that time. Evidence of these events can be seen in layers III5, III4, and III2 in the Bronze Age in different years between 2400 and 1650 BC. Yang, the explorer of Godin Tepe, believes that the earthquake in these phases caused destruction and destruction in the buildings, which caused the settlement to leave and the site to be abandoned at the end of phase III2. Among the damages caused by the earthquake in Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal, the following can be mentioned:- Collapse of ceilings and walls;
• Collapse of ceilings and walls;
• Debris left on the floor of the rooms;
• Crushing of healthy pottery under the debris;
• Humans being buried under the rubble and being killed by falling bricks;
• Cracks in the walls
• Abandonment of the site after the earthquake
Using the empirical relationships and the Mercalli intensity scale (MMI), we can attribute an average magnitude of 6 to Godin III2 and Iron III Baba Kamal events, and an average of 7 to Godin III4 and III5 events. 
 According to the archaeological surveys conducted in the studied area, it can be seen that the region has experienced a decrease in human settlements and population collapse in the periods after the Godin earthquakes. The reduction of settlement areas during different phases of the Middle and New Bronze Age compared to the previous layers is observed in the plains of Kangavar, Nahavand, Asadabad, Tuysarkan, Malair, Sanghar, Sahne and Borujerd. In layer III2, the number of sites with artifacts from this period increases in the region. Young and Henrikson believe Godin III2 pottery at the same time as this phase, or probably at the end of this phase, we see an increase in the nomadic process, and it is likely that this issue has influenced the increase in the number of ancient sites. 
During the Iron Age, the central Zagros region underwent changes that led to the reduction of human settlements in Iron Age I. Archaeological data show that there was no population density in Iron Age I/II in areas like Kangavar Plain. Several abrupt climate changes occurred during the Holocene epoch. This change in weather conditions, along with the earthquakes in the region, could have been a factor that affected the settlement of human populations and settlements in the region in prehistoric times and caused a change in the settlement pattern and a decrease in human populations.

Conclusion
In this study, in order to investigate the seismicity of the eastern central Zagros region and the earthquakes that occurred in the Bronze and Iron Ages of the region, the collection of evidence and documentation of the earthquakes of the mentioned periods, obtained from archaeological excavations, was collected. Earthquake evidence in Baba Kamal Tuiserkan Tepe was obtained in the form of disturbed layers with cracks in the Iron Age III clay structure. Also, these signs have been observed in the form of ruins and human remains found under the debris, scattered artifacts and pottery on the floors of residential houses, and cracks on the walls in the Bronze Age of Godin Kangavar Tepe. Godin Tepe has witnessed three destructive earthquakes in phases III5, III4, and III2, which, in addition to the destruction that followed, caused the area to be abandoned for a long time. The abandonment of the area can also be seen on Baba Kamal hill, which was without settlement until the Parthian period.
After the Godin III period until the end of the Iron Age I and II, the reduction of settlement areas is observed not only in the Kangavar plain but also in most of the surrounding areas of the Kangavar plain in the east of central Zagros. However, some researchers have pointed out the change in weather conditions as another reason for the decrease in the number of settlements in the region, and climatological research has proven that during this period, climatic dry events occurred in Southwest Asia. According to the seismicity of the central Zagros region and the evidence of earthquakes from Godin Tepe and Baba Kamal, these climate changes, along with the occurrence of earthquakes in this region, are both factors that have provided unfavorable conditions for life in the region at the same time. Based on the data obtained from the Godin and Baba Kamal sites, a magnitude of 7 was estimated for the Godin earthquakes of layers III5 and III4 and a magnitude of 6 for the earthquakes of Godin layer III2 and Iron Age III of Baba Kamal.