Abstract
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.

Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.

Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.

Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.

Abstract
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.

Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969). 
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.


Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars. 
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.

Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.

Fars Province has been the cradle of two great Persian empires—the Achaemenid and the Sasanian—throughout Iranian history. The presence of significant historical monuments from these two periods clearly demonstrates the importance of this province. One such region within Fars is Darab, which was home to the city of Darabgerd during the Sasanian period. Despite the historical and archaeological significance of this area within Iran, the amount of research conducted there remains limited. Given the importance of this city in the Sasanian era, this article seeks to clarify the position of the city and the khurrah (or kūra, “administrative district”) of Darabgerd and to reconstruct its defensive structure. Based on recent archaeological surveys in the Darab Plain, the study aims to determine the role Darabgerd played within the Sasanian administrative and political structure and to assess the duration of its importance. Furthermore, considering the fortresses and military fortifications surrounding the city of Darabgerd, the study examines how the defensive and monitoring system of the city and the Darab Plain functioned. At first glance, the ruins of Darabgerd—which testify to its former grandeur—along with the presence of a rock relief, a large and significant mint that remained active beyond the Sasanian period into the early Islamic centuries, and the discovery of seals and clay sealings, all attest to the importance of this geographical area during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. For this reason, the existence of a coherent defensive structure for both the city of Darabgerd and the Darab Plain was essential. Based on the identification of fourteen fortresses during archaeological surveys of the Darab Plain, this research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, integrating archaeological evidence with historical sources in order to provide a clearer understanding of the defensive structure of the Darab Plain during the Sasanian period. The results indicate that the geography of the Darab Plain played a decisive role in the formation of the city of Darabgerd and its defensive system.

The Qasr e Shirin region, located along the historic Khorasan trade route in western Iran, represents a significant cultural landscape that supported both sedentary agricultural communities and mobile pastoral groups during the Sasanian period. This study investigates the spatial organization, settlement patterns, and functional relationships of Sasanian-period sites within the Qasr e Shirin plain using a landscape archaeological approach that integrates Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing data, and archaeological survey evidence. Spatial analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between archaeological sites and environmental variables, including topography, land use, communication routes, water resources, and vegetation cover. The results indicate that the region was characterized by a dual settlement system consisting of a centralized administrative–agricultural complex and a network of dispersed pastoral settlements. Several sites display characteristics commonly associated with mobile pastoral lifeways, including ephemeral architectural remains, dry-stone constructions, extensive pottery scatters, and locations closely associated with seasonal grazing lands. GIS-based analyses further demonstrate that many of these settlements were located in elevated areas suitable for pastoral activities, whereas major administrative and agricultural centers were concentrated in the lower and more fertile sections of the plain. The distribution of sites, their proximity to communication routes, and their relationship to water resources suggest the presence of an integrated settlement network in which nomadic and sedentary communities interacted within a shared socio-economic landscape. This study argues that pastoral nomadic groups constituted an important component of the Sasanian cultural landscape of Qasr e Shirin and that their settlements formed part of a broader regional system closely connected to agricultural production, administrative authority, and long-distance communication networks. These findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of settlement organization and human–environment interactions in the western Zagros during the Sasanian period.

Abstract
The primary questions of this research include the chronological and stratigraphic situation, the cultural material features, and the cultural interactions of the Tape Gohareh with other contemporary sites in the Central Zagros region. Based on preliminary evidence and surface findings, it appears that the Tape Gohareh contains continuous settlements from the Seleucid to the Parthian periods. The characteristic pottery of these periods includes painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery. The study of these findings, along with other cultural artifacts from the site, indicates a cultural homogeneity between this mound and other contemporary sites in the region. This research aims to analyze the historical and cultural status of the Tape Gohareh and its connections with other contemporary cultural centers in the Bagestan region and Central Zagros. The research methodology was based on field methods and documentary analysis, where the former involved archaeological excavations documenting the deposits and cultural findings, while the latter included historical sources, books, published articles, and excavation reports. The results indicate the existence of an ancient site from the Seleucid and Parthian periods in the Bisotun and Central Zagros region. Studies on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the Tape Gohareh communities suggest that livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture, along with other social activities such as weaving, spinning, and pottery-making, were common in these societies. Architectural remains from various phases of settlement, as well as characteristic pottery—such as painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery—were among the significant cultural findings. The analysis of these artifacts highlights the cultural homogeneity of the Tape Gohareh with other prominent Central Zagros sites such as the Parthian slopes of Bisotun, Sorkh Dom-e-Laki Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana and Sang-e-Shir Hamedan, Anahita of Kangavar, and Khurheh.
Keywords: Central Zagros, Bisotun, Tape Gohareh, Seleucid, Parthian.

Introduction
The ancient site of Tape Gohareh is located in the province of Kermanshah, within the region of Bisotun (ancient Bagistana). Situated in a mountain valley overlooking the Chamchamal plain, it lies approximately 4.5 km from the historic remains of Bisotun, adjacent to the northern side of the village of Gohareh (Map. 1 & Fig. 1). Bagistana, or modern Bistun, was one of the important regions of Central Zagros in antiquity, and is mentioned by Isidore in the first century AD as a Parthian city (Schoff, 1914). Despite numerous activities and research conducted in Bisotun and the Central Zagros region in recent years, our understanding of certain historical periods, such as the Seleucid and Parthian eras, remains limited. Given the significant political and historical influence of the Seleucids in the Central Zagros during the third and second centuries BC, only a few sites, such as Laodicea (Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011), Ecbatana (Azarnoush, 2007), and Sorkh Dom Laki (Shishegar, 2005), as well as scattered artifacts such as the statue of Heracles (Bernard, 1980), an Ionic column base in Bistun (Lushe, 2006), stone vessels and a broken stone basin from Dinavar (Ghirshman, 1971), the Kermanshah Greek inscription (Robert, 1967), a capital discovered in Shiyan, a Greek inscription in Eslamabad (Alibaigi et al., 2020), and the Daya Cave in Sarpol-e Zahab (Alibaigi et al., 2023), have provided us with insights. In this light, archaeological research and excavation of the Tape Gohareh at Bisotun, a site with cultural remains spanning the Seleucid to Parthian periods, could be a valuable endeavor in understanding the region’s historical and cultural developments during these eras. The key questions of this research are: What is the stratigraphic and chronological sequence of the site? What are the characteristics of the cultural materials from the Seleucid and Parthian periods found at Tape Gohareh, and based on the existing cultural artifacts, what level of interaction did this site have with other contemporaneous regional sites? Moreover, what was the social and cultural status of Tape Gohareh in the region during the Seleucid and Parthian periods?
It appears that Tape Gohareh was continuously inhabited from the Seleucid through the Parthian periods. The cultural remains of this era include notable decorated, glazed, clink, and plain pottery. The study of these finds, along with other cultural materials from the site, suggests a cultural affinity with other contemporaneous sites in the Central Zagros region. The research on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the communities of Tape Gohareh indicates a prevalence of pastoralism, hunting, and possibly agriculture, as well as other social activities such as weaving/spinning and pottery-making.

Discussion 
Excavations at Tape Gohareh revealed two trenches, Trench 1 (10×5 meters) and Trench 2 (3×2 meters), which uncovered cultural remains including architectural structures, pottery, decorative stones, glass artifacts, storage jars, pestles and mortars, metal objects, evidence of pottery-making activities, and the bones of both domestic and wild animals, as well as an Islamic-period cemetery.
The architectural remains consist of five distinct phases from the Seleucid and Parthian periods (Fig. 2, 3 & 4). The first phase includes a floor made of plaster or lime mixed with gravel. A 20 cm layer of ash above this floor in both trenches suggests the possibility of a widespread fire, marking the end of Phase 1 habitation. The site was reused in Phases 2 and 3, with more extensive and higher-quality architectural features compared to later phases. It is likely that these communities had a higher social and economic status compared to the societies of Phases 4 and 5. Phase 4 saw a decrease in architectural construction, and Phase 5 shows more significant construction activities, although only stone foundations of the walls remain. Phases 1 to 3 likely date to the Seleucid period, spanning roughly from the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. For Phases 4 and 5, a middle Parthian date is suggested. Additionally, excavations uncovered 20 graves from an Islamic-period cemetery. The animal bone remains from the site indicate the presence of domesticated herbivores (cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys), wild herbivores (boars), and carnivores (dogs). The economic structure of the Tape Gohareh communities seems to have been based on pastoralism, with the highest frequency of animal use being sheep (30%), followed by boar (22.5%), cattle, goats, and horses (15% each), and donkeys and dogs (2.5% each) (Chart. 1). 
The site’s pottery is classified into four groups (Fig. 8, 9, 10 & 11): plain, decorated, clinky, and glazed. The plain pottery from both the Seleucid and Parthian periods shows similar forms, with no significant differences in shape. However, finely decorated pottery is characteristic of the Seleucid period at Tape Gohareh. These decorated pottery pieces were not found in Parthian layers and likely date to the mid/late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Two decorated pottery fragments were recovered from Parthian layers, but the quality of their craftsmanship was inferior. The earliest glazed pottery pieces at the site likely date from the late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Clinky pottery fragments were found in cultural layers likely dating from the late 3rd century to the 1st century BC. Pottery traditions at Tape Gohareh show a cultural affinity with other Central Zagros sites. These pottery pieces can be compared to finds from the Parthian Bisotun slopes, Kangavar, Sorkh Dom Laki, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and the Sang-e Shir of Hamedan, as well as from Khurha Central (Kleiss, 2007; Kambakhshfard, 1995; Shishegar, 2005; Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011; Azarnoush, 2007; Afshari & Naqshineh, 2014; Rahbar, 2003). Additionally, in some cases, comparisons can be drawn with sites such as Ghale Yazdgerd (Khosrowzadeh et al., 2021), Nushijan (Stronach, 1974), and extra-regional sites such as the Elhaei site in Khuzestan, Susa, Pasargadae (Sharifi, 2005; Haerinck, 1997; Stronach, 1997), Failaka Island in Kuwait (Hannestad, 1983), and the Uruk site (Petrie, 2002).

Conclusion
The findings from the cultural excavations at Tepe Gohareh suggest three distinct phases of settlement, beginning with the Seleucid period from around the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BCE. Following this period, a relatively small settlement from the Middle Parthian era developed on the site, and then, possibly towards the end of the Parthian period, a larger settlement emerged. After this phase, the site was abandoned, and eventually, a cemetery was established on it during the early Islamic period.
An examination of the social and economic structures of the site reveals that the communities of Tepe Gohar followed a consistent subsistence pattern throughout the settlement phases, primarily involving livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture. The discovery of cultural artifacts such as mortars, spinning whorls, slag, and discarded pottery suggests other societal activities, including agriculture, weaving/spinning, and pottery production. Additionally, items related to personal hygiene, cosmetics, and adornment—like small glass vessels and decorative stone beads—were also found.
Among the most significant finds were distinctive pottery pieces from the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The analysis of these finds indicates that Tepe Gohareh shares a cultural homogeneity with nearby sites in Central Zagros, such as the Parthian terrace at Bisotun, the Anahita Temple in Kangavar, the Sorkh Dom Lakki of Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and Sang-e Shir in Hamadan, Khorheh, and in some cases, with Nushijan and Ghale Yazdgerd. Although some pottery pieces resemble those found at sites such as Pasargadae, the Elhaei site, Susa, or the island of Failaka in Kuwait, and Seleucid-era Uruk, the cultural similarities are not significant enough to confidently discuss a broader regional connection.

Abstract
Carpets and rugs are one of the most important ancient crafts of Iran. The flourishing of visual arts began in the Safavid and Qajar periods, it appeared on many works such as books, tiles, wall paintings, calligraphy fabric, carpets and rugs, and reached its peak. The beginning of relations with the West and the adaptation of Western images, the printing and photography industry had a significant impact on Iranian works of art. A group of these works are religious-narrative rugs, which are considered a subgroup of pictorial rugs. This group can be divided into different categories and each category deals with the narration of one or more stories taken from Quranic stories. In this research, with the main aim of identifying, typology and analysis of religious narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, an attempt was made to answer the following questions: Which Quranic stories of the prophets are depicted the most? And which centers were the main weaving centers of these rugs? This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical way and the statistical population includes 30 narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, all of which belong to the Qajar period. Collecting information by means of finding and field studies, by referring to the reliable sites of museums and auctions, has been done in a purposeful way and the findings indicate that the Quranic stories engraved on these rugs are stories that are approved by all three major religions of the world, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism, the most famous of which are the narrations related to Abraham and Ismail(pbuh), Mary(pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Suleiman(pbuh), and Yusuf(pbuh). Most of these types of rugs are woven in the cities of Kerman and Kashan, so they are considered important rug weaving centers of the Qajar period.
Keywords: Religious Rug, Qajar Period, Pictorial Rug, Narrative Rug, Quranic Stories.

Introduction
In response to the need to protect himself from the cold, man turned to the weaving of various types of carpets. Carpet and Rug weaving have been noticed by humans for a long time. The Pazyryk Rug attributed to the Achaemenid period is an example to prove this claim. It can be said that many carpets and rugs have been woven from the Achaemenid period until now, due to their decomposability, only a few examples of them are currently available. But the progress of this art can be seen in the quality of fibers, color, pattern and attention to details over many years. The art of carpet weaving in the Safavid period had a significant growth along with other arts and this trend continued in the Qajar period as well. Qajar period carpets and rugs have various animal, vegetable, geometric, human, mythological motifs and later inscriptions, which have displayed original images with different themes and combinations. One type of them are Pictorial carpets and rugs, which can be divided into several groups. A group of them is called “narrative rugs” that include different topics. The reflection of the religious beliefs of the people of the Qajar era in this art has caused the emergence of narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories. The aim of the upcoming research is to identify and introduce, typology and analyze religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period with a focus on Quranic stories and these are the questions: 1- Which Quranic stories and related to which prophets have been narrated in religious narrative rugs in Qajar period? 2- In which centers are the religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period mostly woven? Due to the fact that carpets decorated with the motifs of Quranic stories are parts of the art of the Qajar period, and at this time, they have attracted the attention of people and weavers. We need to analyze them.

The Subject of Pictorial rugs
The weave of such Rugs is considered a great development in the Qajar period, which may have its roots in the Safavid period. Pictorial rugs have various divisions based on the subject they presented. These subjects can inspire the reader with stories of historical, geographical events, epic, love stories, religious and mystical stories in the form of sweet stories. These stories have old roots and most of them have been written into poetry during the past centuries by the great poets of Iran and have been illustrated many times by painters and artists (Shabani Khatib, 2008: 89, 90). Qajar kings always resorted to religion to legitimize their rule. Reciting prayer, Taziah in Muharram and public mourning days are part of the religious ceremonies that were prevalent in the Qajar period (Shamim, 2008: 357). Of course, the educational aspect of such rugs in the direction of religious teachings for the less educated people of the society cannot be ignored.
The impact of new industries
The art of the Qajar period entered a new stage with the influence of intellectual currents, economic, social and artistic relations of the West and the entry of photography and printing industries. The art of illustration, which was used only to decorate the pages of books and the walls of important buildings, was manifested this time in the art of rug weaving. The rugs considered in this research can be divided into 5 groups in terms of subject matter: the stories of Gabriel (pbuh), Ibrahim and Ismail(pbuh), Maryam (pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Solomon(pbuh) and Yusuf(pbuh).

Discussion
It appears that from the mid-13th century AH, the commissioning and consumption of pictorial rugs particularly those featuring religious themes and narratives based on various Quranic stories followed an upward trend that continued into the subsequent century (the 14th century AH). The primary themes employed for this category of rugs are Quranic stories that are also recognized by other major world religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, and are recounted in the Torah and the Gospels. Undoubtedly, among the Quranic narratives, the stories of Abraham and Ishmael, Mary and Jesus, Solomon, and finally Joseph are the most well-known. At the same time, the most prominent and well-known events have been selected from the various life stories of each of these great figures. The primary motifs are depicted within the rug’s central, predominantly rectangular panel, while the borders featuring Flowers and foliage patterns, as well as verses in Nastaliq script set within medallion shaped frames reinforce the themes of the central imagery.
The study revealed that Kerman and Kashan were the two major centers for the production and weaving of pictorial rugs during the Qajar era; notably, out of the 30 rugs examined, 25 originated from Kerman and Kashan. Despite the vast distance separating these two production hubs, the details within the woven patterns bear such a striking resemblance that the similarity cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Undoubtedly, therefore, extensive professional, artistic, and commercial ties existed between these two centers of production.

Conclusion
The Quranic stories engraved on Qajar religious narrative rugs refer to the most prominent and well-known stories of divine messengers. Among the mentioned 5 groups, rugs focused on the life stories of Prophet Yusuf(pbuh) with 11 rugs, represented more than one third of the quantity of existing rugs and represented the success and acceptance of the subject by weavers and customers. Kerman and Kashan, two main poles of the production and weaving of such rugs, because 25 of the 30 rugs examined are woven in Kerman and Kashan and they are woven only in the size of a rug (1*2 m). In addition to being time-consuming, the weaving of such rugs is also expensive and they were woven only on the orders of kings and nobles, and their use was only visual-decorative, and they were not woven to furnish the ground, but were offered as a vow or endowment to religious places. Maybe it was used to tell a story (Naqali). The many commonalities in each of the groups, despite being produced in different centers, indicate the connection between artists and craftsmen in the Qajar period. These rugs were woven from the end of the 13th century AH to the middle of the 14th century AH (the fall of the Qajar rule).   

Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.

Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. 
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.

Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.

Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.

Abstract
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD. 
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.

Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers. 
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces. 

Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.

Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.