Search published articles
Showing 148 results for Mi
Vahid Zolfi Heris, Hassan Hashemi Zarj Abad, Abed Taghavi, Ali Farhani,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.
Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.
Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.
Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.
Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.
Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.
Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.
Recovery of the Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni, Afghanistan Based on Archaeological Studies
Said Ali Agha Hashimi, Hassan Karimain, Behzad Sedaghati,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.
Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.
Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).
Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.
Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.
Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).
Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.
Fezeh Rahimi, Alireza Razaghi ,
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
year 9, Issue 32 (8-2025)
Abstract
Abstract
Identity is one of the concepts that has a wide meaning in humanities. In recent years, the issue of identity has become more important in the face of globalization. Therefore, the identity of cultural-historical rilcs with different concepts has been the subject of many international documents, including the Scientific and Cultural Educational Organization of the United Nations, UNESCO and the International Council of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. How the concept of identity has been considered in international documents related to cultural heritage, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, is a question that this research addresses. Based on this, in the current research, the characteristics and dimensions of the concept of identity in these documents were examined and related concepts were extracted and analyzed. For this purpose, the identity contained in the mentioned documents was examined from the framework of social sciences. Studies related to social sciences have been used interpretatively and content analysis method to examine international documents. In the content analysis, after a detailed study of the texts, key phrases and codes were extracted and classified into three main categories and ten subcategories. The main categories include identity, identity characteristics and identity dimensions. By analyzing the obtained results, a model for investigating the identity of a cultural-historical relic was explained. According to this model, the identity type of the cultural-historical relics is one of the seven types of identity, which includes three one-dimensional types, three two-dimensional types, and one three-dimensional type. This model is useful in understanding the dimensions and identity aspects of cultural-historical rilcs. The importance of this model lies in the comprehensiveness of knowledge that is obtained in relation to cultural-historical relices, because the comprehensiveness of knowledge of cultural-historical relics makes it possible to take the most appropriate way to face them.
Keywords: Identity, Cultural-Historical Relics, UNESCO, ICOMOS, International Documents.
Introduction
In the contemporary century, with the emergence of the new trend of globalization, the main values related to cultural heritage faced emerging social and economic facts as well as sustainable environmental development. On the other hand, industrial developments were another factor that affected the disappearance of many cultures and even previous industries. For this reason, along with the growth of modern industrial society and globalization, sacred landscapes and sites are facing the danger of extinction. So that after the 19th century, we have witnessed the complete decline of some cultures, which have buried with them the knowledge of the location and meaning of the sacred sites and have erased them from our minds. However, there are many areas that still preserve their traditions. Accordingly, the issue of cultural identity has become one of the central issues in modern cultural policies and has become the subject of many international documents in different ways. Therefore, the purpose of this research is: ”to explain how the concept of identity in cultural-historical relics is based on UNESCO and ICOMOS documents”
In relation to how to deal with a relic, many documents have been compiled in recent years that have tried to help the protection of historical relics. Here there are questions related to the concept of identity, which are: How is the identity of cultural-historical relics explained in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents? How can the intrinsic and credit dimension of the identity of cultural-historical relics in the documents of UNESCO and ICOMOS be explained? The present research qualitatively answers the questions raised by relying on induction in ICOMUS and UNESCO documents. The content analysis method was used to study the documents. First, the main sentences related to the aforementioned study axes were selected and then the key sentences were extracted from the main sentences. In the next step, key sentences were coded. These codes were determined based on the concepts in the sentences. In the next step, the extracted codes were placed under subcategories and in the final step, the subcategories were classified under the main categories.
In this research, the statistical population includes 15 documents related to UNESCO and ICOMOS, which include regulations, recommendations and international charters from 1956 to 2005
Identified Traces
Based on content analysis in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents, three main categories have been formed under the title of identity, characteristics of identity, dimensions of identity.
That is, in these documents, attention has been paid to the concept of identity in the subcategories of cultural diversity, diversity of values and assets. In fact, in the documents, the concepts related to the identity characteristics of the cultural-historical relics were extracted, which includes the subset of aesthetic, cultural, social and special characteristics.
A number of extracted codes were placed in the main categories of identity dimensions based on the topic and content. These codes were classified in the subsets of intrinsic dimension, primary credit dimension and secondary credit dimension.
It can be said that the identity of the cultural-historical relics is based on having different dimensions, and the difference in their identity is due to the difference in their dimensions. Therefore, some cultural-historical relics are one-dimensional, some are two-dimensional, and some are three-dimensional. In fact, the effect is the result of the performance of these dimensions.
Based on the said identity dimensions, it is possible to explain a model based on limit cases for a cultural-historical relic. The importance of these limit states is that it makes it easy to understand the identity dimensions of the relics and avoids identifying some identity dimensions. It also guides us to know which part of the identity of the relic is damaged. As a result, it contributes to the pre-studies of conservation and restoration and causes them to be pathological, as a result, identity measures are carried out in such a way as to avoid the identity crisis of the cultural-historical relic.
Conclusion
In cultural-historical relics, the mentioned dimensions in interaction with each other form the identity of the relic. Interaction in identity in one-dimensional relics is formed among the characteristics of the same dimension, and in relics with two-dimensional and three-dimensional identity, the interaction between the characteristics of each dimension is formed with other dimensions. In two-dimensional and three-dimensional cases, it is formed with an intermediate space between its different dimensions. In this space, the identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other to create a common space. This space is actually an intermediate space that is formed between different dimensions of the relic, which is different in each relic according to its unique position. The identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other at the point of intersection, and this makes each relic express its identity according to which one of the dimensions is closer. Identity development is not the result of a single aspect. Rather, it is a formative thing based on the dialogue of different aspects of the relic. This means that all aspects of the relic are in a mutual relationship and none of these aspects alone can form the identity of the historical-cultural relic.
Identity is one of the concepts that has a wide meaning in humanities. In recent years, the issue of identity has become more important in the face of globalization. Therefore, the identity of cultural-historical rilcs with different concepts has been the subject of many international documents, including the Scientific and Cultural Educational Organization of the United Nations, UNESCO and the International Council of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. How the concept of identity has been considered in international documents related to cultural heritage, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, is a question that this research addresses. Based on this, in the current research, the characteristics and dimensions of the concept of identity in these documents were examined and related concepts were extracted and analyzed. For this purpose, the identity contained in the mentioned documents was examined from the framework of social sciences. Studies related to social sciences have been used interpretatively and content analysis method to examine international documents. In the content analysis, after a detailed study of the texts, key phrases and codes were extracted and classified into three main categories and ten subcategories. The main categories include identity, identity characteristics and identity dimensions. By analyzing the obtained results, a model for investigating the identity of a cultural-historical relic was explained. According to this model, the identity type of the cultural-historical relics is one of the seven types of identity, which includes three one-dimensional types, three two-dimensional types, and one three-dimensional type. This model is useful in understanding the dimensions and identity aspects of cultural-historical rilcs. The importance of this model lies in the comprehensiveness of knowledge that is obtained in relation to cultural-historical relices, because the comprehensiveness of knowledge of cultural-historical relics makes it possible to take the most appropriate way to face them.
Keywords: Identity, Cultural-Historical Relics, UNESCO, ICOMOS, International Documents.
Introduction
In the contemporary century, with the emergence of the new trend of globalization, the main values related to cultural heritage faced emerging social and economic facts as well as sustainable environmental development. On the other hand, industrial developments were another factor that affected the disappearance of many cultures and even previous industries. For this reason, along with the growth of modern industrial society and globalization, sacred landscapes and sites are facing the danger of extinction. So that after the 19th century, we have witnessed the complete decline of some cultures, which have buried with them the knowledge of the location and meaning of the sacred sites and have erased them from our minds. However, there are many areas that still preserve their traditions. Accordingly, the issue of cultural identity has become one of the central issues in modern cultural policies and has become the subject of many international documents in different ways. Therefore, the purpose of this research is: ”to explain how the concept of identity in cultural-historical relics is based on UNESCO and ICOMOS documents”
In relation to how to deal with a relic, many documents have been compiled in recent years that have tried to help the protection of historical relics. Here there are questions related to the concept of identity, which are: How is the identity of cultural-historical relics explained in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents? How can the intrinsic and credit dimension of the identity of cultural-historical relics in the documents of UNESCO and ICOMOS be explained? The present research qualitatively answers the questions raised by relying on induction in ICOMUS and UNESCO documents. The content analysis method was used to study the documents. First, the main sentences related to the aforementioned study axes were selected and then the key sentences were extracted from the main sentences. In the next step, key sentences were coded. These codes were determined based on the concepts in the sentences. In the next step, the extracted codes were placed under subcategories and in the final step, the subcategories were classified under the main categories.
In this research, the statistical population includes 15 documents related to UNESCO and ICOMOS, which include regulations, recommendations and international charters from 1956 to 2005
Identified Traces
Based on content analysis in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents, three main categories have been formed under the title of identity, characteristics of identity, dimensions of identity.
That is, in these documents, attention has been paid to the concept of identity in the subcategories of cultural diversity, diversity of values and assets. In fact, in the documents, the concepts related to the identity characteristics of the cultural-historical relics were extracted, which includes the subset of aesthetic, cultural, social and special characteristics.
A number of extracted codes were placed in the main categories of identity dimensions based on the topic and content. These codes were classified in the subsets of intrinsic dimension, primary credit dimension and secondary credit dimension.
It can be said that the identity of the cultural-historical relics is based on having different dimensions, and the difference in their identity is due to the difference in their dimensions. Therefore, some cultural-historical relics are one-dimensional, some are two-dimensional, and some are three-dimensional. In fact, the effect is the result of the performance of these dimensions.
Based on the said identity dimensions, it is possible to explain a model based on limit cases for a cultural-historical relic. The importance of these limit states is that it makes it easy to understand the identity dimensions of the relics and avoids identifying some identity dimensions. It also guides us to know which part of the identity of the relic is damaged. As a result, it contributes to the pre-studies of conservation and restoration and causes them to be pathological, as a result, identity measures are carried out in such a way as to avoid the identity crisis of the cultural-historical relic.
Conclusion
In cultural-historical relics, the mentioned dimensions in interaction with each other form the identity of the relic. Interaction in identity in one-dimensional relics is formed among the characteristics of the same dimension, and in relics with two-dimensional and three-dimensional identity, the interaction between the characteristics of each dimension is formed with other dimensions. In two-dimensional and three-dimensional cases, it is formed with an intermediate space between its different dimensions. In this space, the identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other to create a common space. This space is actually an intermediate space that is formed between different dimensions of the relic, which is different in each relic according to its unique position. The identity dimensions of the relic interact with each other at the point of intersection, and this makes each relic express its identity according to which one of the dimensions is closer. Identity development is not the result of a single aspect. Rather, it is a formative thing based on the dialogue of different aspects of the relic. This means that all aspects of the relic are in a mutual relationship and none of these aspects alone can form the identity of the historical-cultural relic.
Hamidreza Bakhshandehfard, Kourosh Kouhestani,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The settlements of the Qazvin Plain, particularly at Tepe Qabrestan and Sagzabad, demonstrate a continuous sequence of metallurgical development in the prehistoric period of this region. The aim of the present study is to examine the functional aspects, manufacturing technology, chemical composition, microstructure, and alloy phases of metal artifacts recovered from the Iron Age levels of the Sagzabad site. In this context, the study aims to address key questions regarding the production processes and manufacturing techniques of the artifacts, the alloying practices employed, as well as the chemical composition and formation conditions of the identified corrosion products. To achieve these objectives, various analytical techniques were employed, including XRF for determining the chemical composition. The results indicated the presence of various alloys, including copper–arsenic, copper–antimony, tin bronze, and nearly pure copper. Metallographic analysis of two samples with preserved metallic cores revealed a cast structure with a distinct core, providing important information about the manufacturing techniques. In addition, SEM-EDS observations confirmed the presence of α-phase dendrites and the formation of γ-phases associated with copper–arsenic and copper–antimony alloys. Elemental analysis results indicate varied patterns in the use of copper–arsenic and copper–antimony alloys, suggesting that ancient metalworkers possessed considerable knowledge of how to achieve desirable mechanical properties in their metallic products. In addition, the identification of silver inclusions and sulfide intermetallic compounds within the microstructure allows hypotheses to be proposed regarding the types of ore sources used in the metal extraction process. The identified manufacturing technologies ranged from two-part mold casting to the production of chisels with both spiral and simple cross-sections. The analyzed artifacts comprise decorative, ornamental, and Functional objects. This typological and technological diversity provides a comprehensive view of Iron Age metallurgical practices at Tepe Sagzabad.
Solmaz Mansouri, Ahmmad Salehi Kakhki, Mitra Shateri,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Among the finest artistic productions of the Safavid period is lusterware, which continued the tradition that flourished during the Middle Islamic era. Despite brief references in some sources to the distinctive nature and form of Safavid lusterware, no independent and focused study has been conducted to date. Therefore, given the formal characteristics of existing lusterware, this study aims to classify them in detail to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of their forms and then to conduct a comparative analysis with blue-and-white ceramics. To achieve this goal, the following questions have been raised: “Into what formal categories can the lusterware of the Safavid period be classified?” and “In terms of form, how do Safavid lusterware correspond to, or compare with, their contemporary blue-and-white counterparts?” In this research, data collection has been carried out through library and field methods, and the study has proceeded with a descriptive-comparative-analytical approach. The statistical population comprises 69 Safavid lusterware pieces and 40 blue-and-white vessels, which, in turn, represent 486 lusterwares and 106 blue-and-white ceramics selected as representative samples of each type based on their formal characteristics. The results of the typological study of these vessels indicate that the lusterware comprises 17 groups, which fall into two main categories: Open forms, such as dishes, bowls, and cups (Piyaleh); and closed forms, such as ewers, bottles, and pitchers. Moreover, although the two pottery types exhibit considerable typological similarity, the lusterware demonstrates greater formal diversity, whereas the blue-and-white ceramics are relatively finer in execution and somewhat larger in scale.
Hamid Zarei, Seyyed Mehdi Miri, Seyed Amir Ali Hosseini Harandi,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.
Mohsen Janjan, Behrouz Afkhami, Karim Hajizadeh,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The Naqqārechi Tepe, located on the southern outskirts of Nahavand, is among the surviving remains of the Seleucid period. Although it lacks visible surface evidence and recognizable cultural materials, a detailed account of its exploration during the Qajar era does exist. According to the report by Dr. Feuvrier and Moḥammad-Ḥasan Khan Eʿtemād-al-Salṭana (1309 AH), which accurately describes and illustrates the structural characteristics of the site and correctly identifies its historical period, the Naqqārechi Tepe may represent a tomb or tumulus belonging to one of the Seleucid commanders. A careful examination of this structure offers insights into the burial methods and funerary practices of Seleucid society. The Tepe was re-excavated in two archaeological seasons in 2019 and 2022 in order to reassess the buried structure and to critically re-read the Qajar-period descriptive account. This reconsideration aims to enhance our understanding of Seleucid architecture and cultural traditions in Iran. The main research questions, based on existing hypotheses, include: Does the buried tomb at Naqqārechi originate from Greek cultural traditions? How does the architectural design of the Tepe relate to similar Greek tumuli? Accordingly, the study proposes the hypothesis that the Naqqārechi Tepe is a tumulus, likely containing the burial of a Seleucid military commander or satrap of the region. Archaeological evidence and structural features obtained from the site, in comparison with similar Greek examples, suggest that this tomb reflects Seleucid cultural and architectural traditions. The research methodology is based on a combination of fieldwork and library studies. The description and analysis of the findings follow a historical-analytical approach and rely on the results of two excavation seasons at Naqqārechi. The findings indicate that the Naqqārechi Tepe exhibits all the key characteristics of Hellenic tumuli. The construction of a dedicated funerary monument for a single individual, along with the preparation of a carved stone sarcophagus, demonstrates the high social and political status of the deceased—status comparable to that of military commanders, warriors, or even successors of Alexander.
Mozhgan Rostami, Ardashir Javanmardzadeh, Amir Saed Mucheshi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Gholamreza Shamloo, Ali Salmani, Davoud Mirzaei,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
Ahad Variji, Hamid Khanali, Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Rahim Salamati, Farzad Mafi, Amir Hashempoor Mafi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
Introduction
Despite the location of the Tarrom region between the well-known cities of Zanjan, Ardabil, Qazvin, and Rasht, it has received less attention in historical texts compared to the aforementioned regions. The aim of this study, based on a field survey, is to investigate the identification, quality, and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the study area and to analyze some relevant information from historical texts. The main questions addressed in this study are as follows: 1. What was the quality and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the villages of Abbar and Darram? 2. What insights can be gained from comparing historical texts and archaeological evidence regarding the study area during the Islamic period? 3. Based on the survey data, which site or sites in the study area can be identified as the main centers in the basin of the Abbar and Darram villages during the Islamic period?
It is assumed that the study area housed various settlements during the Islamic period.
Research Method
This research was carried out in two parts: field and library studies. In the field section, the ancient sites of the study area were examined, and cultural materials, mainly including pottery fragments, were collected. In the library section, the Islamic pottery of the sites in the study area was typified, and the distribution of the sites in the region was examined and evaluated using common methods such as GIS. Additionally, special attention was paid to historical and geographical texts of the Islamic period in the library studies section.
Research Background
So far, very few archaeological studies have been conducted in the study area at Tarrom Olya County, the most important of which was the first season of the survey of Tarrom County under the supervision of A. Najafi in 2007, as a result of which 96 ancient sites related to different periods were identified (Najafi, 2007). The present study was conducted based on the results of this survey.
Discussion
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the early Islamic era
Historical sources indicate that during the Musafirid rule in the fourth century AH, the Tarrom region, particularly the fortress of Samiran, experienced a period of development and prosperity as mentioned in Naser Khosrow Qobadiani’s travelogue. Subsequently, the Tarrom region became a battleground between the Ismailis and Seljuks and a target for conquest by Mongol, Ilkhanid, and Timurid rulers seeking to control Gilan. Notably, Tughrol Beig visited Tarrom Castle in 454 AH and demanded a substantial sum from its ruler (Ibn Athir, 1991: vol. 22: 375). Various castles and locations in Tarrom, such as Andjan, Rustamkuyeh, Sheruz, Kufal, Harkam, Samiran, and Qalat, are mentioned in historical sources from this period (Hamawi, 1995; al-Baghdadi, 1412). Archaeological findings from eight sites in the Abbar and Darram districts, including Tape Las, Sharfan Darreh, Ghaybullah, Torobar, Tape Chenar, Mine Bala, Sibisun, and Dam, contain pottery dating back to the early Islamic period (Figs. 7 & 8, Table 2).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the middle Islamic era
Tarrom also reappears in historical texts of the Mongol era due to its strategic location on the route to northern regions, particularly Gilan, and its proximity to key centers like Soltaniyeh (cf. Ibn Khaldun, 1984: vol. 4, 204; Hafez Abro, 2001, vol. 2: 572, 717, 766). The most accurate description of the Tarrom region at this time is provided by Hamdullah Mostofi Qazvini (d. 750 AH), who wrote:
“Tarromain is a warm province to the north of Soltaniyeh, a day’s journey away, and the harvest is very good in its highlands, and most of the fruits of Soltaniyeh come from there. At first, there was a city center called Firuzabad in the land of Lower Tarrom, but now it is completely ruined, and the town of Andar in Tarrom Olya has become the city there... The people of that province are Sunni Shafi’i, and that province has five parts: First, Upper Tarrom (Olya) was a vassal of Qala Taj, it includes about a hundred villages, and Jezla, Shawarzad, Darram, Jiya, Qalat, Zarand, and Shind are among its most important villages... (Mustofi, 1957: 71). Mustofi’s reference to Darram is the oldest reference to this place in historical texts.
At least seven sites in the study area in the villages of Abbar and Darram, including Abbar Cemetery, Torobar, Mine-Bala, Sibison, Dam, Kelavlagh, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar, have had medieval Islamic pottery, especially Seljuk-Ilkhani pottery. These potteries are mostly glazed, sufficiently fired, and have various types of decoration, especially incised patterns, incised patterns under the glaze (Sgraffito), and underglaze painting (Table 3, Figs. 9 & 10).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the later Islamic era
Historical records indicate that the Tarrom region remained of interest to Safavid rulers due to its proximity to important Safavid centers like Ardabil and Qazvin. For example, in 911 AH, Shah Ismail spent winter in Tarrom (Badlisi, 1998: Vol. 2, 137), and in 969 AH, Shah Tahmasb went to Tarrom for hunting (Ibid: 217). Pietro Della Valle, who traveled to the Tarrom region via Ardabil in 1619, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, reached Darram village through a narrow and difficult valley (Della Valle, 2005: 331-332). Della Valle’s description contains important information about the geographical features and communication routes of the region during the Safavid period.
From an archaeological point of view, some pottery sherds from the site of Burhan al-Saltaneh date back to the Timurid-Safavid period (Table 4 & Fig. 11). Notably, glazed pottery, including azure-glazed pieces likely from the Seljuk era, and monochromatic pottery with green, blue, and turquoise glaze possibly from the middle or late Islamic period, have been discovered at the study sites.
During the Qajar period, Tarrom continued to serve as a route for royal campaigns and recreational activities, with notable figures like Agha Mohammad Khan, Fath Ali Shah, and Naser al-Din Shah visiting the region (Fasai, 2003: Vol. 1, 645, & 720; Etemad al-Saltanah, 1988: Vol. 3, 1605). During this period, Rawlinson, while traveling to the region, mentioned Abbar and Darram as the two main places in the region of Posht kouh (Rawlinson 1840: 62-63). According to Rawlinson’s description, it is likely that part of the facility known today as Darram Castle is remains of the palace of Abdullah Mirza (d. 1263 AH), the son of Fath Ali Shah who was the ruler of Zanjan during the Qajar period. Based on our survey, Darram Castle is a large site dating back to the pre-Islamic and Islamic period, covering an area of about 20 hectares.
Additionally, based on the architectural style and type of materials, a number of buildings in the study area, including mosques or Imamzadeh, probably belong to the late Islamic period (mostly Qajar), of which we can mention Siahroud Bath, Imamzadeh Ebrahim, Imamzadeh Khatun Khadijeh, Burhan-ol-Saltaneh Mansion, Khasareh Bath, Khasareh Mosque, Molanour, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar.
Conclusion
The analysis of historical texts and archaeological evidence provides valuable information about the settlements in the Tarrom region during the Islamic period, including the size of the settlements and communication routes in this region. Based on the data in Table 5, which was calculated based on our field survey, eight sites (44 percent) are less than one hectare in size. Eight sites are between one and five hectares (44%), and only three sites of Gerdeh Tepe, Tepe Qabristan, and Qala’e Darram are larger than five hectares, all three of which are located along the Qezel Uzan valley, along the main roads of the region. However, compared to the cities of the Islamic era, even these three sites are not considered large settlements. The map in Fig. 12 shows the distribution of Islamic sites in the study area regarding their sizes. Overall, these statistics indicate that most of the settlements in the Islamic period in the study area were, in fact, small, rural settlements, which is in exact accordance with the medieval geographers’ descriptions of the Tarrom as a region with numerous villages but no major city (see: Hamawi 1995: Vol. 2, p. 6; al-Baghdadi, 1412: 249).
It seems that Darram Castle can be considered a central settlement in the Islamic period in the Tarrom region due to its vast size of more than 20 hectares and its special location in the middle of the Qezel Uzan River valley, and the availability of important environmental components such as access to water resources and communication routes. Considering the description of Della Valle and the location of the Islamic sites in the study area, mainly in the Qezel Uzan River valley, it seems that the old roads in the study area were in accordance with the topographic conditions of the region and to a large extent coincided with or were close to the modern road.
Hamid Reza Valipour, Iman Mostafapour, Hamzeh Karimi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.
Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.
Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.
Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.
Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).
Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.
Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.
Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.
Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.
Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.
Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).
Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.
Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.
Hamid Kavyani Pooya, Mahla Khozaimeh,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.
Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.
Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.
Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.
Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.
Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.
Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.
Mohammad Bahrami,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.
Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969).
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.
Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars.
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.
Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.
Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969).
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.
Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars.
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.
Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.
Bahar Rezai Baghbidi, Hassan Karimian, Kamal-Aldin Niknami,
year 10, Issue 35 (6-2026)
year 10, Issue 35 (6-2026)
Abstract
Fars Province has been the cradle of two great Persian empires—the Achaemenid and the Sasanian—throughout Iranian history. The presence of significant historical monuments from these two periods clearly demonstrates the importance of this province. One such region within Fars is Darab, which was home to the city of Darabgerd during the Sasanian period. Despite the historical and archaeological significance of this area within Iran, the amount of research conducted there remains limited. Given the importance of this city in the Sasanian era, this article seeks to clarify the position of the city and the khurrah (or kūra, “administrative district”) of Darabgerd and to reconstruct its defensive structure. Based on recent archaeological surveys in the Darab Plain, the study aims to determine the role Darabgerd played within the Sasanian administrative and political structure and to assess the duration of its importance. Furthermore, considering the fortresses and military fortifications surrounding the city of Darabgerd, the study examines how the defensive and monitoring system of the city and the Darab Plain functioned. At first glance, the ruins of Darabgerd—which testify to its former grandeur—along with the presence of a rock relief, a large and significant mint that remained active beyond the Sasanian period into the early Islamic centuries, and the discovery of seals and clay sealings, all attest to the importance of this geographical area during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. For this reason, the existence of a coherent defensive structure for both the city of Darabgerd and the Darab Plain was essential. Based on the identification of fourteen fortresses during archaeological surveys of the Darab Plain, this research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, integrating archaeological evidence with historical sources in order to provide a clearer understanding of the defensive structure of the Darab Plain during the Sasanian period. The results indicate that the geography of the Darab Plain played a decisive role in the formation of the city of Darabgerd and its defensive system.
Saba Gholami, Yaghub Mohammadifar, Ali Hozhabri,
year 10, Issue 35 (6-2026)
year 10, Issue 35 (6-2026)
Abstract
The Qasr e Shirin region, located along the historic Khorasan trade route in western Iran, represents a significant cultural landscape that supported both sedentary agricultural communities and mobile pastoral groups during the Sasanian period. This study investigates the spatial organization, settlement patterns, and functional relationships of Sasanian-period sites within the Qasr e Shirin plain using a landscape archaeological approach that integrates Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing data, and archaeological survey evidence. Spatial analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between archaeological sites and environmental variables, including topography, land use, communication routes, water resources, and vegetation cover. The results indicate that the region was characterized by a dual settlement system consisting of a centralized administrative–agricultural complex and a network of dispersed pastoral settlements. Several sites display characteristics commonly associated with mobile pastoral lifeways, including ephemeral architectural remains, dry-stone constructions, extensive pottery scatters, and locations closely associated with seasonal grazing lands. GIS-based analyses further demonstrate that many of these settlements were located in elevated areas suitable for pastoral activities, whereas major administrative and agricultural centers were concentrated in the lower and more fertile sections of the plain. The distribution of sites, their proximity to communication routes, and their relationship to water resources suggest the presence of an integrated settlement network in which nomadic and sedentary communities interacted within a shared socio-economic landscape. This study argues that pastoral nomadic groups constituted an important component of the Sasanian cultural landscape of Qasr e Shirin and that their settlements formed part of a broader regional system closely connected to agricultural production, administrative authority, and long-distance communication networks. These findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of settlement organization and human–environment interactions in the western Zagros during the Sasanian period.
Ramin Chehri, Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar, Mostafa Dehpahlavan,
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The primary questions of this research include the chronological and stratigraphic situation, the cultural material features, and the cultural interactions of the Tape Gohareh with other contemporary sites in the Central Zagros region. Based on preliminary evidence and surface findings, it appears that the Tape Gohareh contains continuous settlements from the Seleucid to the Parthian periods. The characteristic pottery of these periods includes painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery. The study of these findings, along with other cultural artifacts from the site, indicates a cultural homogeneity between this mound and other contemporary sites in the region. This research aims to analyze the historical and cultural status of the Tape Gohareh and its connections with other contemporary cultural centers in the Bagestan region and Central Zagros. The research methodology was based on field methods and documentary analysis, where the former involved archaeological excavations documenting the deposits and cultural findings, while the latter included historical sources, books, published articles, and excavation reports. The results indicate the existence of an ancient site from the Seleucid and Parthian periods in the Bisotun and Central Zagros region. Studies on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the Tape Gohareh communities suggest that livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture, along with other social activities such as weaving, spinning, and pottery-making, were common in these societies. Architectural remains from various phases of settlement, as well as characteristic pottery—such as painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery—were among the significant cultural findings. The analysis of these artifacts highlights the cultural homogeneity of the Tape Gohareh with other prominent Central Zagros sites such as the Parthian slopes of Bisotun, Sorkh Dom-e-Laki Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana and Sang-e-Shir Hamedan, Anahita of Kangavar, and Khurheh.
Keywords: Central Zagros, Bisotun, Tape Gohareh, Seleucid, Parthian.
Introduction
The ancient site of Tape Gohareh is located in the province of Kermanshah, within the region of Bisotun (ancient Bagistana). Situated in a mountain valley overlooking the Chamchamal plain, it lies approximately 4.5 km from the historic remains of Bisotun, adjacent to the northern side of the village of Gohareh (Map. 1 & Fig. 1). Bagistana, or modern Bistun, was one of the important regions of Central Zagros in antiquity, and is mentioned by Isidore in the first century AD as a Parthian city (Schoff, 1914). Despite numerous activities and research conducted in Bisotun and the Central Zagros region in recent years, our understanding of certain historical periods, such as the Seleucid and Parthian eras, remains limited. Given the significant political and historical influence of the Seleucids in the Central Zagros during the third and second centuries BC, only a few sites, such as Laodicea (Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011), Ecbatana (Azarnoush, 2007), and Sorkh Dom Laki (Shishegar, 2005), as well as scattered artifacts such as the statue of Heracles (Bernard, 1980), an Ionic column base in Bistun (Lushe, 2006), stone vessels and a broken stone basin from Dinavar (Ghirshman, 1971), the Kermanshah Greek inscription (Robert, 1967), a capital discovered in Shiyan, a Greek inscription in Eslamabad (Alibaigi et al., 2020), and the Daya Cave in Sarpol-e Zahab (Alibaigi et al., 2023), have provided us with insights. In this light, archaeological research and excavation of the Tape Gohareh at Bisotun, a site with cultural remains spanning the Seleucid to Parthian periods, could be a valuable endeavor in understanding the region’s historical and cultural developments during these eras. The key questions of this research are: What is the stratigraphic and chronological sequence of the site? What are the characteristics of the cultural materials from the Seleucid and Parthian periods found at Tape Gohareh, and based on the existing cultural artifacts, what level of interaction did this site have with other contemporaneous regional sites? Moreover, what was the social and cultural status of Tape Gohareh in the region during the Seleucid and Parthian periods?
It appears that Tape Gohareh was continuously inhabited from the Seleucid through the Parthian periods. The cultural remains of this era include notable decorated, glazed, clink, and plain pottery. The study of these finds, along with other cultural materials from the site, suggests a cultural affinity with other contemporaneous sites in the Central Zagros region. The research on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the communities of Tape Gohareh indicates a prevalence of pastoralism, hunting, and possibly agriculture, as well as other social activities such as weaving/spinning and pottery-making.
Discussion
Excavations at Tape Gohareh revealed two trenches, Trench 1 (10×5 meters) and Trench 2 (3×2 meters), which uncovered cultural remains including architectural structures, pottery, decorative stones, glass artifacts, storage jars, pestles and mortars, metal objects, evidence of pottery-making activities, and the bones of both domestic and wild animals, as well as an Islamic-period cemetery.
The architectural remains consist of five distinct phases from the Seleucid and Parthian periods (Fig. 2, 3 & 4). The first phase includes a floor made of plaster or lime mixed with gravel. A 20 cm layer of ash above this floor in both trenches suggests the possibility of a widespread fire, marking the end of Phase 1 habitation. The site was reused in Phases 2 and 3, with more extensive and higher-quality architectural features compared to later phases. It is likely that these communities had a higher social and economic status compared to the societies of Phases 4 and 5. Phase 4 saw a decrease in architectural construction, and Phase 5 shows more significant construction activities, although only stone foundations of the walls remain. Phases 1 to 3 likely date to the Seleucid period, spanning roughly from the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. For Phases 4 and 5, a middle Parthian date is suggested. Additionally, excavations uncovered 20 graves from an Islamic-period cemetery. The animal bone remains from the site indicate the presence of domesticated herbivores (cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys), wild herbivores (boars), and carnivores (dogs). The economic structure of the Tape Gohareh communities seems to have been based on pastoralism, with the highest frequency of animal use being sheep (30%), followed by boar (22.5%), cattle, goats, and horses (15% each), and donkeys and dogs (2.5% each) (Chart. 1).
The site’s pottery is classified into four groups (Fig. 8, 9, 10 & 11): plain, decorated, clinky, and glazed. The plain pottery from both the Seleucid and Parthian periods shows similar forms, with no significant differences in shape. However, finely decorated pottery is characteristic of the Seleucid period at Tape Gohareh. These decorated pottery pieces were not found in Parthian layers and likely date to the mid/late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Two decorated pottery fragments were recovered from Parthian layers, but the quality of their craftsmanship was inferior. The earliest glazed pottery pieces at the site likely date from the late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Clinky pottery fragments were found in cultural layers likely dating from the late 3rd century to the 1st century BC. Pottery traditions at Tape Gohareh show a cultural affinity with other Central Zagros sites. These pottery pieces can be compared to finds from the Parthian Bisotun slopes, Kangavar, Sorkh Dom Laki, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and the Sang-e Shir of Hamedan, as well as from Khurha Central (Kleiss, 2007; Kambakhshfard, 1995; Shishegar, 2005; Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011; Azarnoush, 2007; Afshari & Naqshineh, 2014; Rahbar, 2003). Additionally, in some cases, comparisons can be drawn with sites such as Ghale Yazdgerd (Khosrowzadeh et al., 2021), Nushijan (Stronach, 1974), and extra-regional sites such as the Elhaei site in Khuzestan, Susa, Pasargadae (Sharifi, 2005; Haerinck, 1997; Stronach, 1997), Failaka Island in Kuwait (Hannestad, 1983), and the Uruk site (Petrie, 2002).
Conclusion
The findings from the cultural excavations at Tepe Gohareh suggest three distinct phases of settlement, beginning with the Seleucid period from around the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BCE. Following this period, a relatively small settlement from the Middle Parthian era developed on the site, and then, possibly towards the end of the Parthian period, a larger settlement emerged. After this phase, the site was abandoned, and eventually, a cemetery was established on it during the early Islamic period.
An examination of the social and economic structures of the site reveals that the communities of Tepe Gohar followed a consistent subsistence pattern throughout the settlement phases, primarily involving livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture. The discovery of cultural artifacts such as mortars, spinning whorls, slag, and discarded pottery suggests other societal activities, including agriculture, weaving/spinning, and pottery production. Additionally, items related to personal hygiene, cosmetics, and adornment—like small glass vessels and decorative stone beads—were also found.
Among the most significant finds were distinctive pottery pieces from the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The analysis of these finds indicates that Tepe Gohareh shares a cultural homogeneity with nearby sites in Central Zagros, such as the Parthian terrace at Bisotun, the Anahita Temple in Kangavar, the Sorkh Dom Lakki of Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and Sang-e Shir in Hamadan, Khorheh, and in some cases, with Nushijan and Ghale Yazdgerd. Although some pottery pieces resemble those found at sites such as Pasargadae, the Elhaei site, Susa, or the island of Failaka in Kuwait, and Seleucid-era Uruk, the cultural similarities are not significant enough to confidently discuss a broader regional connection.
The primary questions of this research include the chronological and stratigraphic situation, the cultural material features, and the cultural interactions of the Tape Gohareh with other contemporary sites in the Central Zagros region. Based on preliminary evidence and surface findings, it appears that the Tape Gohareh contains continuous settlements from the Seleucid to the Parthian periods. The characteristic pottery of these periods includes painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery. The study of these findings, along with other cultural artifacts from the site, indicates a cultural homogeneity between this mound and other contemporary sites in the region. This research aims to analyze the historical and cultural status of the Tape Gohareh and its connections with other contemporary cultural centers in the Bagestan region and Central Zagros. The research methodology was based on field methods and documentary analysis, where the former involved archaeological excavations documenting the deposits and cultural findings, while the latter included historical sources, books, published articles, and excavation reports. The results indicate the existence of an ancient site from the Seleucid and Parthian periods in the Bisotun and Central Zagros region. Studies on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the Tape Gohareh communities suggest that livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture, along with other social activities such as weaving, spinning, and pottery-making, were common in these societies. Architectural remains from various phases of settlement, as well as characteristic pottery—such as painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery—were among the significant cultural findings. The analysis of these artifacts highlights the cultural homogeneity of the Tape Gohareh with other prominent Central Zagros sites such as the Parthian slopes of Bisotun, Sorkh Dom-e-Laki Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana and Sang-e-Shir Hamedan, Anahita of Kangavar, and Khurheh.
Keywords: Central Zagros, Bisotun, Tape Gohareh, Seleucid, Parthian.
Introduction
The ancient site of Tape Gohareh is located in the province of Kermanshah, within the region of Bisotun (ancient Bagistana). Situated in a mountain valley overlooking the Chamchamal plain, it lies approximately 4.5 km from the historic remains of Bisotun, adjacent to the northern side of the village of Gohareh (Map. 1 & Fig. 1). Bagistana, or modern Bistun, was one of the important regions of Central Zagros in antiquity, and is mentioned by Isidore in the first century AD as a Parthian city (Schoff, 1914). Despite numerous activities and research conducted in Bisotun and the Central Zagros region in recent years, our understanding of certain historical periods, such as the Seleucid and Parthian eras, remains limited. Given the significant political and historical influence of the Seleucids in the Central Zagros during the third and second centuries BC, only a few sites, such as Laodicea (Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011), Ecbatana (Azarnoush, 2007), and Sorkh Dom Laki (Shishegar, 2005), as well as scattered artifacts such as the statue of Heracles (Bernard, 1980), an Ionic column base in Bistun (Lushe, 2006), stone vessels and a broken stone basin from Dinavar (Ghirshman, 1971), the Kermanshah Greek inscription (Robert, 1967), a capital discovered in Shiyan, a Greek inscription in Eslamabad (Alibaigi et al., 2020), and the Daya Cave in Sarpol-e Zahab (Alibaigi et al., 2023), have provided us with insights. In this light, archaeological research and excavation of the Tape Gohareh at Bisotun, a site with cultural remains spanning the Seleucid to Parthian periods, could be a valuable endeavor in understanding the region’s historical and cultural developments during these eras. The key questions of this research are: What is the stratigraphic and chronological sequence of the site? What are the characteristics of the cultural materials from the Seleucid and Parthian periods found at Tape Gohareh, and based on the existing cultural artifacts, what level of interaction did this site have with other contemporaneous regional sites? Moreover, what was the social and cultural status of Tape Gohareh in the region during the Seleucid and Parthian periods?
It appears that Tape Gohareh was continuously inhabited from the Seleucid through the Parthian periods. The cultural remains of this era include notable decorated, glazed, clink, and plain pottery. The study of these finds, along with other cultural materials from the site, suggests a cultural affinity with other contemporaneous sites in the Central Zagros region. The research on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the communities of Tape Gohareh indicates a prevalence of pastoralism, hunting, and possibly agriculture, as well as other social activities such as weaving/spinning and pottery-making.
Discussion
Excavations at Tape Gohareh revealed two trenches, Trench 1 (10×5 meters) and Trench 2 (3×2 meters), which uncovered cultural remains including architectural structures, pottery, decorative stones, glass artifacts, storage jars, pestles and mortars, metal objects, evidence of pottery-making activities, and the bones of both domestic and wild animals, as well as an Islamic-period cemetery.
The architectural remains consist of five distinct phases from the Seleucid and Parthian periods (Fig. 2, 3 & 4). The first phase includes a floor made of plaster or lime mixed with gravel. A 20 cm layer of ash above this floor in both trenches suggests the possibility of a widespread fire, marking the end of Phase 1 habitation. The site was reused in Phases 2 and 3, with more extensive and higher-quality architectural features compared to later phases. It is likely that these communities had a higher social and economic status compared to the societies of Phases 4 and 5. Phase 4 saw a decrease in architectural construction, and Phase 5 shows more significant construction activities, although only stone foundations of the walls remain. Phases 1 to 3 likely date to the Seleucid period, spanning roughly from the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. For Phases 4 and 5, a middle Parthian date is suggested. Additionally, excavations uncovered 20 graves from an Islamic-period cemetery. The animal bone remains from the site indicate the presence of domesticated herbivores (cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys), wild herbivores (boars), and carnivores (dogs). The economic structure of the Tape Gohareh communities seems to have been based on pastoralism, with the highest frequency of animal use being sheep (30%), followed by boar (22.5%), cattle, goats, and horses (15% each), and donkeys and dogs (2.5% each) (Chart. 1).
The site’s pottery is classified into four groups (Fig. 8, 9, 10 & 11): plain, decorated, clinky, and glazed. The plain pottery from both the Seleucid and Parthian periods shows similar forms, with no significant differences in shape. However, finely decorated pottery is characteristic of the Seleucid period at Tape Gohareh. These decorated pottery pieces were not found in Parthian layers and likely date to the mid/late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Two decorated pottery fragments were recovered from Parthian layers, but the quality of their craftsmanship was inferior. The earliest glazed pottery pieces at the site likely date from the late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Clinky pottery fragments were found in cultural layers likely dating from the late 3rd century to the 1st century BC. Pottery traditions at Tape Gohareh show a cultural affinity with other Central Zagros sites. These pottery pieces can be compared to finds from the Parthian Bisotun slopes, Kangavar, Sorkh Dom Laki, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and the Sang-e Shir of Hamedan, as well as from Khurha Central (Kleiss, 2007; Kambakhshfard, 1995; Shishegar, 2005; Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011; Azarnoush, 2007; Afshari & Naqshineh, 2014; Rahbar, 2003). Additionally, in some cases, comparisons can be drawn with sites such as Ghale Yazdgerd (Khosrowzadeh et al., 2021), Nushijan (Stronach, 1974), and extra-regional sites such as the Elhaei site in Khuzestan, Susa, Pasargadae (Sharifi, 2005; Haerinck, 1997; Stronach, 1997), Failaka Island in Kuwait (Hannestad, 1983), and the Uruk site (Petrie, 2002).
Conclusion
The findings from the cultural excavations at Tepe Gohareh suggest three distinct phases of settlement, beginning with the Seleucid period from around the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BCE. Following this period, a relatively small settlement from the Middle Parthian era developed on the site, and then, possibly towards the end of the Parthian period, a larger settlement emerged. After this phase, the site was abandoned, and eventually, a cemetery was established on it during the early Islamic period.
An examination of the social and economic structures of the site reveals that the communities of Tepe Gohar followed a consistent subsistence pattern throughout the settlement phases, primarily involving livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture. The discovery of cultural artifacts such as mortars, spinning whorls, slag, and discarded pottery suggests other societal activities, including agriculture, weaving/spinning, and pottery production. Additionally, items related to personal hygiene, cosmetics, and adornment—like small glass vessels and decorative stone beads—were also found.
Among the most significant finds were distinctive pottery pieces from the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The analysis of these finds indicates that Tepe Gohareh shares a cultural homogeneity with nearby sites in Central Zagros, such as the Parthian terrace at Bisotun, the Anahita Temple in Kangavar, the Sorkh Dom Lakki of Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and Sang-e Shir in Hamadan, Khorheh, and in some cases, with Nushijan and Ghale Yazdgerd. Although some pottery pieces resemble those found at sites such as Pasargadae, the Elhaei site, Susa, or the island of Failaka in Kuwait, and Seleucid-era Uruk, the cultural similarities are not significant enough to confidently discuss a broader regional connection.
Mitra Shateri, Masoumeh Karami,
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Carpets and rugs are one of the most important ancient crafts of Iran. The flourishing of visual arts began in the Safavid and Qajar periods, it appeared on many works such as books, tiles, wall paintings, calligraphy fabric, carpets and rugs, and reached its peak. The beginning of relations with the West and the adaptation of Western images, the printing and photography industry had a significant impact on Iranian works of art. A group of these works are religious-narrative rugs, which are considered a subgroup of pictorial rugs. This group can be divided into different categories and each category deals with the narration of one or more stories taken from Quranic stories. In this research, with the main aim of identifying, typology and analysis of religious narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, an attempt was made to answer the following questions: Which Quranic stories of the prophets are depicted the most? And which centers were the main weaving centers of these rugs? This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical way and the statistical population includes 30 narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, all of which belong to the Qajar period. Collecting information by means of finding and field studies, by referring to the reliable sites of museums and auctions, has been done in a purposeful way and the findings indicate that the Quranic stories engraved on these rugs are stories that are approved by all three major religions of the world, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism, the most famous of which are the narrations related to Abraham and Ismail(pbuh), Mary(pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Suleiman(pbuh), and Yusuf(pbuh). Most of these types of rugs are woven in the cities of Kerman and Kashan, so they are considered important rug weaving centers of the Qajar period.
Keywords: Religious Rug, Qajar Period, Pictorial Rug, Narrative Rug, Quranic Stories.
Introduction
In response to the need to protect himself from the cold, man turned to the weaving of various types of carpets. Carpet and Rug weaving have been noticed by humans for a long time. The Pazyryk Rug attributed to the Achaemenid period is an example to prove this claim. It can be said that many carpets and rugs have been woven from the Achaemenid period until now, due to their decomposability, only a few examples of them are currently available. But the progress of this art can be seen in the quality of fibers, color, pattern and attention to details over many years. The art of carpet weaving in the Safavid period had a significant growth along with other arts and this trend continued in the Qajar period as well. Qajar period carpets and rugs have various animal, vegetable, geometric, human, mythological motifs and later inscriptions, which have displayed original images with different themes and combinations. One type of them are Pictorial carpets and rugs, which can be divided into several groups. A group of them is called “narrative rugs” that include different topics. The reflection of the religious beliefs of the people of the Qajar era in this art has caused the emergence of narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories. The aim of the upcoming research is to identify and introduce, typology and analyze religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period with a focus on Quranic stories and these are the questions: 1- Which Quranic stories and related to which prophets have been narrated in religious narrative rugs in Qajar period? 2- In which centers are the religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period mostly woven? Due to the fact that carpets decorated with the motifs of Quranic stories are parts of the art of the Qajar period, and at this time, they have attracted the attention of people and weavers. We need to analyze them.
The Subject of Pictorial rugs
The weave of such Rugs is considered a great development in the Qajar period, which may have its roots in the Safavid period. Pictorial rugs have various divisions based on the subject they presented. These subjects can inspire the reader with stories of historical, geographical events, epic, love stories, religious and mystical stories in the form of sweet stories. These stories have old roots and most of them have been written into poetry during the past centuries by the great poets of Iran and have been illustrated many times by painters and artists (Shabani Khatib, 2008: 89, 90). Qajar kings always resorted to religion to legitimize their rule. Reciting prayer, Taziah in Muharram and public mourning days are part of the religious ceremonies that were prevalent in the Qajar period (Shamim, 2008: 357). Of course, the educational aspect of such rugs in the direction of religious teachings for the less educated people of the society cannot be ignored.
The impact of new industries
The art of the Qajar period entered a new stage with the influence of intellectual currents, economic, social and artistic relations of the West and the entry of photography and printing industries. The art of illustration, which was used only to decorate the pages of books and the walls of important buildings, was manifested this time in the art of rug weaving. The rugs considered in this research can be divided into 5 groups in terms of subject matter: the stories of Gabriel (pbuh), Ibrahim and Ismail(pbuh), Maryam (pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Solomon(pbuh) and Yusuf(pbuh).
Discussion
It appears that from the mid-13th century AH, the commissioning and consumption of pictorial rugs particularly those featuring religious themes and narratives based on various Quranic stories followed an upward trend that continued into the subsequent century (the 14th century AH). The primary themes employed for this category of rugs are Quranic stories that are also recognized by other major world religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, and are recounted in the Torah and the Gospels. Undoubtedly, among the Quranic narratives, the stories of Abraham and Ishmael, Mary and Jesus, Solomon, and finally Joseph are the most well-known. At the same time, the most prominent and well-known events have been selected from the various life stories of each of these great figures. The primary motifs are depicted within the rug’s central, predominantly rectangular panel, while the borders featuring Flowers and foliage patterns, as well as verses in Nastaliq script set within medallion shaped frames reinforce the themes of the central imagery.
The study revealed that Kerman and Kashan were the two major centers for the production and weaving of pictorial rugs during the Qajar era; notably, out of the 30 rugs examined, 25 originated from Kerman and Kashan. Despite the vast distance separating these two production hubs, the details within the woven patterns bear such a striking resemblance that the similarity cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Undoubtedly, therefore, extensive professional, artistic, and commercial ties existed between these two centers of production.
Conclusion
The Quranic stories engraved on Qajar religious narrative rugs refer to the most prominent and well-known stories of divine messengers. Among the mentioned 5 groups, rugs focused on the life stories of Prophet Yusuf(pbuh) with 11 rugs, represented more than one third of the quantity of existing rugs and represented the success and acceptance of the subject by weavers and customers. Kerman and Kashan, two main poles of the production and weaving of such rugs, because 25 of the 30 rugs examined are woven in Kerman and Kashan and they are woven only in the size of a rug (1*2 m). In addition to being time-consuming, the weaving of such rugs is also expensive and they were woven only on the orders of kings and nobles, and their use was only visual-decorative, and they were not woven to furnish the ground, but were offered as a vow or endowment to religious places. Maybe it was used to tell a story (Naqali). The many commonalities in each of the groups, despite being produced in different centers, indicate the connection between artists and craftsmen in the Qajar period. These rugs were woven from the end of the 13th century AH to the middle of the 14th century AH (the fall of the Qajar rule).
Carpets and rugs are one of the most important ancient crafts of Iran. The flourishing of visual arts began in the Safavid and Qajar periods, it appeared on many works such as books, tiles, wall paintings, calligraphy fabric, carpets and rugs, and reached its peak. The beginning of relations with the West and the adaptation of Western images, the printing and photography industry had a significant impact on Iranian works of art. A group of these works are religious-narrative rugs, which are considered a subgroup of pictorial rugs. This group can be divided into different categories and each category deals with the narration of one or more stories taken from Quranic stories. In this research, with the main aim of identifying, typology and analysis of religious narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, an attempt was made to answer the following questions: Which Quranic stories of the prophets are depicted the most? And which centers were the main weaving centers of these rugs? This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical way and the statistical population includes 30 narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, all of which belong to the Qajar period. Collecting information by means of finding and field studies, by referring to the reliable sites of museums and auctions, has been done in a purposeful way and the findings indicate that the Quranic stories engraved on these rugs are stories that are approved by all three major religions of the world, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism, the most famous of which are the narrations related to Abraham and Ismail(pbuh), Mary(pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Suleiman(pbuh), and Yusuf(pbuh). Most of these types of rugs are woven in the cities of Kerman and Kashan, so they are considered important rug weaving centers of the Qajar period.
Keywords: Religious Rug, Qajar Period, Pictorial Rug, Narrative Rug, Quranic Stories.
Introduction
In response to the need to protect himself from the cold, man turned to the weaving of various types of carpets. Carpet and Rug weaving have been noticed by humans for a long time. The Pazyryk Rug attributed to the Achaemenid period is an example to prove this claim. It can be said that many carpets and rugs have been woven from the Achaemenid period until now, due to their decomposability, only a few examples of them are currently available. But the progress of this art can be seen in the quality of fibers, color, pattern and attention to details over many years. The art of carpet weaving in the Safavid period had a significant growth along with other arts and this trend continued in the Qajar period as well. Qajar period carpets and rugs have various animal, vegetable, geometric, human, mythological motifs and later inscriptions, which have displayed original images with different themes and combinations. One type of them are Pictorial carpets and rugs, which can be divided into several groups. A group of them is called “narrative rugs” that include different topics. The reflection of the religious beliefs of the people of the Qajar era in this art has caused the emergence of narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories. The aim of the upcoming research is to identify and introduce, typology and analyze religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period with a focus on Quranic stories and these are the questions: 1- Which Quranic stories and related to which prophets have been narrated in religious narrative rugs in Qajar period? 2- In which centers are the religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period mostly woven? Due to the fact that carpets decorated with the motifs of Quranic stories are parts of the art of the Qajar period, and at this time, they have attracted the attention of people and weavers. We need to analyze them.
The Subject of Pictorial rugs
The weave of such Rugs is considered a great development in the Qajar period, which may have its roots in the Safavid period. Pictorial rugs have various divisions based on the subject they presented. These subjects can inspire the reader with stories of historical, geographical events, epic, love stories, religious and mystical stories in the form of sweet stories. These stories have old roots and most of them have been written into poetry during the past centuries by the great poets of Iran and have been illustrated many times by painters and artists (Shabani Khatib, 2008: 89, 90). Qajar kings always resorted to religion to legitimize their rule. Reciting prayer, Taziah in Muharram and public mourning days are part of the religious ceremonies that were prevalent in the Qajar period (Shamim, 2008: 357). Of course, the educational aspect of such rugs in the direction of religious teachings for the less educated people of the society cannot be ignored.
The impact of new industries
The art of the Qajar period entered a new stage with the influence of intellectual currents, economic, social and artistic relations of the West and the entry of photography and printing industries. The art of illustration, which was used only to decorate the pages of books and the walls of important buildings, was manifested this time in the art of rug weaving. The rugs considered in this research can be divided into 5 groups in terms of subject matter: the stories of Gabriel (pbuh), Ibrahim and Ismail(pbuh), Maryam (pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Solomon(pbuh) and Yusuf(pbuh).
Discussion
It appears that from the mid-13th century AH, the commissioning and consumption of pictorial rugs particularly those featuring religious themes and narratives based on various Quranic stories followed an upward trend that continued into the subsequent century (the 14th century AH). The primary themes employed for this category of rugs are Quranic stories that are also recognized by other major world religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, and are recounted in the Torah and the Gospels. Undoubtedly, among the Quranic narratives, the stories of Abraham and Ishmael, Mary and Jesus, Solomon, and finally Joseph are the most well-known. At the same time, the most prominent and well-known events have been selected from the various life stories of each of these great figures. The primary motifs are depicted within the rug’s central, predominantly rectangular panel, while the borders featuring Flowers and foliage patterns, as well as verses in Nastaliq script set within medallion shaped frames reinforce the themes of the central imagery.
The study revealed that Kerman and Kashan were the two major centers for the production and weaving of pictorial rugs during the Qajar era; notably, out of the 30 rugs examined, 25 originated from Kerman and Kashan. Despite the vast distance separating these two production hubs, the details within the woven patterns bear such a striking resemblance that the similarity cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Undoubtedly, therefore, extensive professional, artistic, and commercial ties existed between these two centers of production.
Conclusion
The Quranic stories engraved on Qajar religious narrative rugs refer to the most prominent and well-known stories of divine messengers. Among the mentioned 5 groups, rugs focused on the life stories of Prophet Yusuf(pbuh) with 11 rugs, represented more than one third of the quantity of existing rugs and represented the success and acceptance of the subject by weavers and customers. Kerman and Kashan, two main poles of the production and weaving of such rugs, because 25 of the 30 rugs examined are woven in Kerman and Kashan and they are woven only in the size of a rug (1*2 m). In addition to being time-consuming, the weaving of such rugs is also expensive and they were woven only on the orders of kings and nobles, and their use was only visual-decorative, and they were not woven to furnish the ground, but were offered as a vow or endowment to religious places. Maybe it was used to tell a story (Naqali). The many commonalities in each of the groups, despite being produced in different centers, indicate the connection between artists and craftsmen in the Qajar period. These rugs were woven from the end of the 13th century AH to the middle of the 14th century AH (the fall of the Qajar rule).
Fatemeh Karimi, Seyyed Rasool Mousavi Haji, Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jelodar,
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.
Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods.
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.
Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.
Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.
Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods.
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.
Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.
Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.
Monireh Sattarzadeh, Saeed Amirhajloo, Sara Saghaee,
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
year 10, Issue 36 (9-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD.
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.
Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers.
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces.
Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.
Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD.
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.
Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers.
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces.
Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.
Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.