Abstract
Today, religious-educational buildings in the city of Tehran, which were built during the Qajar period, have undergone adverse physical changes due to natural erosion and urban expansion. Also, these semantic and intangible values of these buildings have faded over time, so that the position of these schools in society has declined. In order to rehabilitate these buildings, it is necessary to identify and pay attention to all the effective values in the conservation process. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to study the architectural phenomena in the value protection of religious-educational buildings of the Qajar period in Tehran. To achieve this goal, the combined research method (qualitative-quantitative) has been used. The method of data collection is in the form of documentary-library studies, field visits and interviews with experts. Also, the method of data analysis is information using open coding, Chi-square test and Pearson correlation. The reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed by Cronbach’s alpha and the validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by consultation with experts. Findings show that there is a significant relationship between architectural phenomena and the protection of physical, behavioral and semantic values in religious-educational buildings of the Qajar period in Tehran. Also, the most important value in religious-educational buildings is related to the non-physical dimensions of the building, ie behavioral values with a correlation coefficient of 0.91, then semantic values with a correlation coefficient of 0.87. Therefore, in order to rehabilitate and revive the worthy values of this building, only paying attention to physical protection (tangible aspects of the building) with a correlation coefficient of 0.70 is not enough and intangible aspects of the building should be given serious attention. It was finally determined; The most important micro-variables affecting the phenomena of Qajar architecture in Tehran: design view in terms of form, use of the building in terms of performance, moral value in terms of idea, type of arch and roof in terms of technology and social value in terms of integrity have been identified.
Keywords: Mosque-School, Value Conservation, Architectural Phenomena, Qajar, Tehran.

Introduction
Schools are the most well-known educational spaces that have undergone fundamental changes over time in various fields, including architecture (Alaqmand et al. 2018: 5). The educational environment in Iran during the Islamic period was school. In line with the importance of learning science, the Prophet of Islam says: “Seeking knowledge is obligatory upon all Muslims”; Learning science is obligatory on every Muslim. The school can be briefly defined as an institution for higher education in which traditional Islamic sciences such as hadith, commentary, jurisprudence, etc. were taught (Brand 2012: 173). Religious sciences were taught in mosques and ulema houses in the early centuries. Gradually, with the expansion and advancement of the religious sciences, the prolongation of the period of education and the necessity of housing the students, the grounds for the emergence of schools were provided, most of which were located around mosques, markets, residential neighborhoods, squares and main passages or It has been the streets (Soltanzadeh et al. 2019: 450). The emphasis on teaching religious sciences had increased significantly during the Qajar period (Akbari 2012), so schools of religious sciences also became very important. Meanwhile, the city of Tehran, as the capital of Iran in the Qajar period, is the place of greatest concentration of religious schools. With the arrival of the Qajar period in Tehran and during the 130 years of rule, 38 schools of religious sciences have been built, of which 19 schools are still under the titles; Sadr School, Khan Marvi, Hakim Bashi (Agha Mahmoud), Haj Rajabali, Abdullah Khan, Sheikh Abdul Hussein, Old Sepahsalar (Shahid Beheshti), Haj Ghanbar Ali Khan, Moayer Al-Malak, Khazen Al-Molk, New Sepahsalar (Shahid Motahari), Kazemieh, Memarbashi , Majdal Doleh, Aqsa (Mushir Al-Saltanah), Philosopher Al-Dawlah, Mahmoudieh, Nizam Al-Dawlah and Mu’izz Al-Dawlah have remained (Neyestani et al. 2016: 146). All these schools in the old part of Tehran and in its six neighborhoods are called; Arg, Odlajan, Sangalaj, Bazaar, Chal Maidan and the government are located. Unfortunately, many of these schools have been destroyed and many others have undergone inappropriate physical and semantic changes that have caused irreparable damage to the values underlying this practice. The schools surveyed in this study are the same 19 schools that remain and are introduced. The reason for examining these schools is to identify the values that have led to the survival and stability of these schools to this day.

Statement of the Problem
The expression of the problem and the research concern can be examined in two parts. A) The known aspect of the issue, which indicates the position, importance and necessity of value-based protection in architectural heritage based on world literature. B) The unknown aspect of the issue, which expresses the lack and necessity of value-based protection in the use of Qajar religious-educational buildings in Tehran.
A. The obvious aspect of the problem: The Appleton Charter states that the better the values of an architectural heritage are known and interpreted, the better its protection and preservation (ICOMOS 1983). Architectural protection means the protection of valuable architectures or architectural values (Falahat et al. 2018). In the meantime, the way of recognizing and expressing the values hidden in the work has become of special importance (Ebrahimi Nejad and others 2014, 92) and value is one of the determining factors of validity and importance in special issues related to conservation science. It plays a very important role in the development of protection policies (De la Torre 2013; De la Torre et al: 2005). This type of protection is called value-based protection (Fredheim & Khalaf 2016). Values related to architectural heritage can be observed in three main aspects, tangible values (physical elements), intangible values (semantic values) and semi-tangible values (combination), which are appropriate in different societies according to the cultural context. And their environment includes a variety of priorities (Del et al. 2020; Del & Tabrizi 2020).
B) Unknown aspect of the problem: In the value-based protection process, considering the performance and use of the building, effective values in regeneration should be identified and the necessary protection measures should be taken based on it. In other words, effective values in the conservation process depend on the performance and use of the building (Fredheim & Khalaf 2016). For example, in the process of value-based conservation, the physical and semantic values of a historic cathedral will not be the same as the physical and semantic values of a historic castle (Del & et al. 2020). Therefore, due to the lack of knowledge of the latent and worthy values of protection in the religious-educational practice of Qajar Tehran, recognizing these values with regard to architectural phenomena is necessary and addressing it has priority.

Conclusion
Based on the results and data obtained, it can be stated that there is a significant relationship between architectural phenomena and the protection of physical, behavioral and semantic values in religious-educational buildings of the Qajar period in Tehran. Also, the most important value in religious-educational buildings is related to non-physical dimensions. Therefore, in order to revitalize and revive the worthy values of this performance, it is not enough to pay attention only to physical repair and management (tangible aspects) and the intangible aspects of the building should also be considered.
The results show that in physical values, it is the only construction technology that significantly affects the stability of the building. Also, in the behavioral values of all five levels of form, performance, idea, technology and integration affect the behavior of individuals to show the impact of the building and the built environment on the occurrence of value-based behaviors in the individual. In semantic values, the three levels of performance, idea and integration lead to the creation of semantic, mental and intangible concepts and themes.
In the study of the independent variable of the form related to religious-educational buildings of Qajar period of Tehran, it was observed that the most important subject is the designed facades which include courtyard facades, clock towers, porch and cell facades, exterior dome facades, minarets facades and entrances Is set. In the facades, attention is paid to fixed design principles such as symmetry and balance, optimal decorations and vertical orientation. The same principles in the design of the facade have caused these buildings to become an urban landmark in their time in terms of volume and form on the scale of the local texture and like the Sepah Salar Mosque-School. An examination of the performance-independent variable shows that the most important issue is user value. Tehran religious-educational buildings in order to realize three main uses; A) Residential use, b) Educational use and c) Prayer use have been designed and built that the combination of these three uses in a single building, shows the attention to the educational structure of students in the long run. In the study of the independent variable of the idea, the most important issue is moral value, so all the architect’s attention has been on the promotion of moral values through architecture and spatial examples. These ideas can be explored in the discussion of creating sociable spaces to enhance group interactions or the use of symbolic embellishments based on spiritual and moral themes. In examining the independent variable of technology, paying attention to choosing the type of arch and roof considering the use of space has been the most important issue; So that in these spaces, each arch has its own structural and geometric identity. In examining the independent variable of integration, attention to social value has been the most important issue. It is important to pay attention to social value at both levels of public presence and social interactions between students.

Abstract
This research intends to investigate, describe, and analyze architectural decorations by focusing on Kashan Tabrizi Mosque during the Qajar Period. The data was collected based on field and library (documentary) studies and interpreted through a comparative descriptive-analytical method. This research has been conducted to identify and classify the main motifs and themes of the architectural decorations of the Kashan Tabrizi Mosque, including buildings that belonged to the early Qajar period, and to compare with the Sepah Salar School Mosque of the middle of the Qajar monarchy in the center of their rule. There were two main questions: What are the architectural decorations of the Tabrizi Mosque in terms of decoration and themes? and what are its differences and similarities with the Sepah Salar School Mosque? The results indicate that the Sepah Salar Mosque-School in Tehran was built by a person who had an outstanding position in terms of political and social rank; thus, it has a more decorations compared to the Kashan Tabrizi Mosque. The architectural decorations for Kashan Tabrizi Mosque include tiling, carving, inscriptions, wall paintings, and plaster-molding, following the decorations of the earlier traditional architecture. The main religious motifs employed in the mosque include plant and geometric motifs that have been accomplished in the form of painting and tiling techniques.
Keywords: Tabrizi Mosque Kashan, Sepah Salar Mosque-School Tehran, Architectural Decorations, Qajar Period.

Introduction
During the Qajar period, many mosques were built in Iranian cities, including the Tabrizi Mosque in Kashan, one of the religious buildings of the Qajar period, about which no comprehensive research has been done. Accordingly, in this study, we examine one of the religious buildings that a businessman from Kashan built during the first years of the reign of Fath Ali Shah. Meanwhile, Sepah Salar Mosque-School (Shahid Motahari) in Tehran was built in the second period of Qajar architecture (Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah) or other words, in the middle of the Qajar dynasty (Zarei, 2017: 424). During the time that Tehran, in particular, were affected by the urban development of Paris, and Western elements (such as the Clock Tower, the Pit, etc.) can be detected in the city, and especially in the Sepah Salar School Mosque (such as Gol Farangi), while there are no signs and such elements in Kashan Tabrizi Mosque.
Research Methodology: The data was collected using the field method and library research (documentary) using written sources. This research has been conducted in the descriptive-analytical method, and subsequently, the main motifs and themes of the decorations associated with the architecture of the mentioned mosques were recognized and classified based on the attributed tables.

Introducing Kashan Tabrizi Mosque
Tabrizi Mosque is located in Bab-ul-Hawaij Street and the historical context of Kashan Bazaar/Market, near the Mian Chal Safavid Mosque-School. This mosque was built in a unique location, and one of the entrances of Kashan Bazaar/Market passes through this place and Malek bazarche, built by Haj Mohammad Hussein Tabrizi, one of the merchants from Kashan.

Analyzing and Comparing the Decorative Arrays of Kashan Tabrizi Mosque
A set of cultural developments and new sciences were formed in the West, including the invention and presentation of photography, and the extensive application of stamps in postal items. These developments affected the decorations of the mosques of the Qajar Period so that the natural scenes of architecture, flower and vase designs, particularly roses and lilies in the designs and decorations of tiles and carvings have been applied in these buildings (Sajjadzadeh et al., 2017: 227). The inscriptions were as important as in the previous period, and mainly the chirography of Qajar inscriptions is in two types: Thuluth and Nastaliq, Quranic inscriptions and narrations have been written in the Thuluth and narrative phrases or history and poems have been written in the Nastaliq (Husseini and Ahmadzadeh, 2017: 72). The decorative motifs of the Tabrizi Mosque can be generally divided into two classes: plant motifs, geometric motifs, and the type of inscription scripts, and each one has different components.
1. Plant motifs include: a) Arabesque traceries/motifs b) Khatai flowers (Lotus motif with buds and leaves) c) Flower and plant motifs; 2. Geometric motifs include: a) embroidery b) rhombus motifs c) star-shaped motifs d) Mogharnas /decorated with paintings; 3. the type of inscription scripts including a) Thuluth b) Nastaliq c) Naskh.
A) Tile decorations: Tile decorations have been performed in the Kashan Tabrizi Mosque in the form of seven-color and mosaic techniques. Motifs are geometric and plant, but tiles have been extensively used in the form of seven-color, Bannai, and mosaic techniques, along with the various natural, geometric, animal, religious, and western themes in Sepah Salar School - Mosque. But, except for plant and geometric themes, no other motifs have been used in the Tabrizi mosque.
B) Carving decorations: The carving in Tabrizi Mosque is in the form of spiral columns, the base of the vase around the crescent of the altar of the nave, and the cypress motif on the side dado of the entrance of the mosque. Foreign decorations in the form of flower and vase designs have been performed naturally in the carving of Sepah Salar Mosque-School.
C) Inscription decorations: The inscriptions applied in Tabrizi mosque include the Thuluth, Naskh, and Nastaliq scripts, which the Thuluth has been used for writing in the inscriptions of the porch and the altar of the mosque, the Naskh has been used for writing the four-pillar inscriptions of the nave column, and the Nastaliq has been used for short phrases on the walls of the nave and on the inscription on the seven-colored tile at the entrance of the mosque, and all of their themes are Quran verses, hadiths, and divine names. The Nastaliq scripts of Tabrizi Mosque are simple and frequently have no decorations and have been performed in rectangular frames. The inscriptions have more variety and themes in Sepah Salar Mosque-School and include verses of the Holy Quran, hadiths, divine names, founders, calligraphers, tilers, architects, sculptors along with the materials of history, which have been used Naskh, Kufi, Thuluth, and Nastaliq scripts for writing.
D) Plaster-molding decorations: The plaster-molding / Stucco of Tabrizi Mosque has been used to construct the decorative moqarnas in front of the mosque altar entrance and the construction and writing of inscriptions on the entrance and porch of the mosque. Stucco /plaster has been used in abundance in decorating and writing inscriptions and plant motifs, including stucco flowers and vases in Sepah Salar Mosque-School.

Conclusion
Architects have always considered the most important mosque as the most important religious building of a city and a religious, political, and social focus. Examining the architectural arrays related to the architecture of Tabrizi Mosque and comparing them with the arrays of Sepah Salar School Mosque in Tehran as the Qajar capital, as well as analyzing their structural and decorative features, indicate a combination of Iranian and Western elements. There are many rooms built around the courtyard for summer, but the winter naves here are not comparable to the Sepah Salar School Mosque in Tehran, which was built for high-ranking government officials in the form of four porches, tall domes, and minarets, and is so glorious. This small mosque is built as a summer and winter nave on two floors. Kashan Tabrizi Mosque includes tile decorations, inlays, inscriptions, murals, and plastering to write inscriptions in terms of decorations and follows the art and decorations related to the traditional architecture of the previous periods as this mosque was built in the early period Qajar in 1212 AH and many natural themes can be seen in its decorative elements, as it can be considered the only building in which there are weak influences of Western culture. Tehran Sepah Salar School-Mosque was built in 1296 AH and its decorations and decorative motifs originated from traditional and western architecture. In such a way that western elements such as architectural landscaping have been used as a house or church, in contrast to which there were no western elements in the Tabrizi Mosque of Kashan.

Abstract
Khosf county with a hot-dry climate is located in South Khorasan province in eastern Iran and on the eastern edge of the Lut desert. Despite the existence of historical monuments in this region of Iran, little is known about them to archaeologists, urban planners, architects, and art historians. Special attention was paid to the historical urban fabric and residential houses which are mainly related to the late Qajar and early Pahlavi eras, in the archeological survey conducted by the authors in the Khosf region in 2014. Three relatively intact and well-established historical urban fabric in the city of Khosf and the villages of Khor and Noghab were studied during this study and 45 historical houses in these areas and other historical villages of Khosf were examined. The studied historical/traditional fabrics are mostly active and today with some changes in the body of the building, they are still used by the local people of the region. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and the way of collecting data is also based on archaeological studies in the region to document and collect information about traditional houses of Khosf, and Then based on library studies. This research seeks to answer three main questions: 1- How much has the climate affected the type of structures and architectural components of traditional Khosf houses? 2- Do these conditions prevent the influence of the changes and developments of the common architecture of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods or not? 3- And what have been the common decorative techniques in the architecture of Khosf houses? Based on the research questions, the main objectives of the present study are to investigate the impact of the climatic conditions of the region on traditional houses Khosf and developments in Iranian architecture, as well as the study of different structures and architectural components of these buildings and their related decorations. Despite the general resemblance to traditional architectural patterns in hot and dry regions of Iran, the results show that it is strongly influenced by the climate of the region and in terms of architectural structure and related decorations is slightly affected by Qajar to Pahlavi period architectural developments..
Keywords: Khosf, Residential House, Qajar, Pahlavi.

Introduction
Man has always had many buildings from distance past, many of which have been destroyed over time. Among these, residential houses are the most important and abundant architectural structures that have always been built or reconstructed by humans. But these buildings are generally destroyed over time and turned into a pile of soil. Therefore, it is necessary to study and document the remaining traditional and historical buildings of the country and study their construction and decoration methods and topics such as the impact of climate on them. In Iran, due to the richness of the country’s historical antiquity, many relics of traditional houses and urban fabrics have been left. At present, most of the ancient houses in Iran mainly belong to the Qajar to the first Pahlavi period. Many studies have been done on the architecture of traditional houses in different parts of Iran, which are mainly based on the historic and magnificent houses of Yazd and Kashan, but less attention has been paid to the study of simpler houses in small towns and suburbs. One of such areas where a large number of traditional/historical houses and to some extent some of its traditional fabrics have survived is the city of Khosf in South Khorasan Province, where no independent research has been done on the urban fabric and historical houses. Accordingly, the present study is the first step in studying and analyzing these architectural spaces. in this study, 45 historical houses located in three historical contexts of Khosf city and Noghab and Khor villages and surveyed by the authors in 2014 are considered as the statistical community. Considering that traditional houses, in addition to using the knowledge of their predecessors, have also been affected by climatic conditions and changes in Iranian architecture, it is necessary to know the extent of these effects in different regions. The main objectives of the present study, based on research questions, include the study of the decorations, structure, and various architectural components of traditional Khosf houses and recognizing their impact on climatic conditions and architectural developments in Iran.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer three main questions: 1- How much has the weather condition affected the type of structures and architectural components of urban fabrics and traditional houses of Khosf? 2- Do these conditions prevent being affected by the changes and developments of the common architecture of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods or not? And 3- What are the common decorative methods in the architecture of Khosf houses and how have they been?
Research Method: The method of this article is a descriptive-analytical one and the method of collecting data is also based on archaeological studies in the region to document and collect information about traditional houses in Khosf and then Based on library studies.

Article Text
With a hot and dry climate, Khosf is one of the southwestern counties of South Khorasan province, which is located in the eastern margin of the Lut desert. In most parts of the year, most of this area sees wind that has direct and indirect effects on the type of architectural structure of the region. Archaeological study of Khosf county has resulted in the identification of 45 residential buildings that date back to the Qajar to the early Pahlavi period. These buildings were identified in different parts of the county, from mountainous and foothill areas such as Ark and Bein Abad to desert areas such as Khosf, Khor, and Noghab. According to the objectives of the present study, Khosf traditional houses are studied based on the principles of traditional Iranian architecture such as urban form, introversion, direction, scale, spatial hierarchy, and architectural components of houses such as the entrance, courtyard, building materials, plan, colors and decorations and the effect of climatic conditions of the region and Iranian architectural developments on these works were investigated. For example, in terms of direction, most of the traditional houses of Khosf have been built in the northeast-southwest direction, and climatic issues such as the direction of the sunshine and the direction of the wind have had a direct impact on this choice. On the other hand, the studied buildings have a compact plan as much as possible and try to keep the external surface of the building smaller than its volume. This density and compactness of the house plan minimize the amount of heat exchange through the outer walls of the building in both summer and winter, thus preventing the penetration of heat into the building in summer and its loss in winter. Also, many of the studied buildings had one-way wind deflectors that brought cool air into the house in summer. Other features of the traditional Khosf houses include: having a central courtyard and rooms around it, having two porches on either side of the courtyard, having one or more windbreak rooms, having a room fireplace for winter, use of local and traditional materials, have very little decoration such as plastering or brickwork. 

Conclusion
Khosf is one of the hot and dry cities on the eastern edge of the Lut Desert that is directly affected by this climate. From the past until now, this county has largely preserved its traditional identity in the construction of various architectural works, due to its distance from very large cities. One of these works is the traditional houses of this county, which currently have a large number of them in areas such as Khosf, Khor, etc. Given that these houses have not yet been studied and surveyed, and at the same time have largely retained their traditional texture, it was necessary to address them in an independent study. Accordingly, the present study was conducted with the general purpose of studying traditional and old houses in Khosf city and with other purposes such as investigating the role of climatic and traditional factors in the formation of various spaces of these buildings. According to these studies, it can be concluded that the traditional houses of Khosf show their great influence on the climate and geographical conditions of the region. This issue can be observed in various factors such as the direction of the construction of alleys and their dimensions, direction of the construction of buildings, location of rooms in a building, type and number and direction of the windbreak, number and structure of porches, dimensions of rooms, little use of opening spaces such as windows, etc. Of course, with some factors such as the isolation of the Khosf region, its distance from the main route of commercial and communication highways, and its lack of proximity to major cities, this city will benefit less from the architectural and urban developments of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. This issue is seen in the introverted architectural structure of buildings as well as related decorations. Accordingly, the traditional architectural model of this region can be introduced as a traditional, indigenous, and unique model, and it is necessary to take more measures for the continuation and further prosperity of this model. 

Abstract
The architecture of the Qajar period due to being in the transition from traditionalism to modernity has special features and this issue makes it important and attractive to study, also the evolution of buildings in this period due to changes in architectural culture and urban life is very important. The influences of various other factors such as climate, cultural relations, the influence of Western architecture, etc., and has had a remarkable effect on the formation of the architecture of Tehran’s palaces. In this study, in addition to studying the above factors in the field of differences, especially in how the architectural effects of each era, its evolution in each period is also examined. In this regard, the present study examines the architecture of palaces of each period of the Qajar kings and examines the process of its changes and compares their differences and similarities in terms of architectural style. In this study, in order to understand why and how. The achievement of architects in this specific pattern and the degree of influence of past techniques and the impact of Western architecture on the architecture of this period are presented. The most important buildings of this period have been studied by field observation and library studies and previous researches by descriptive-analytical and comparative research methods, and the differences and commonalities of each of them have been evaluated. Considering that no significant research has been done on Tehran palaces and Qajar period architecture from the point of view of stylistics and their characteristics, this article can cover the existing research gap to some extent by recognizing the factors and the formation of palaces architecture. The findings of this study show that despite some influences of Western architecture in this period, the architecture of this period is still based on the basic principles of Iranian-Islamic architecture such as the principle of introversion, privacy and... 
Keywords: Qajar Period, Tehran Palaces, Golestan Palace, Aristocratic Mansions.

Introduction
The formation of architecture of the Qajar period can be divided into two time stages. Safavid period architecture and Isfahan style and the second part are integrated and taken from the architectural style of the second half of the 18th and 19th centuries. Maghrib is the earth, this style entered the architecture of Iran as a symbol of modernity and strongly influenced the architecture of Iran (Rezaei Nabi and Salehi Tabrizi, 2012: 6). Of course, this effect is much greater in the last years of the Qajar period than in the early years. In fact, the reign of the last Qajar king can be considered completely different from previous periods. Some historians consider this period as a mere imitation of Western architectural style (Talebzadeh, 2007: 14). Others, however, believe that the self-critical view resulting from the defeat in the Iran-Russia wars caused transformational tendencies to form in Iranian society during the Qajar period, and that the different Qajar architecture is the product of this idealistic approach. This can be attributed to the lack of importance to the tradition and original identity of the past in this period, and socially, the class gap between sections of society has increased and also political relations with Western countries caused the affluent strata of society after traveling to Western countries with what. They chose Western architecture and used it in their mansions (Saremi and Radmard, 1997: 143) and because the information was transmitted through the minds of these people, it was similar to the same building - with local and experimental materials and technology. And not scientific - they built, which often formed a fusion of traditional and Western architecture.
Objectives and necessity of research: Our purpose in this article is to examine the historical maps and documents and the results of field research, the formation and changes over time on the palaces of this period. In this research, the process of formation and evolution of Qajar period architecture and the influence of Western architecture on it are studied. The necessity of such research can be expressed in the physical analysis and typology of palaces of this period.
Research Questions and Hypotheses: Considering the fact that the establishment of the Tehran Government Citadel coincides with the capitalization of this city and the construction of the Nasserite fence, the main question is how the palaces of the Qajar period were formed and evolved? The present study seeks to understand why and how architects achieve this specific pattern and be influenced by past techniques and Western neoclassical style, as well as how they relate to each other and their similarities.
Research Methodology: The research method is based on the purpose of basic research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and comparative, the subject matter is obtained using the basic and basic data required through field studies. In order to compare and contrast the simultaneous data, the method of data collection has been done in a library manner and by comparing and analyzing them, it has come to a conclusion.

Background Research
In terms of the background and thematic background of the research, it should be acknowledged that fortunately in the field of architecture of the Qajar period and especially Golestan Palace, extensive research and studies have been conducted by several researchers, the most important of which are in the form of two thematic axes. They include general architectural studies of the Qajar period as well as studies on the architecture of Qajar royal mansions, some of which are mentioned below. One of these researches can be found in the book History of Construction.

Conclusion
In the traditional architecture of Iran, one point has always been considered by architects and that is the observance of interior and exterior spaces in architecture. From ancient times, Iranians were more spiritually and emotionally compatible than indoor and outdoor spaces to modern spaces. These elements and patterns were observed and preserved in Iranian architecture during the Safavid, Zandi and the first years of Qajar rule.
Certainly, architecture changes in each period in accordance with the lifestyle of human beings in each country. From the middle of the Qajar period, with the change of intellectual resources and ideas governing the society and also being aware of the developments, different needs were felt than in the past. These needs did not develop much at first and were more prominent among the courtiers and the affluent classes. They considered responding to these needs and the solution in modeling Western methods. The establishment of the Academy of Arts, sending students to Europe, hiring foreign teachers and publishing newspapers changed the social and political attitude in the Qajar period. The atmosphere of Qajar architecture followed the same attitude. From the middle of the Nasserite era onwards, the confrontation between tradition and modernity led to the victory of modernity, and architecture has since lost its ancient forms and taken on a Western appearance. The palaces of this period played the most important role in carrying out this evolution by being a pioneer in reflecting the architectural developments of their time. This architecture is a break from the previous tradition and in line with Western traditions and the achievements of Western civilization. The weakness of the Qajar government and the inability of the traditional system to confront the Western traditions created changes and currents in Iranian architecture. Iran’s entry into the Third World during the Qajar period caused Western civilization to become a model in many fields, including architecture, and among these, the first examples were seen in palaces and mansions. The decline of Iranian architectural traditions began in the middle of the Qajar period. In fact, the Qajar period is the era of weakening the historical and original Iranian traditions and the development and spread of Western architecture in Iran.
 Over time, in the years following the reign of Fath Ali Shah, buildings were erected that were considered the source of changes in traditional architecture. With the construction of a building such as Shams al-Amara, which has not benefited much from Western technology and can only be pointed out to be high-rise. Towards the end of Nasser al-Din Shah’s reign, the shape and construction of buildings and palaces shifted to the European neoclassical style.
As we approach the end of the Qajar rule, the construction of buildings has become easier and there is no more traditional and introverted architecture, and modern buildings are being replaced by western and extroverted methods. Towards the end of this period, a number of elements of European architecture entered Iranian architecture and were used in combination with the same so-called traditional architecture. Some of these elements were borrowed from classical and neoclassical European architecture, and others were influenced by modern architecture. In short, Qajar architecture rightly upgraded the old Iranian architecture along with Western architecture, principles, principles and patterns and created innovations in terms of space. But it did not seem to have the strength to create a new architecture. In fact, in this period, due to the influence of Western architecture in Iran, our architects immersed it in the principles and patterns of traditional Iranian architecture, but by combining the two, they could not create a new style or pattern.

Abstract
Bampur historical complex is located in Makran – Jazmourian Basin in a flat plain in the Northwest of Bampur city, the capital of the region and 4 km to the North of Bampur River (20 km to the east of Iranshar). Extensive firing and burnt vestiges are one of the most characteristics phenomena at Bampur Castel. The evidence of firing is scattered nearly all over the site and it is not limited just to spaces like pits or kitchens. The diversity and abundance of brunt materials (seed of cereals, fruit remains, woods, charcoals and mat-made shoes) allowed us to use them for archaeobotanical studies. Due to the limited archaeological excavations especially in prehistoric sites, Iranian Baluchestān has so far been less-known from archaeobotanical and history of vegetation point of view. This research present the results of studies on the plant remains obtained from some pits and firing debris belonged to the Qajar period’s layers. The purpose of the study was to recognize the vegetation around the site and the type of plants used by the inhabitants during that period. Microscopic observations and analyze of 2301 charcoal fragments, woods, seeds, rachis segments and fruit remains showed that the vegetation cover around the Castel included trees such as tamaris, willow, acacia, musquit bean and date palm. They used the wood of these trees to meet their fuel needs (especially tamaris) or as construction materials (willow, acacaia and mesquites). Given the current ecology and geographical distribution of these species, it is reasonable to assume that the identified trees are native to the area and have grown around the Castel. Also the remains of Cereals (wheat and barley), fruits (date palm) and Cucurbits (Watermelon and melon) found in the firing debris testify agricultural activities. In addition, further evidence is attested by the presence of burnt seeds of the wild plants or weedy such as rye, bermuda grass, brome, wild grass, vetch milk, vetch, medic, goosefoot family, knotweed, seepweed, cowherb, asphodel and sedge family (present in the fields along with agricultural products).
Keywords: Archaeobotany, Bampur Castle, Wood utilization, Qajar Period, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
The study of vegetal remains is not solely limited to climate change that occurs normaly over a long period of time. It could be used for reconstruction of vegetal cover, cultivation patterns or the introduction of non – native species compatible with the environment of a specific region. 
Bampur castel is located, in a flat plain on the northwest side of Bampur city, 4 km north of Bampur River and 20 km east of Iranshahr. The castel have a rectangular – oval shape in the northeast- southwest axis. Due to the best state of conservation at the site, large quantity of vegetal remains including seeds, fruit remains, woods, charcoals and reed mat and other artefcats were found in archaeological contexts. 
The present research will study plant data obtained from the excavated layers in the second season of excavations at Bampur castel conducted by Nozar Heydari in 2018 (heydari 2018). Here, we will try to answer to the following questions: 1. What was the vegetal cover around Bampur in the late Islamic period (Qajar period)? 2. Which kind of woods were used by the inhabitants of the region during that period? 3. What plants species were cultivated by the inhabitants as food resources?
Unfortunately archaeobotanical studies have not been realized in Iranian Baluchestān. Henece, for the first time archaeobotanical studies have been applied to identify the vegetation history of the area, the plant resources and the possible existence of non – native species. The Information on the agriculture and plant economy of Pakistani Baluchestān during the prehistoric times has been available (Tengberg, 1998; 1999; Tengberg & Thiebault, 2003; Costantini, 1981; 1990). However in the Iranian Baluchestān, no specialized study has been conducted in this field. In the southeasten part of the Iranian Plateau and in the Indo-Iranian Borderlands (Sistan, Baluchestān and Kerman) several long-term environmental studies have been carried out in some prehistoric sites by iranian and foreign experts resulted in obtaining valuable information on the history of agriculture and vegetal cover of the area (Costantini & Costantini-Biasini, 1985; Costantini, 1977a-b;  Costantini, 1979; Meadow, 1986; Shirazi & Shirazi, 2012; Tengberg, 2008; Mashkour et al., 2013 ; Vaezi et al., 2019; Hamzeh et al., 2016; Gurjazkaite et al., 2018; Shirazi 2019; Kavosh et al., 2020).

Material and Method
In the second season of excavations a total of six trenches were excavated including:  W1.T2, W1.T3, W1.T4, W1.T5, W1.T6, W1.T7. The archaeobotanical data were obtained from W1.T2, W1.T3, W1.T4, W1.T5. Extensive traces of fire and ashe were scattered all around the castel. Considering the diversity and large quantities of plant remains (grains, fruitstones, charcoals, woods and artefacts) it was decided to select them for archaeobotanical studies. In total, 10 samples from contexts such as pits and fire debris have been collected. From 153 litres of collected debris by water sieving, about 5690 ml. plant remains including seeds, fruitstones and rachis segments were obtainted. Laboratory studies of these data have been done in the Archaeobotanical Laboratory of the World Heritage Site of Shahr-i Sokhta.

Discussion
A total of 310 fragments of charcoal and woods and 1991 seeds, fruit stones and rachis segments were studies. Anthracological digramme indicates the presence of various trees and shrubs such as tamaris (Tamarix spp.), willow (Salix sp.), date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), acacia (Acacia sp.) and mesquites (Prosopis sp.). The relative abundance of tamaris and willow is higher (79%) than other plants. Tropical plants such as acacia and mesquites (15%) and fruits like date palm (6%) are in the second and third ranks respectively. This evidence shows that the inhabitants used the wood of tamaris as fule and willow, acacia and mesquites as construction materials. Given the habitat and geopraphical distribution of the actual vegetation, it is quite reasonable to assume that the identified trees are native to the area.
In addition to the identified trees, carpological digramme indicates the existence of various crops like cultivated cereals  (emmer wheat/Triticum dicoccum), bread wheat /T. aestivum, club wheat /T. compacteum and barley/Hordeum vulgare), fruits and cucurbits (date palm, melon and watermelon), wild grasses (rye, bermuda grass, brome), wild pulses (vetch milk, vetch, medic), and wild plant or weedy (goosefoot family, knotweed, seepweed, cowherb, asphodel and sedge family) that were present in the fields along with agricultural products.

Conclusion
According to our study, plant resources around Bampur includs trees such as tamaris, willow, acacia, date palm and mesquites. Tamaris is the main source of fuel in the region and willow, acacia and mesquites have been used as construction materials (beams for building strengthen). The remains of charcoal and wood of these trees in the explored contexts show that the inhabitants of the castel did not need to import wood from other areas to meet their needs and were completely self-sufficient in this regard. In addition to these tree, which grew naturally in the past as they do today, Baluchestān also enjoyed favorable conditions for cultivation of cereals (emmer wheat, bread wheat, club wheat and barley), cucurbits (melon and water melon) and other fruits especially date palm. 

Abstract
Due to the existence of fertile alluvial soil and more than one hundred aqueducts (Qanats), agriculture and horticulture were prosperous in the Borkhar plain, north of Isfahan during the Qajar period. Furthermore, its location on the Isfahan highway to the capital of government made it easy to export products to other regions. Accordingly, livelihood in the Borkhar plain was affected by agriculture and horticulture. The questions are: how was the exploitation and management of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar? Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Based on the archaeological data such as gardens with the irregular plan and vast gardens with the designed and regular plan, it can be concluded that the type of agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar plain was subsistence agriculture and agribusiness. In the early Qajar era, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore, the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture in this plain, such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.
Keywords: Strategies of Livelihood, Agriculture During Qajar Period, Architecture of Qajar Period, Borkhar in Isfahan, Khan’s Gardens.

Introduction
Livelihood means human assets, behaviors, and activities that determine the standard of living of an individual, family, or community (Ellis, 2000: 10). According to Chambers and Conway, livelihood also means the capabilities and necessary activities to survive and determine lifestyle (Chambers and Conway, 1992: I-II). The strategies of livelihood were developed in different communities to increase social welfare and public health (Gaillard et al., 2009: 120). These strategies were included agricultural and horticultural livelihood, animal husbandry, fisheries, industrial activities, road services, and trade. In this article, the architectural features of gardens and buildings related to agriculture in the Borkhar plain were explained. Then, the strategies of livelihood in this plain during the Qajar period were analyzed.
As the entrance passage of Isfahan from the north, Borkhar plain was a strategic area on the north-south communication route of the country. This plain was considered an agricultural and horticultural area on the periphery of Isfahan.
The questions are how was the exploitation of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar?
The importance of this research is that it recognizes the systems of management and exploitation of natural resources in the past, especially with an emphasis on the methods of achieving sustainable livelihoods based on the capabilities of the region. While today, some cities and villages in the region are facing serious risks in terms of conservation of natural resources and livelihood, due to incorrect policies in local and regional development and lack of attention to local capabilities.
Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Analyzes were performed by “content analysis” of historical sources and “spatial analysis” of architectural monuments related to horticulture and agriculture.

Exploitation and Resource Management in Borkhar 
Geologically, the Borkhar plain is an alluvial plain and its settlements were developed in these alluviums (Shafaqi, 2002: 97). These alluvial soils cause fertility in this plain. The fertility of the Borkhar plain on the one hand, and the rise of the landowners class in the Qajar period on the other, led to the division of ownership of agricultural lands and gardens between lords and large landowners. Accordingly, the number of lords increased and they gained higher social prestige during the Qajar period. In addition to building residential castles on their agricultural lands and gardens, the lords and employers hired several farmers and settled them to increase the production and use of the land (Amirhajloo et al., 2012b: 115). 
Despite the fertile soil, the amount of rainfall in Borkhar plain was low. Therefore, groundwater extraction methods were important and aqueducts were created in the plain for this reason. The remains of “Pang-khaneh” buildings as a place for the distribution of aqueduct water in the Borkhar plain are important. Factors affecting the water distribution of aqueducts in Borkhar plain were: the features of the place, the amount of water of aqueducts, the number of households using water resources, type of cultivation, and laws governing the region. Exceptionally, for private aqueducts located on lord’s farms, all aqueduct water belonged only to the landowner.

The Strategies of Horticulture and Agriculture Livelihood in Borkhar
If we want to analyze the livelihood strategies of horticulture and agriculture in the Borkhar plain, we must pay attention to “subsistence agriculture” and “Agribusiness”. Subsistence agriculture is a type of agriculture that aims to produce as much as the needs of the family, tribe, or village and does not pay attention to foreign markets and earnings (Mosher, 2008: 6). While Agribusiness means specialized cultivation, production over subsistence needs, and product sales in the various markets (Amini, 2016: 549). While from the middle of the Qajar era, especially from the time of Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, “Agribusiness” also became popular (Mansour Bakht, 2009: 123, 147). 
Archaeological evidence of the Qajar era in the Borkhar plain indicates both of the above farming strategies. Archaeological remains show the subsistence agriculture strategy in this period; For example, small enclosed gardens, scattered and irregular gardens with an organic plan on the periphery of the villages of Morchekhort, Gaz, Gorgab, Sin, Dormian, Zaman Abad, Dastgerd, Dolatabad, Dombi, and Margh. While there is other evidence that shows the strategy of Agribusiness in Borkhar in the Qajar era, such as regular lordly gardens with a pre-designed plan and residential spaces for lords and farmers, as well as castles of landlords.
The content analysis of Qajar sources also confirms the existence of the above two livelihood strategies in Borkhar. For example, crops such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, summer vegetables, turmeric, and beets were grown for local consumption. But crops such as melons and cotton were grown commercially and then exported.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological data and historical sources, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain during the early Qajar era. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture of wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets in this plain, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.

Abstract
The special conditions of the Qajar period have made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian rugs took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop, and complete the assets of their rug collections in the best way. Familiarity with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and knowledge of European strategy regarding the acquisition of Iranian carpets in this period are among the important and contemporary issues and concerns of carpet studies and of course museum studies and can complete our knowledge in this field. Accordingly, this article intends to follow the most important methods and strategies of Europeans in acquiring and owning Iranian rugs to identify and introduce the factors affecting their access to these rugs and their storage. In fact, in this research, we want to know what factors were involved in the formation of the process of collecting Qajar rugs by Europeans. For this purpose and to find the answer to this question, in this article, we have used the descriptive-analytical research method. We also collected our data in a library method and used a qualitative method to analyze them. Findings and results of this study indicate that the tradition of offering rugs to ambassadors and European courts on the one hand and the rugs export industry of this period have been the most important traditional factors in collecting valuable Iranian rugs by Europeans. Also, due to the cultural changes and modernization of the Qajar kings, especially Nasser al-Din Shah, and the welcome to participate in the famous international exhibitions of the nineteenth century is also one of the newest methods and facilities of European carpet collecting in this period. 
Keywords: Persian carpets, Qajar period, Carpet Collection, European collections.

Introduction
The special conditions of the Qajar period had made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian carpets took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop and complete the assets of their carpet collections. Today, one of the topics of concern and contemporary concerns in carpet studies is getting acquainted with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and becoming aware of the facilities and methods used by Europeans about Iranian carpets on the other hand. Just as the quantity and quality of the presence of Iranian carpets in European collections and museums is important, so are the factors influencing the transfer of these carpets and the manner in which they were taken over by the Europeans.
Therefore, this article intends to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian carpets in the Qajar period to identify and introduce the effective factors in their acquisition and storage of these carpets. In order to achieve this goal, in order to explain this issue in principle, the contents of this article were organized under two general sections. At the beginning and in the first part of the article, the role of the court tradition of donating carpets to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in examining Iranian carpets to European collections, was examined. On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, the contribution of the carpet export industry to the prosperity of European collections was studied and analyzed. Here, the role of Iranian merchants in transporting carpets to Europe was mainly discussed. In the second part of the article, the effect of international exhibitions on increasing popularity and subsequently expanding the desire of Europeans to own Iranian carpets was discussed. International exhibitions are considered a relatively new phenomenon that the holding of these events facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian carpet collections in Europe even more than the previous factor.
This article has been written using descriptive-analytical research method and has collected its data by library method. The statistical population is based on books, articles, catalogs and some related documents that have been analyzed qualitatively.

Discussion
This article tried to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian rugs in the Qajar period, to identify and introduce the factors influencing their access to and storage of these rugs. To achieve this goal, and to explain the principles of this issue, we have organized the contents of this article under two general sections. First, and in the first part of the article, we examined the role of the court tradition of donating rugs to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in finding Iranian rugs to European collections. 
On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, we have studied and analyzed the contribution of the rug export industry to the prosperity of European collections. Here we have mainly dealt with the role of Iranian traders in transporting rugs to Europe. In the second part of the article, we have discussed the effect that international exhibitions have had on increasing popularity and, consequently, expanding Europeans’ desire to own Iranian carpets. International exhibitions are a relatively new phenomenon and are specific to the Qajar period. Holding these events has facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian rug collections in Europe even more than the previous factor. 

Conclusion
Numerous factors have paved the way for Europeans to embroider carpets during the Qajar period and their access to exquisite Iranian carpets. Items such as the tradition of offering carpets to European ambassadors and courts on the one hand, and the export of carpets by Iranian merchants on the other hand are among the most common and prevalent of these factors. Of course, during this period, in addition to embassies and European courts, their collections were also among the targets of these offerings. Museums such as Victoria and Albert have acquired excellent carpets in this way. Tabriz merchants have also played a special role in warming the Iranian carpet market in Europe. A significant part of Iranian carpet customers in Europe have been wealthy urban consumers. Although the carpets sent to these houses have in some cases been taken from private and public collections, the museum brokers have not neglected the Iranian carpet export markets and have started carpet weaving for their collections directly by purchasing these carpets. During this period, due to the development of exports, in addition to old and worn carpets, which were not originally woven for export purposes, new carpets were introduced that were woven specifically for presentation in European markets.
One of the unique ways of offering Iranian carpets in the Qajar period is attending international exhibitions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this period, exhibitions were held in Vienna, London, Paris and Munich, in which Iranian carpets were also able to participate. Many of the rugs on display at these exhibitions belonged to the Safavid period. These carpets were more popular than the carpets of the Qajar period. Nevertheless, the carpets of both periods have attracted European customers. Many rugs were identified by Europeans by attending these exhibitions and were able to enter European collections and museums.

Abstract
The Iranian house is full of structural units. The cohesion of the units creates more complex patterns, which, as a result of their location in different parts of the building, also form its physical structure and functional and cultural characteristics. Since the combination of these patterns in the home is always a reflection of the customs and lifestyle of residents and local conditions, knowing each of the patterns allows them to be used on a larger scale in the design of new homes. The content of structural patterns and the extent of their impact on Iranian-Islamic residential architecture is the basis of research inquiry. The research intends to take a physical approach to express the structure of the architectural language of the house in the sample buildings of the Qajar period; and in this way provide the basis for restoring the architectural values of the past. The research method is descriptive-historical and the method of finding research is a combination. The basis of observational studies has also been done through the presence of buildings that have a relatively complete architectural composition, and citation of existing maps, images and texts. The abstracted contents with the help of AutoCAD software introduce the basic units in geometric shapes and check their applicability in 50 houses of historical-cultural value. One of the important results of this search is the generalizability of the logical order of the initial units identified in various combinations and the production of more complex spatial units than the initial units of 5040 patterns. The results show that the patterns participate in various proportions from 0.06% to 27.16% and 42 in selected houses. Among these, pattern number 8 has the most (453) presence; while Patterns 12, 33 and 42 have the least (1) applications.
Keywords: Iranian-Islamic Architecture, Architectural Model, Architectural Physical Order, Language of Architecture, Qajar House.

Introduction
Due to the common economic and social prosperity, the residential houses of the Qajar period define a rich language in architecture that can be extended to Iranian-Islamic houses in the contemporary and future periods. Field studies show that there are a variety of patterns in residential homes that are physically part of a sequential structure and order. From the coherence of these initial units, more complex patterns emerge, which, according to their location in different parts of the building, express the physical structure and functional and cultural characteristics of the building. Since the combination of these patterns in the home is always a reflection of the customs and lifestyle of residents and local conditions, knowing each of the patterns allows them to be used in the design of new homes on a larger scale.
Housing construction in the contemporary era of Iranian architecture and urban planning, especially in recent decades, has found significant differences with the previous era. Field studies and observations indicate a significant reduction in physical-cultural values arising from new housing methods. For example, the gradual obsolescence of the middle fabric of cities is an issue that easily causes their instability. 
This study tries to identify the past methods in housing architecture and highlight the points of emphasis in its structures and concepts, and then shaping those features into a new format, introduce the most important effective spatial patterns in order to improve the physical and quantitative structure of modern house.
According to historical background of home architecture in Iran, and the need to review the structure of modern home architecture, research seeks to find answers to these questions: 1- What are the basic spatial units in the architecture of the Iranian-Islamic house? 2. What patterns does the spatial order of the units create? 3- What is the frequency of these patterns in the existing samples?

Survey of Basic Spatial Units
The research has summarized the data using a descriptive-historical method. A review of studies conducted by researchers and experts in Iranian and non-Iranian architecture and urban planning confirms the similar and sometimes different points of view of the linguistic structure of Iranian-Islamic architecture. Each of the statements has somehow emphasized the characteristics of Iranian-Islamic architecture; and they are summarized at the crossroads of the world of meaning and the world of matter and are located in six directions (Falamaki, 2012, 194).
In the Iranian- Islamic culture, it is believed that matter or the material world is opposite to light or the spiritual world (Holy Quran, Esra: 70). In Iranian-Islamic architecture, the spatial arrangement of the body shows that, in its spatial organization, attention is directed from light to matter. In fact, “it is a journey from pure light to the depths of matter” (Holy Quran). Although architecture is shaped by the combination of matter and space, form is created by the domination of space. Therefore, the form depends on the arrangement of the initial units that make up the architecture of the building. These units include a closet, room, living room, hall, porch, Platform, courtyard and basement.
Examination of the frequency of practical application of patterns in sample houses shows that out of a total of 42 patterns used, pattern No.8 has the highest presence among the 42 units; Patterns No. 12, 33, and 42 have the least presence in the composition of houses. Among the most complex patterns, pattern No. 1 with 15 times the company had the least and pattern No. 18 with 40 times had the most use. The results also show that the patterns contribute in various proportions from 0.06% for patterns No. 12, 33 and 42 to 27.16% for pattern No. 8 in the sample houses.

Conclusion
The seven structural foundations of house architecture in Iranian-Islamic, including: basement, room, living room, hall, porch, platform and courtyard are clearly recognizable. Each of these seven primary units is distinct due to its purity and structural simplicity. The reason for the differentiation of the primary units is their placement in a successive series from darkness to light. For this reason, these units are turning points in marking the evolution of syntax and syntactic language of Iranian-Islamic housing architecture, and their location in the series of units generates patterns that allow them to produce a significant variety in housing architecture. In order to accept this theoretical view, field observations on houses of historical-cultural value make the existence of diversity correct. Based on factorial 7 mathematical calculations, there are 5040 possibilities for the logical arrangement of the initial space units and the production of a pattern; while according to field observations, only 42 possibilities have been used in sample houses so far. Primary units, in part or in whole, can communicate with other units in four directions. Studies show that the two directions of north-south and east-west are the most important patterns in terms of complexity and the extent of their use in Qajar period houses. Patterns together create a large, controlled space that joins together in hot conditions to create a larger space; while in cold conditions, these spaces separate from each other and create small and independent single spaces.
The coherence of the patterns in both longitudinal and transverse directions shows that the design language of the Iranian house, based on the flexibility of the constituent patterns in practice, has the ability to create newer examples. The flexibility of the patterns is affected by the integrity of the initial units, which is provided by adding and subtracting some initial units in the form of order.

Abstract
Since the formation of the Silk Road, the route has been the main route between East and West Asia. With the beginning of the age of colonialism, the process of globalization began and so direction-function of communication evolved greatly, which reached its peak in the nineteenth century and the close relationship of Iran-Japan became possible. the question of the present article is which areas or ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used foreign trade, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade. answer is that the products of the Sassanid and Safavid types reflect the political position of Japan and the trade role of other nations rather than a demonstration of the Iran-Japan relationship but in 19th century because of Imperialist pressure and needs of global trade this drastically changed .A historic review of this relationship reveals areas in Japan that were the main centers of state trade, such as the ports of Osaka and Kobe to Kyoto and Nara plains, the port of Nagasaki, and the ports of Kanagawa Bay specially Yokohama, which all of them played a similar & synchronized role in the 19th century to make trade possible from the ports of Bushehr, Lenge and Abbasi in Iran and even because of Opium trade it expanded to Taipei too. So before nineteenth century the trade in question was always influenced by the culture of closeness in Japan, but in the new era due to the pressure of imperialism and the trend of modernism gates were opened and strategic goods such as Opium exported from Iran to Imperial Japan. In order to achieve the above, artifacts and written sources along with the analysis of geographical data by using a socio-historical approach have been used.
Keywords: Japan, Iran, Globalization, Qajar Era, Meiji Era.

Introduction
Since earliest times humans had trade relations to each other and so created trade routes which by developing and increasing of social complexity these routes became longer and connect more and larger societies, one of ancient and maybe first truly international routes known as Silk Road and so colonial powers (such as at first Dutch & USA) same naval routes. In result western countries connected Iran to Japan & those two as a process of modernization opened their doors to globe and started their embassies. our question is which areas/ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used for trade with each other, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade relations. Hypothesis is the same marine areas of Japan, Omura, Osaka & Kanagawa bays along different eras, Same with Bandar Abbas and Bushehr in Iran. Answering to this non-studied socio-historical title matter is very important. plus at least in Iran, because of social situation study of Qajar period always been hard and easily can effected by non-academic believes.

Main
Japan is an archipelago at the east end of Asia which as Nihongi say, made of eight main islands. Such geographic setting makes a special cultural which before anything is barred from outside and there is a self-aware hierarchy which despite shatter nature of geography, make centralize system possible. because of this cultural, Japan closed its borders to foreign relation many times such as in Heian, Kamakura and Edo periods. so despite creation of Silk Road in 119B.C Japan did not benefit it until Jingu invasion of Korea in 3th century, exactly when Sassanid artifacts alongside Korean ones found northern Kyushu & central Honshu. which most of them made in Korea not Iran. The only sources in advent of Islam are Geographer’s mention of Japan as Vaq. In early Colonial era everything changed when Portuguese and Dutch traders came to Safavid Iran and Japan at war. We do know Safavid cloth, salt, rug and even maybe marble exported to Japan by all of it foreign traders to Nagasaki and Osaka ports. By beginning of Sakoku or closed door policy of Edo period almost everything came back to first step. In 19C because of economic pressure of modernization Iran began it global trade, at first by silk and then Opium which make Iran close to eastern Asia and particularly Qing China. At the same time, Japan ended Sakoku and enters Meiji era so by the will of Nasereddin shah two countries began their relation which strengthen by Japanese conquest of Taiwan, where most of Iranian opium exported from ports of southern Iran like Bushehr and it follows by oil and Japanese exports from main ports like Yokohama and Osaka which were used during history because of their fine geography that make grow and trade easier.

Conclusion
With establishment of the Silk Road a great opportunity created for meeting of both civilizations of Japan & Iran but China & specially Korea had their monopoly in trade & relation. So least of acknowledgment and indirect relation was possible for Japan and Iran. In fact, the artifacts are more show of Japanese power & prestige than it economics. Another reason was closeness in Japanese cultural. In early colonial era were another lords of monopoly in foreign trade at least for Japan. Despite these trade happened in the same route and trade areas through history until 19C which because of Imperialist pressures new order began and so both countries began their globalization process and so for the first time direct political, cultural and economic relations were possible. The area of Omura bay and mainly Nagasaki alongside of northern parts of Kyushu to the Shimonoseki since early centuries of AD was main place for trade, the reason other than great gulfs is it nearness to main body of Asia. eastern Osaka area (or Osaka and Kobe) is a great place for establishment of a megapolis trade port and always was in use because of its route to Kyoto and other ancient capitals. We can see the same situation for Bushehr which is very close to Shiraz and other places of power to Tehran. But Kanagawa and Hormozgan areas have way better situation for making cities and ports specially their situation is more attractive for foreign traders. Because of that by modernization those ports roused immensely. Another port which grow because of 19C modernization is Taipei which used for importation of Iranian goods and have physical geography as good as Nagasaki.

Abstract
The customs buildings complex at the Persian Gulf in Bushehr Province was built at the end of the Qajar era and the beginning of the Pahlavi era. These buildings are very similar. All these buildings are architecturally built in the same way. All these buildings have two floors and match each other. The architecture of these buildings is derived from the architectural style of the second half of the 18th century and 19th century of the West. This style entered Iran’s architecture as a symbol of modernity and strongly influenced Iranian architecture. It has to be mentioned that this influence was much greater in the last years of the Qajar era compared to its first years. By using the historical research method and library studies, it is tried to collect the necessary data about the research subject and obtain adequate understanding of the customs and telegraph offices in Bushehr Province. 
Keywords: Telegraph Offices, Customs, Bushehr Province, Qajar Era.

Introduction
Bushehr was considered one of the important commercial and cultural centers since ancient times, which would connect the Elamites with the Mesopotamia on one hand and the Melos in present-day India with Oman and the Mesopotamia on the other hand, and this is emphasized in linguistic sources apart from archaeological data. (Hesari et al., 2011; 247) There are some ruins of an Elamite port that are found in a place called Reyshahr, near Bushehr, where an inscription of Šutruk-Nahhunte was discovered and read. This city is probably Liyan Elamite, and it seems that until the 15th century BC, it was under the control of the Elamites and it was a city dependent on Anshan, rather than Khuzestan. Even its name has an Elamite root, and the word NIM is placed in front of the name of this city. Based on the texts of Ur III, Steinkeller has dated Liyan to Bushehr of the late 3rd and 2nd millennium BC and has suggested that Anshan had a direct route to Mesopotamia through this port (Steinkeller, 1982: 252). The new history of trades in Bushehr began with the kingdom of Nader Shah Afshar, which has played a special role in the last two centuries of Iran. By the order of Nader Shah, the main boundary of Bushehr was built by Sheykh Naser Abu Mehiri. (Hamidi, 2010: 50), but the overall structure of Bushehr today was formed in the Qajar era (Ranjabr et al., 2010: 24). In the 18th century, Bushehr was considered as the most important commercial port of Iran in open waters. (Dashti, 2001: 117). The presence of customs in Bushehr Province during the Qajar era caused most of the major countries of the world, including England, Russia, Germany, France, etc., to have a political representative office in this city. This city became the southern gate of Iran for the exchange of political ideas and cultural relations. During the Qajar era, the English telegraph line extended from London to India. This line in Bushehr Province extended to Fars Province, and the line was transmitted from different countries, including Iran, either on land or sea cables. 

Research Introduction 
The main objective of this research is to study the reason for the exitance of customs in Bushehr and the telegraph houses and studying their architecture. The research question is: why are there several customs and telegraph houses in Bushehr? And what are their architectural characteristics? 

Bushehr Custom Building 
The first modern custom building of Bushehr Province, known as Chehar Borj (Four-Tower) is in Bushehr City. This custom was built and established during Naser al-Din Shah Qajar era, by Mo’in-O-Tojjar-e Bushehri at his expense with the plans of the Belgians. This mansion was known as Four-Tower at the time of its building and it was the center of the governance of Persian Gulf ports and islands during the Qajar era. Whenever the governer of Bushehr would come to Bushehr City for the governance of the city from Tehran or Shiraz, they would settle in this place. This building was designed by Joseph Naus, known as Belgian Monsieur Naus. (Fig. 1-8)

Bulkheyr Custom 
This building is a two-floor building facing the sea. The eastern and western façades of the building are similar. The two floors match each other and share the same façade. There are three rooms on each floor and all three rooms are connected to each other. There is a small room on the north side which might have been a pantry. There are stairwells on the northern and southern sides of the building. (Fig. 9-14)

Dayer Custom 
This building is a two-floor building facing the sea. The eastern and western façades of the building are similar. The two floors match each other and share the same façade. There are three rooms on each floor and all three rooms are connected to each other. There is a small room on the north side which might have been a pantry. There are stairwells on the northern and southern sides of the building. (Fig. 15-19)
Kangan Custom 
This building has two stories and both stories are similar and they both match each other. The balcony with its beautiful round columns has led to prominence of the building. There has been a stair well in the south part of the building that would connect the second floor to the roof. There is an office, a lobby and a kitchen on each floor. There are squares on the top of each door that were used for lighting. (Fig. 20)

Mohammad ‘Ameri Custom
The unique feature of this building is its shape and design, which was built uniformly on the entire coast of the Persian Gulf. This building is one of the buildings of the Qajar customs whose remains are left, and it was used in the early Pahlavi era. (Fig. 21) 

Lavar-e Saheli Custom 
This building is built in two floors and has an entrance that opens to the west. The two floors are built in the same shape and match each other. There has been a staircase in the south of the building that connected the upper floor and the roof. (Fig. 22) 

Bushehr Telegraph Office 
The telegraph office was initially in Jabri neighborhood and then it is moved to Haft Bangleh in Bahmani neighborhood. The marine transmission cable line extended from Haft Bangle to Karachi in India. The last telegraph and post office in that time was located in Kuti neighborhood near British Consulate behind Shahdokht school, that is ruined now. During Naser al-Din Shah era, telegraph offices were only established by the British and they were managed by British presidents and Iranian employees. 

Conclusion 
Undeniably, architecture changes during any era according to the lifestyle of people in any country. From the middle of the Qajar era, with the change of intellectual resources and thoughts ruling the society, as well as the awareness of the progress, different needs were felt compared to the past. They saw meeting these needs and the solutions in following the Western methods. The establishment of Dār ul-Funun, sending students to Europe, hiring foreign teachers and publishing newspapers, triggered a change in social and political attitudes during the Qajar era. The atmosphere ruling the architecture of Qajar era also followed the same attitude. From the middle of Naser al-Din Shah era, the confrontation between tradition and modernity gradually led to the victory of modernity, and architecture lost its old forms and found on a western form. It seems that the frequent trips of the Qajar kings to Europe left a significant impact in the field of architecture. The kings and princes wanted to implement the western architectural design in their land. Western examples also quickly became popular among the people and all over Iran. This architecture is characterized by the protruding and columned main entrance and grand ceremonial stairs, and the rooms are built in two wings on the first and second floors. The customs buildings in Bushehr Province were built at the end of the Qajar era and the beginning of the Pahlavi era, and they were among the first buildings in Bushehr Province that appeared with a different architecture, and their design is not derived from the architecture of that period, but it is influenced by the architecture of the West, and due to extensive connections of Bushehr with other countries, the role of foreign architects has been prominent in this province. Care should be taken in order to preserve valuable buildings such as these customs building which were studied in this article, so that they are not destructed.

Abstract
Despite the importance, position and high role of the city of Hamadan in the political, economic, social and cultural developments of Iran during the Qajar era, targeted studies that determine the spatial organization and social structure of this city during that period have not been carried out, and there are many questions regarding the nature of the changes in the context. Its history remains unanswered. The current research seeks to answer questions about the transformation and development of the spatial structure of Hamedan city during the Qajar era by relying on written sources, architectural works and archaeological evidence. In order to achieve this goal, while using all the written sources related to this city in the mentioned period, the changes of the urban context and the structural characteristics of its spaces were determined and the factors affecting the growth and development of the city were determined during this period. The result of the research made it clear that due to its ancient background, special geographical location, benefiting from suitable environmental capabilities such as abundant water resources, and also due to its location on the path of important trade-pilgrimage routes in the Qajar period, Hamedan was one of the cities with social and economic importance and status. It has gained merit and accommodates a relatively large population and has attracted the attention of various social groups, especially merchants. Thus, suitable conditions have been created for the construction and discovery of numerous architectural works and monuments with different functions (defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, squares and plazas, markets and caravanserais, mosques, schools, baths, churches, etc.) and the urban space, especially in aspects The south and southeast have developed and expanded significantly.
Keywords: Iranian Cities, Qajar Era Cities, Historical Context of Hamadan, Spatial Structure, Written Sources.

Introduction
Cities are one of the main centers of the emergence of civilization and valuable cultural treasures, without knowing them, it is not possible to study the history of various developments in human life. For this purpose, the study of the cities left from the past plays a significant role in understanding the political, administrative, social, economic and cultural structure of the societies that created them (Krimian, 2014: 121-111) and can provide clear horizons in recognizing the physical, social and cultural structures And reopen the past civilizations to researchers (Krimian and Seyedin, 2009: 69). The study of the ancient living spaces of Iran and the historical contexts of the cities is a necessity that has allocated a part of the scientific activities of archaeologists. Although the historical fabric of Hamedan has suffered a lot of damage due to various reasons, including indiscriminate and irregular constructions, but a number of its historical and valuable buildings have survived the ravages of various times and manipulations. Recovered and recognized to a great extent. Hamadan is one of the few historical and ancient cities in the country that has survived historical developments with strength and has preserved its historical context to some extent. Undoubtedly, Hamedan’s location on the path of communication routes in different eras, as well as its special geographical location and the benefit of environmental capabilities are the main reasons for the continuity of this city throughout history. Fortunately, valuable elements of the architecture of the Qajar era have survived in this city, and by studying them, it is possible to analyze and restore the spatial structure of Hamadan city to a great extent.
The purpose of the Research: The main purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to find out how the physical structure and spatial organization of Hamadan was created, developed and transformed by relying on architectural works, archaeological evidence, written sources and visual documents left from the Qajar period.
Research Questions: In this study, we have attempted to answer questions about space structure, different types of architectural works, scope and physical realm, as well as the extent to which different social groups have been influenced by the space organization and architectural works of Hamadan in the Qajar era.
Research Method: The study presented in this article is historical -analytical in nature and content, and has been conducted in both field and library methods.
The original text of the previous article consists of several different sections. In the discussion of the research background, the most important studies on the historical context of Hamadan have been emphasized with the emphasis on the Qajar era. In the context of the structural characteristics of the Iranian cities in the Qajar era, the main characteristics and components of the identity of Iranian cities in the Qajar period as well as how the structural characteristics of Iranian cities from the Safavid era to Qajar has been discussed. The next section of the article is analyzed and explained by the Qajar Space Organization in the Qajar era based on written sources. Travelogues and historical texts from the Qajar era have formed the most important study sources in this section. In the other section, the urban spaces of Hamadan during the Qajar period are discussed. In this section, relying on written sources and existing architectural evidence, some of the most important physical and historical spaces recovered by the Qajar era of Hamadan, including defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, inter -and -outskirts, squares and squares, commercial spaces and markets And the disposal of sewage, mosques, baths, churches, and so on. It was also known that marketers and traders were more involved in the phenomenon of the city’s architectural works in the Qajar era than other social groups.

Conclusion
In the present article, it was attempted to find out what the space structure of Hamadan had in the Qajar period by relying on the written sources and existing architectural works. With what was done, it turned out that the city was forming from three internal (city center), middle (urban areas and neighborhoods) and exterior (fence and suburbs). Hamadan Space Agency is also influenced by the pattern of Islamic cities of Iran, has a citadel (government, bureaucratic and administrative headquarters), Jame Mosque (Religious Center) and Market (Economic Heart) and other urban elements (schools, blessed shrines, intra city caravans, baths And ...) Somehow they were related to these three. Relying on written documents, it can be said that areas outside the city’s defense walls were exploited for agriculture and horticulture. During the Qajar period of Hamedan, with the center of the mosque and the bazaar in the south and southeast direction, it expanded and some new neighborhoods, along with urban elements such as mosques, baths, etc., are being constructed in this area. Most of the reasons for the expansion of the city’s texture in this area can be considered as the proper slope of the land and the lack of natural effects that could have been a barrier to construction. Due to the flow of the four rivers inside and outside the city during the Qajar period and their annual floods that occur as a result of heavy and long -term rainfall, as well as the slope of the city in the south -north, as a result of the flooding of the northern parts, as well as the natural complication. The so -called Mosalla hill in the eastern part, which prevented the development of the city’s physical structure, was the best way to develop it, southern and southeast side, along the rivers in the inner -city rivers of al -Wawsger and Davin. According to written and illustrated documents as well as existing architectural works and archaeological evidence, it can be said that the city of Hamedan in the Qajar period from the north to the Goulan Heights, Nazarbaig and Shalabafan, from the east to the neighborhoods of Imamzadeh Yahya and Zandis, from the West to the Bonehbazar and Sabadbafan neighborhoods were confined to the Kolapa, Doroudabad and Doguran neighborhoods from the south. Also, the result of studies on the role and influence of different social groups and classes in the formation of Qajar architectural works of Hamadan indicated that the traders and marketers of the marketers top the list of builders and sponsors of various buildings (religious, commercial, residential and public).

Abstract
The reign of the Qajar dynasty is one of the most important eras of the evolution of Iranian art, especially in the form of murals. In the geographical area of Iranian cities, the connection between religion and art according to the Shiite religion of the society of this era is obvious. In the present article, an attempt has been made to identify the effective factors of geographical territory in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the mentioned works in the important Shiite cities of the Qajar era. The authors seek to answer these questions: What are the influential factors of the geographical territory in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious Monuments of the Qajar era? Which cities of the Qajar era had the greatest influence in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era? The present research is developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. The method of collecting information was library and field and the method of qualitative analysis. Findings indicate that the effective factors of geographical territory in how these murals are reflected are included in these sections: the refuge of the Prophet’s family in mountainous areas, the rule of the Zaidi Alawites, the rule of Sadat Marashi, the formalization of the Shiite religion in the Safavid era, religious architecture Iran, the support of princes for Shiite art, pilgrimage to places on pilgrimage. The results of the research show that the geographical territory of each religious building is a link between indigenous architecture and the religious view of Islam to the Shiite religion.
Keywords: Qajar, Religious Monuments, Murals, Qajar Politics, Shiite Themes.

Introduction
Statement of the problem: The historical investigation of the developments of the Qajar period is very important due to the scope and intellectual, cultural, religious and political diversity and due to the continuity of its results until the present day. Religious buildings are one of the most basic structural and formative elements of cities. The continuity of the presence of religious buildings in the shape of the city has been known since the dawn of the first cities and has been intertwined with the life of the cities until today. In the historical context of Iranian cities, religious buildings as an important use with various functions have played a basic role in shaping urban spaces and hierarchies, and the link between religion, culture and politics with art is found in different spaces in Islamic cities. Examining these relationships with works of art is a topic that provides a wide field for research. Islam in general and Shia religion in particular are the creators of unique works of art in the field of architecture, such as takayas and saqanfars. Religious mural painting in connection with the formalization of Shi’ism in the beginning of the Safavid period and in the Qajar era, because the Qajar rule is one of the most important periods in the evolution of Iranian art, especially in the form of mural painting. In this era, due to developments after the constitution, religious painting was mainly limited to folk paintings. This particular type of mural painting is aimed at popular artists. These artists have acquired the themes of their works from popular beliefs and beliefs.
Objectives and Necessity of the Research: The research was carried out with the aim of knowing the effective factors of the geographical territory in the way of reflecting the themes in the murals of the religious buildings of Qajar cities. In this research, the wall paintings of the religious buildings of the mosque, the saqanfars and the tekke of the important Qajar cities are examined with an emphasis on the Shia themes of folk art, as well as the study of the role of the Shia religion and its development in mural painting under the influence of historical and geographical conditions in the Qajar period, which is a necessity in the study. The valuable effects of its wall paintings are noted.

Methods
The current research is developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. The method of collecting information is library and field. The most important tool for collecting information is the preparation of an ID card, the use of tables and forms made by researchers, observation cards and visual documents. The research community, among dozens of murals in numerous religious buildings, 14 murals from among 6 historical and religious monuments of Qajar era Iran from the provinces of Mazandaran (2 murals from Babylon and 4 murals from Babolsar), Kermanshah (6 murals) and Fars (2 murals). It is purposefully selected. The authors have examined the most representative samples in a selective manner (non-probability sampling) based on the factor of Shia religion and geographical location using the qualitative data analysis method.
First, the themes and factors of the emergence of numerous themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era are discussed. Then, the effective factors of the geographical territory in the way the themes are reflected in the murals of the religious buildings of this era are evaluated and read. In this essay, an attempt is made to study the wall paintings of Qajar era religious buildings, which represent a relationship between art and geographical location, with a methodical scientific and structural approach.

Discussion  
Factors have caused the emergence of numerous religious and non-religious themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era. Among these factors can be mentioned: the shock of the rule of the rulers, the tendency to ancient Iran, relations with Europe, the constitutional movement, the need for spiritual space, the need for a religious hero, alignment with the function of religious buildings, belief in propaganda and dissemination Shiite religion, messaging based on Quranic stories and narrations, instruction and lessons from the life events of the Imams.
Shiism as one of the Islamic religions was created almost at the same time with the advent of Islam. The main claim of this religion was the legitimacy of the succession of Imam Ali (AS) after Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), which according to the followers of Shiism, the Prophet had publicly announced this issue in the event of Ghadir Khumm in the last year of his life. This religion has always been in the minority in terms of the number of followers and this issue has undergone serious changes in its continuation until today. (Kowsari, 1390: 9 and 35) One of the influential factors in the emergence of various themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era is the geographical territory; This factor also has factors that have been effective in the way of reflecting the Shiite (religious) and non-religious themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era (Table 1). Factors such as attention and importance as the origins of ancient Iranian art and the increase of trade and cultural exchanges and correspondence with other nations by placing some cities on the trade route are factors that have been effective in reflecting non-religious themes, but in this article the most important themes. Shiites are being explored.

Conclusion 
The geographical territory of every religious building is the connection of native architecture with the ritual attitude of Islam to Shiism, so the wall paintings of religious buildings of the Qajar era were created from the ritual transformations of Shiism and influenced by the culture and political developments of the society of their time. According to the findings of the research, the answers to the questions can be stated as follows:
What are the effective factors of geographical territory in the way themes are reflected in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era? One of the influential factors in the appearance of numerous themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era is geographical territory, this factor also has factors that have been effective in the way of reflecting the themes of the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era. The most important factors include the following: decisive historical events (refuge of the Prophet’s family to the mountainous areas from the evil of the Caliphs of Baghdad, the presence of the Zaydi Alawites and the establishment of their government in 250 AH, the rule of Sadat Marashi of the Shiite religion in the 8th and 9th centuries AH ., the formalization of the Shiite religion in the Safavid era, Islamic-Shiite religious architecture in Iran), princes’ support of Shiite art in prominent cities, pilgrimages to religious places with some cities being on the pilgrimage route, the manifestation of folk beliefs of different cities on murals. s, attention and importance as the origins of ancient Iranian art, the influence of lithographic books and the increase of commercial and cultural exchanges and correspondence with other nations with the location of some cities on the trade route (Table 1).
What was the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious buildings in different cities of the Qajar era? The manifestation of Shia themes and topics in all the murals of different cities was not the same, according to the nature and climatic characteristics of that city, they were a more suitable source and platform for the manifestation of such themes. For example, the cities of Mazandaran, Gilan and Kermanshah have been effective in reflecting Shiite themes in Qajar era wall paintings, considering the conditions of their geographical territory.
Wall paintings are the borrowers of Shia spiritual heritage among the common people and have high values of Shia anthropology and sociology. All the murals are like a valuable treasure that shows the life and livelihood of the native people and contains their culture, habits, customs and beliefs. It is hoped that by identifying and introducing these works, they will respect their roots and gems more and respect themselves and their origin. Let’s come back.

Abstract
Waqf is one of the oldest and most valuable human heritages that has been widely used among all ethnic groups, religions and civilized nations of the world and in different periods of Iranian history and has had lasting effects on societies. The issue of waqf and its formation and function have had a long history in the city of Ardabil. The city of Ardabil has had strategic and geopolitical value in terms of geographical location. During the Qajar period, although Ardabil did not have the prosperity and glory of the Safavid period, but people, especially Shiites, paid much attention to that city and until the end of the Qajar period, they went to visit the tomb of Sheikh Safi. The religious nature of Ardabil, especially as the origin of the head of the Safavid sect of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the location of his tomb, has had a great impact on the role and function of the waqf tradition in various religious, cultural, social and economic dimensions. The present study was done in a descriptive-analytical manner. To this end, libraries and archival documents and Waqfnameh were studied, reviewed and analyzed in the General Directorate of waqf and Charitable Affairs of Ardabil province. The present study seeks to answer the question: what socio-economic functions did the tradition and institution of waqf have in Ardabil during the Qajar period and what were the amount, types and uses of waqf in Ardabil? The analysis revealed how the socio-economic functions of waqf have been influenced by socio-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period. Due to the religious nature of Ardabil, religious waqfs are the most common items in Waqfnameh. In addition, waqfs have been given to those people who have actually needed them. Also, new intellectual movements and the familiarity of Ardabili waqf doers with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have had a significant impact on the types of waqfs.
Keywords: Institution of Waqf, Ardabil, Function, Qajar, Waqfnameh.

Introduction
The institution of endowment as an institution rooted in the history of Iran dates back to before Islam (Ahmadi, 43:1391). In the ancient period, Iranians paid attention to following their religion and doing good deeds and especially taking care of the poor in the society and to maintain the fire temple. have had offerings and endowments (Salimi Far 1370: 52). Waqf literally means imprisonment. Current charity is usually interpreted as endowment. Waqf is defined in Shari’i terms as confiscation of principle and surrender of benefit (Obeid Al-Kabisi, 1995: 64, Office of Scientific Cooperation and Elite Affairs.... 2015: 39, Qurashi, 1996: 236). What is meant by “confinement of the object” is actually separating the endowment from the property of the waqif and keeping the object from transfer, and the owner will no longer have any rights to that property (Saadat Mostafavi and Sedghi, 1393: 67). The economic definition of endowment can be considered as a change in the use of resources from individual exploitation to social benefit for the present and future generations (Mesbahi Moghadam et al., 2010: 99).
Awqaf played a very important role in the life of the cities and it spread so much that a special court was established for it, which is known as “Diwan of Ihbas” or “Diwan of Awqaf” (Abdul Sattar Osmani, 1376: 83). In the turbulent years between the extinction of the Safavid dynasty and the establishment of the Qajar dynasty, many properties were either taken over by the government or turned into private properties (Lambton, 1363: 128-124). In the traditional Qajar system, most of the civil institutions, even if the people involved in the government were the founders, functioned in the form of endowment and relied on a stable endowment system.
Question and Hypothesis: Considering the importance of endowment documents and the lack of attention to them, the present research seeks to answer this question: What process did the tradition and institution of endowment in Ardabil go through after the establishment of the Qajar period and the religious, social and economic functions of this institution within the scope of What were the developments during the period under investigation and what was the impact of current intellectual currents on endowments?
It seems that the functions of the endowment were influenced by social-historical events and intellectual currents of the Qajar period, especially the constitutionalism movement. With the spread of new knowledge and the intellectual transformation of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as the endowment of a bath, the endowment of land for the construction ، expenses for the needy patients, and the establishment of schools in a new style and... new dimensions and It is applicable.
Research Documents: In this article, 84 dedication letters have been studied and analyzed The endowment letters were obtained from the document center of the General Department of Endowments and Charitable Affairs in Ardabil province, exclusively in Ardabil city, and their file numbers will be mentioned in the references. In the following, the endowment letters will be discussed and analyzed based on issues such as religious, economic, social functions, the gender of the waqfs, trustees, and the social status of the waqfs.

Analysis of Endowment Documents based on the Gender of the Benefactors
Explaining the role and social status of Ardabil women in the endowments of the Qajar era because it refers to the explanation of the presence of women in various political and social arenas in the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, which is important. Among the studied waqf letters, there are 11 waqf letters related to the waqf by Ardabil women According to Table 4, from the beginning of the Qajar period to the 1960s, we can see the expansion of the presence of women donors among the studied samples. It seems that in the process of the constitutional process, Iranian women also try to achieve their natural and social rights and engage in a wise and wide-ranging struggle in many ways and emphasize the realization of their demands in the social, cultural and political fields (Afari, 1377: 5). The process of describing women in the studied area has a forward tone, in accordance with the general trend of the country, and it indicates that the tradition of women’s endowments is gaining ground under the influence of the prevailing political, cultural and religious currents. Perhaps another reason for favoring and paying attention to endowment among women is related to the new political, social and cultural reasoning of Iranian society in the era of constitutionalism against the tradition and modernity of government and society and citizenship rights, and it has brought individual freedom for women. (Ajdani, 1386:7). In the deed of endowment on May 2, 1346, (file number: 3), a woman gives half of her dowry to her husband and donates the other half to a mosque in Ardabil. Ardabili women have given endowments such as agricultural land, land, house, yard, shop, village and residential building in numerous letters of endowment. The place where these endowments are spent is for building, repairing and spending the mosque, giving prayers, charity, and the expenses of the imam of the congregation, etc. In the deed of endowment on 20 Jumadi al-Thani 1326 AH, Khursheed bequeaths the profits from her endowment from the village of khoshkehRood (with a compromise with her niece) in Ardabil to be spent on charity and charity of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shahada, peace be upon him (file number: 1/ x) The proceeds from the waqf nameh of Jumadi al-Thani 1334 AH, Maryam the daughter of Muhammad Qoli, who owns a shop, should be spent on Imam Hossein’s funeral (case number: 16). In her letter of endowment dated 25 Jumadi al-Awwal 1341 A.H., Ruqiyeh Khanum Dokhtar Marhamat has assigned the income from her shops and residential building to carry her husband’s and daughter’s body to the highest honors (file number: 5/R).

Conclusion
Waqf is good and a valuable heritage with various religious, social and economic aspects, and the remaining waqf nameh are like valuable documents in order to explain the process and social system of their time. The importance of examining the dedication letters of the city of Ardabil, on the one hand, in terms of the social situation (the nature of Ardabil’s relationship with the Caucasus and the role of its market in the commercial relations of the region in the last century) has strategic value and political geography, and on the other hand, in terms of the role of Azerbaijan in the current of thought. Constitutionalism is very important as the center of the most important developments of the Qajar era at the macro level, this article explains the impact of the intellectual currents of an era on the cultural and social manifestations crystallized in the documents, and at the micro level, the results of this research showed that the new intellectual currents and the familiarity of endowments Ardabili with new ideas, including constitutionalism, have an impact on the type of endowments. It has made significant contributions, among them the expansion of endowments among women, the construction of hospitals, baths, and schools are among the clear examples of this issue. In other words, at the threshold of the society’s familiarity with new knowledge and the intellectual developments of the society, endowments in a new style were created, and this process was created in the constitutional period by creating endowments such as: endowment of the bath, endowment of land for the construction of the bath, expenses for the needy patients and the establishment of schools to New style, etc finds a new and practical dimension the impact of new ideas and new health teachings on endowment can be seen by comparing these two timelines In the waqf nameh of 3 Muharram 1286 AH, the type of reception in the ritual ceremony on Thursdays is specified as tea, coffee and hookah (file number: 10/). In case, in the deed of endowment on 8 Dhul-Qaida 1332 lunar year, the donor has bequeathed all the objects and tools, except for the Sarqalians, to be used in ta’ziyeh and benevolence of Hazrat Seyyed al-Shoheda (case number: 5/k). In fact, it can be seen that in the Qajar period, due to the increasing influence of religious beliefs and beliefs in the society, the neediness and poverty of the people of Ardabil due to the occurrence of natural and social events and crises, as well as the new intellectual currents of various people from guilds, owners and From businessmen to ordinary people, social endowments have been placed alongside religious endowments as a priority. Throughout history, religious figures have taken the majority of donors and endowment affairs and had a special place in this matter, but after the beginning of the constitution and the beginning of the new century, family responsibilities and especially trust in the classes and personalities Social has prospered more than before Examining the social status of the donors shows that merchants and tradesmen account for the most frequency. In general, it should be acknowledged that somehow all benefactors were part of the business and market class it is interesting to pay attention to the expansion of the culture of endowment by Ardabil women after the intellectual currents after the constitutionalism, which seems that in the process of the constitutional current, women appear more and more in social arenas to achieve their natural and social in terms of the social status of the benefactors, who were generally from the merchant class, the endowment of commercial buildings is the second most abundant after real estate and farms. It should also be added that in addition to these mentioned cases, endowment in the field of health, treatment, drinking water, as well as in the field of education in the process of time and in terms of social issues, gradually occupies a larger part of endowments.

Abstract
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Keywords: Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.

Introduction
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar & Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi & Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.

Data
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.

Discussion
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.

Conclusion
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people’s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.

Abstract
In the age of modernism and women’s efforts to transfer their social position, created different characteristics in the type of women’s clothing. The adaptation of Qajar women’s clothing developments to women’s clothing developments in Europe has received less attention and, in this study, matching with British women clothing especially London has not been done. This research tries to answer the question that how much the social effect changes woman in Tehran and London in a period of time in their clothing style, and created a similar meaning of modern woman? The theory, shows the difference of the nature of social changes of two countries and the older history of modernism changes in Britain that revealed in Iran in the form of modernization. The present research is of qualitative type and descriptive method and its approach is comparative art studies. Findings show that developments in women’s clothing does not correspond to the expected social role of contemporary women in Iran. Developments in women’s clothing in Britain in pursuit of greater civil liberties made clothes easier, freer and more in a variety, but in Iran, the changes in women’s clothing were imitative and was not in proportion with social developments. In a way that most changes occurred in woman’s inner clothing that affected some factors like unregulated imports of different textiles and sometimes costs cheap, sewing machine import and etc. It changed to western style like dress, two pieces and etc. and Qajar woman’s outdoor clothing such as veil, mask, was in accordance with common social custom. In other Words, European Women changed their dress in accordance with social activities, but Qajar women were not able to change their social costume in contrast to the tradition of society.
Keywords: Women’s Clothing, Qajar, The Constitutional Period, World War I.

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
The risk of deterioration and destruction threatens valuable traditional housing in the historical texture of villages. Identifying the architectural types of historical houses and analyzing their sustainability are necessary to protect traditional architectural values and use them in contemporary housing designs. While there are many studies on the typology of traditional houses and the sustainability of rural housing, the analysis of architectural types of houses has been less considered. Also, the architectural types of the valuable houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village have not been still extracted and analyzed. Therefore, the main research questions are, what are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability? This study also aims to identify the architectural types of houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village, Chaharmahal, and Bakhtiari Province and to prioritize them based on sustainability. The rural housing sustainability indicators were extracted to achieve the purpose of the research, first by reviewing research and using the qualitative content analysis method. Then, the similarities and differences of the houses in terms of macro-, meso-, and micro-scale characteristics were examined and based on them, six types were identified. In the next step, the identified housing types were compared and ranked based on sustainability using the analytical network process (ANP) method. The dominant architectural type of the village’s historical texture with the highest frequency has the third-highest rank for sustainability. According to the results, the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses. In addition, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches on the first floor, and the number and length of the yards were the most important architectural features that distinguished the types from each other. To improve the sustainability of types and use them in contemporary housing designs, suggestions have been presented, such as granting financial facilities to create living spaces in historical houses and checking the compatibility of the rules of the village guidance [Hadi] plan with the architectural types of housing.
Keywords: Architectural Type, Valuable Historical Texture, Sustainability of Rural Housing, Qajar Era, ANP.

Introduction
Although the historical texture of Yase Chai village is registered in the list of national monuments, the architectural types of the houses have not been extracted and analyzed. Meanwhile, the new houses in the village are built without considering the architectural values of its historical texture. Also, the protection and use of sustainable architectural types of historical houses can bring about a tourism boom. This study aims to identify and prioritize architectural housing types in the historical texture of Yase Chai Village based on sustainability. 
Research questions: What are the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai Village? And what is the priority of the architectural types of historical houses in Yase Chai village regarding sustainability?
Research method: The statistical society included all the houses in the historical texture of Yase Chai. Purposeful sampling was used and 10 prominent houses were selected as representatives of the existing valuable houses of historical texture. Identifying the architectural characteristics of each house was done in three dimensions. Then, the partial types of each characteristic were extracted by comparing and examining the similarities and differences between the samples. Six final types were obtained in the next step based on partial types. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the sustainability of rural houses through the analytic network process (ANP).

Rural Housing Sustainability Components
The components of rural housing sustainability and their criteria include physical-environmental (environmental cleanliness, harmony with nature, and climatic comfort), physical-functional (flexibility, safety, and inclusiveness), physical-aesthetic (visual proportion and vernacular identity, and sensory richness), economic (livelihood and economic costs) and socio-cultural (lifestyle and privacy).

Architectural Characteristics of Houses
Living spaces had southwest and southeast lighting. The average ratio of mass to the land area of houses is 0.8. The dominant type of the mass shape is the central courtyard. The average ratio of length to width of the main courtyards is 1.79. The average percentage ratio of open, semi-open, and closed spaces to total spaces is 18, 19, and 63%, respectively. Most of the houses (70%) had direct access from the living room to the kitchen. On the main facades, the ratio of the area of the openings to the total area of the facade on the first floor was more than twice that of the ground floor. The average minimum width of the porches in the houses was 1.8 meters, which shows the flexibility of the porches.

Final Types of Historical Houses
Six final types were extracted. Type 1, with a frequency of 50%, is the dominant type. The first floor is L-shaped and receives southwest and southeast light. In type 2, the first floor receives light from the southwest, southeast, and northeast directions and has a U shape. In type three, the first floor gets southwest and northwest light; in type four, it gets southwest and northeast light. In type 4, the forms of the first floor are two opposite rectangles. In type 5, the form of the first floor is an incomplete U, and its light is from the southwest, southeast, and northwest. Type 6 is physically a combination of types 1 and 4.

Analysis and Ranking of Types
The most sustainable types and their scores are four (0.195), six (0.176), one (0.171), five (0.164), two (0.159), and three (0.134). Therefore, the fourth type is the most appropriate type to use in the contemporary housing designs of Yase Chai. In types four, five, and six, where a part of the first floor is separate from other parts of the first floor, there is a potential to use the separate part of the first floor as a living space for tourists and increase the level of livelihood. The types one and five have fewer facades with openings than other types, increasing climate comfort. The type one is also preferable to others in terms of view control from the entrance to the courtyard. There are two courtyards separated from each other in type six, which helps to provide more privacy.

Conclusion
In this research in the first step, houses of the historical texture of Yase Chai village were investigated in terms of macro (orientation and lighting, characteristics of mass and form, characteristics of courtyards and structures, and materials), meso (system of open, semi-open, and closed spaces, functions, interior spaces, and facades), and micro-architectural characteristics (entrance, porch, and portico, and details of the building) and their partial types were extracted. In the second step, based on the partial types, six final types were obtained. Sun exposure, the form and manner of establishing the living spaces and their porches, and the features of the yards were the most important factors that distinguished the types from each other. In the third step, the types were ranked based on the physical-environmental, physical-functional, physical-aesthetic, economic, and social-cultural components and their subset criteria and indicators using the analytical network process method.
It is suggested to grant financial facilities to strengthen the structure and create living spaces in historical houses. It is also suggested to revise the rules of the village guidance plan and check their compatibility with the architectural types of the historical housing. For example, with the condition of providing proper lighting and ventilation of the interior spaces and coordinating the new designs with sustainable types, the maximum occupancy level should be increased from 60% to 80%. In addition, it is suggested to allocate financial facilities to implement new housing projects with the condition of coordination with the architectural types of the village. The results of the current study demonstrated that the greater frequency of a particular architectural type in a historical context does not necessarily indicate a preference for using that type in the construction of contemporary houses.

Acknowledgment
We are grateful to the kind residents who allowed us to visit and document their houses. This research did not receive any specific grant.

Observation Contribution
Sara Dadpour designed the concept and wrote the draft of the article, except for the research background and theoretical foundations. Sajede Kharabati wrote the research background and theoretical foundations and contributed to writing the introduction. Mozhdeh Rahimi conducted field visits and documented the houses. Mozhdeh Rahimi prepared the houses’ plans and 3D visualizations and contributed to the analysis of the architectural features of the houses. The authors’ contributions percentage is Sara Dadpour at 45%, Sajede Kharabati at 25%, and Mozhdeh Rahimi at 30%. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Abstract
Residential architecture as a living space for family members has been influenced by climatic and geographical conditions. Accordingly, some methods for designing climate-responsive architecture can be seen in historic houses of Iran, such as Ashtian. Therefore, this research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate negative effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. Questions are: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, form, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Two hypotheses are: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature. ArcGIS, Google Earth, WRPLOT design software, AutoCAD, and SPSS software were used for data analysis. Based on the results, the architects were started the construction of the building by considering climatic factors such as sunlight angle, prevailing wind, temperature, and humidity. They have paid attention to the type and color of materials, size of windows and doors and courtyards, and size and location of rooms. Also, based on the models obtained from WRPLOT software, the dominant wind of the region in two directions east-west and west-east was identified and its effect on architecture was explained. The results of the analysis in SPSS also show the correlation between “type of land and social class of people”, “type of land and soil with reservoirs”, and “maximum wind speed and the number of floors”.
Keywords: Qajar Monuments, Climate-Responsive Architecture, Residential Architecture, Ashtian.

Introduction
Considering the geographical divisions of Iran, different architectural features have been formed in each geographical region (Memarian, 2012: 5). Although Qajarid architecture was influenced by modernism and non-Iranian patterns, climatic and environmental features have been among the most influential factors in Iranian architecture. It seems that architecture in Ashtian also has such characteristics. The development of the city of Ashtian during the Islamic era was due to its location in Iraq-e Ajam and the route of the pilgrimage to holy shrines of Iraq (Omidbeyki, 2015: 1). In the Qajar period, Ashtian was a place of residence for virtuous and pious people, writers, scholars, and politicians (Shirvani, 1897: 42), and various types of urban and suburban residential structures were built. 
This research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate undesirable effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. The study of these residential structures, with a focus on analyzing the role of geographical factors, provides insights into the interaction between the Qajar society and the specific climatic and environmental conditions of the region.
There are two main questions in this research: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, body, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Based on these questions, the following hypotheses have been proposed: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature.

Discussion
In this study, eight Qajarid residential buildings in Ashtian County – as a cold and dry region in the Markazi Province - were studied, which are: the houses of Mirza Hedayatullah, Mirza Hasan, Nuraee and Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, as well as Mustofi Al-Mamalek (Agha) castle in Ashtian city, Abdulazim Gharib house in Garekan village and two feudal castles in Ja’farabad village (Figs 2-9). 
Based on the Google Earth photos, the Qajarid houses in Ashtian have been located in the middle of the southern slope of the mountain. Because the northern slopes of the mountains are in shadow and colder (Ghobadian, 2018, 101-102), While the southern slope is sunny and has better conditions for residence and other activities. Watercourses are usually threatened during floods and pose a threat to settlements (Negarsh, 2003: 137). The topographic analysis of the watercourses and hazardous slopes around the studied buildings indicates that less attention has been paid to the issue of watercourses in Ja’farabad, Garekan, and Ashtian. Furthermore, the city of Ashtian is located on QT2 soils, Ja’farabad on QT1 soils, and Garekan on MS and MQ soils (Figure 10). Based on this, the lands of Ashtian and Ja’farabad are relatively homogeneous in terms of resistance and provide relatively favorable conditions for construction. However, Garekan lands are weaker for building construction. In Addition, a very strong fault called “Talkhab” extends northwest to southeast, passes 12 kilometers southwest of Ashtian and 4 kilometers northeast of Ja’farabad (Fig 11). Historical reports also indicate destructive earthquakes in the years 855 AD, 958 AD, 1177 AD, 1316 AD, 1495 AD, and 1962 AD in this area (Ghodrati et al., 2010: 184). Therefore, the location selection of houses in the cities of Ashtian, Ja’farabad, and Garekan has been carried out without considering the earthquake hazard. 
The most prominent architectural features of cold and mountainous regions include small and confined urban and rural spaces, compact structures with interconnected buildings, narrow streets with limited width. Furthermore, Attention is given to solar orientation (Ghobadian, 2018: 99). The urban spaces in Ashtian are also small and confined, with a compact urban fabric (Figure 12), as well as Garekan and Ja’farabad. The main streets and thoroughfares are also narrow and have limited width. 
The study of the influence of the angle of solar radiation on the monuments of Ashtian for 11 AM at the beginning of each season showed that the difference in the angle of solar radiation between summer and winter in these regions is more than 35 degrees (Table 1). For this reason, a porch has been built in the north face of some houses, including Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, Nuraee, and Ja’farabad castles. The roof of these porches was like a canopy, and it protected the openings from the hot summer sun. But in winter, the slanting sunlight penetrated the into the interior spaces. Also, the orientation of the axis of the house plans in the east-west axis made the sunlight to be received more in the cold winter mornings in the southern facades.
In these buildings, the percentage of open space or courtyard area compared to the total building area is less than 35 percent. This is because in areas where the temperature is cold or very cold for most days of the year, most daily activities take place indoors. In the buildings of Ashtian, small openings were used to prevent heat exchange between the interior and exterior of the building. In the design of these openings, in addition to light, ventilation and the utilization of pleasant winds or prevention of unpleasant winds have also been taken into consideration. The output of modeling in WRPLOT software indicated that the prevailing wind in this city is predominantly east-west and west-east (Figure 13).

The outputs of the SPSS also showed the following
- A relationship between the type of land and the social class of the people living in the house: political people and officials have chosen areas with more suitable soil.
- A relationship between the type of land and soil with the presence of a water reservoir in the building: all Qajarid buildings in Ashtian city had water reservoirs. However the residents of Ja’farabad did not need a water reservoir. Because the underground water and the aqueducts were rich.

Conclusion
The study of Qajarid houses in the city of Ashtian has shown that some geographical and climatic factors have influenced the location, plan, structure, and architectural elements of these houses. However, architects have also overlooked some climatic and geographical variables in the location, design, and construction of these houses. In response to the first question, it should be noted that although these houses have been strategically and intelligently located in the southern foothills to easily capture sunlight and solar energy, they are all exposed to the risk of floods from the north and northeast along the watercourse. Nevertheless, the principles of urban space design and construction in mountainous and cold regions have been maximally observed in the city of Ashtian, and the analysis of the urban fabric and space in Ashtian indicates narrow streets and the integration of architectural units for better adaptation to the climate. Regarding the second question, this study has shown that the principles of design and construction of residential spaces, including plan, structure, architectural elements, and materials, have largely obeyed climatic and geographical factors such as the direction and intensity of sunlight, the prevailing wind direction, and the temperature in summer and winter. For example, the roofs of the buildings are flat, and the windows are small and proportionate to the direction of the sun and the prevailing winds of the region. The positioning of the windows facilitated the absorption of solar heat in winter and ventilation in summer. Small central courtyards and open spaces have been built in accordance with the climate of Ashtian. The number of floors in these houses corresponds to the intensity and speed of the wind, and the presence of architectural spaces with specific functions, such as water reservoirs, depends on the type of soil and the geographical characteristics of the region.

Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.

Among the most significant historical and ancient sources in Iran are local handwritten deeds and manuscripts. Through their examination and study, valuable historical information can be obtained. These documents contain detailed accounts of geographical, economic, social, cultural heritage elements, customary laws, and traditional customs. Today, they serve as valuable and primary historical resources. In this context, the province of Isfahan stands out as one of the richest regions in terms of historical depth and the tradition of deed writing in Iran’s local and traditional history. Notably, the handwritten deeds related to the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan (Eastern Jay) have not yet been studied from historical, archaeological, or codicological perspectives. This research aims to present the writing style, structure, and valuable historical content of these documents, introduce them by their original and traditional names, and highlight their importance as precise historical and archaeological sources. It also seeks to showcase the artistic features used in their illustration and decoration as part of the region’s art history. The central question of this study is: How can we extract historical and artistic information from handwritten deeds and evaluate them as credible historical sources? To achieve this goal, three historical manuscripts from the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan have been scientifically and analytically examined: Deed of the Dove Tower at Darb Deh (Aziz Tower), Deed of the Dove Tower of Agha Hossein, (New Tower) Deed of the Gourt Farm Qanat. These manuscripts belong to a private local collection, preserved as family heritage, and have all been registered as movable historical artifacts by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Isfahan.