The coins of the local rulers of Pars (the Fratarakā) are among the most significant archaeological sources for reconstructing the political, religious, and cultural conditions of the region during the Seleucid period. Beyond their economic value, these coins contain visual and symbolic elements that reflect the continuation of Achaemenid traditions and the formation of the political identity of the local rulers. One of the most prominent iconographic elements is the depiction of a building on the reverse of some of these coins, a motif that has long attracted scholarly attention. Despite previous studies, the architectural nature and function of this structure remain subjects of debate in Iranian numismatic and archaeological research. This study aims to examine and clarify the architectural identity and function of the structure depicted on the coins of the first and second groups of the Fratarakā rulers. To this end, the study introduces the relevant coin groups and analyzes their visual features in order to resolve existing ambiguities regarding the nature of the structure. The central research question asks what type of building is represented on these coins and to what extent it can be compared with known examples of ancient Iranian ritual architecture. The methodology is descriptive-analytical and based on a comparative approach. Data were collected through museum-based study of the coin collections housed in the Sepah Bank Museum and the Tamashagah-e Pol, in addition to library research and previous scholarly works. These data were then compared with known architectural examples from the Achaemenid and post-Achaemenid periods. The findings indicate that the depicted structure has a ritual and religious character and, in certain structural and symbolic aspects, is comparable to the Kaaba-ye Zarthosht monument at Naqsh-e Rostam. Furthermore, the study shows that over time, due to technical changes in minting methods, the artistic quality and architectural detail of the motif gradually diminished. These results suggest that the depiction of this structure not only reflects ancient Iranian religious and architectural traditions but may also signify the continuity of religious and political legitimacy among the local rulers of Pars in the post-Achaemenid period.

Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.

Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. 
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.

Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.

Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.

Abstract
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD. 
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.

Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers. 
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces. 

Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.

Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.