This paper stresses on the polytheistic idolatry worship of the Kushans and Iranian faith as evidenced by coins, relics and documents particularly in the field of numismatics, and historical data. This study can draw the following conclusions, the roots of Dayuezhi Iranian faith’s idolatry worship can be traced back to a combination of orthodox Zoroastrianism and indigenous Iranian faith during the Dayuezhi period. In this period, Dayuezhi used the image of lion to be a symbol of the Iranian goddess Nana on coin. The Kushan culture was influenced by Greek religious art, and later by Buddhist statuary art, but the current archaeological materials have not yet found evidence of existing Iranian deities relics and documents during the early decades of the reign of the Kushan emperors such as Kujula Kadphises, Wima Taktu, and Wima Kadpphises; In fact, polytheistic idolatry worship within the Iranian faith became fully established and flourished during the reigns of Kaniska and Huvishka. In this period, the Iranian faith deities Nana, Mirro, Mao, Orlagno, Athsho, Ardoxsho, Manaobago, Pharro, Lrooaspo, Mozdooano and Oado appear on Kaniska’s coins, and the Iranian faith deities Ardoxsho, Mirro, Mao, Nana, Shaoreo, Athsho, Oanindo, Oaxsho, Mozdooano, Sarapis, Rishti, Teiro, Ahura Mazda, Ashaixsho, Lrooaspo, Yamsho and Oado appear on Huvishka’s coins. Kushano-Sasanian coins revealed information about the rise of Iranian orthodox Zoroastrianism under Sasanian Persia which had conquered the region. The practice of polytheistic idolatry in Iranian faith was gradually declining during the late Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian periods. This decline continued into the Kidara Kushan period as evidenced by the coins.

Manifestations of the Sasanian period’s artistic influence are abundantly evident in the eastern territories of this empire through archaeological discoveries and surviving artifacts. Among these, the designs on a box known as a śarīra reliquary, discovered in a Buddhist temple within the Subashi site in Kucha city, Xinjiang Province, western China, illustrate a fusion of Sasanian, Buddhist, and local artistic styles. 1 Accordingly, the present study aims to introduce and analyze the motifs of the aforementioned box, thereby addressing the following questions: 1. Which Iranian-Sasanian religious beliefs are reflected in the motifs used on the box known as the śarīra reliquary? 2. Based on the motifs of the śarīra box, what are the primary designs and themes that constitute the artistic influence of Sasanian-era Iran on the regions east of the Iranian plateau? Based on the proposed hypotheses, the motifs employed in the śarīra box reflect the most prominent religious and symbolic elements of the Sasanian period; elements whose examples can be observed throughout the Sasanian realm, Central Asia, and China, particularly along the Silk Road trade route. Sasanian art and religious beliefs found their way into China through trade exchanges, the gifting of royal presents, and the migration of Sogdians and other Iranian-speaking peoples, influencing the artistic works of those regions. The Kucha region, due to its specific geographical location in the Tarim Basin along the Silk Road in western China, was considered one of the most frequented and caravan-laden cities. Consequently, this region witnessed the formation of Buddhist temples and grottoes, an increase in the arrival of caravans and travelers, and, subsequently, the presence of artists, musicians, and other social strata of that era. Kucha gradually transformed into a city where music held a high status, and various Iranian musical instruments, such as the vertical harp and the barbat (lute), were widely played. As a result, Kucha can be considered one of the best places to study the influence of Sasanian art on Chinese art. Despite the significance of the topic, no independent research has yet been conducted on the Sasanian-Iranian elements present in the motifs of this box. The present research is theoretical in nature, conducted with an analytical-comparative approach, and its data collection was carried out through library research and the utilization of available resources.

Since the Achaemenid period, Iranians, as rulers of part of the Silk Road, played a critical role in maintaining the security and infrastructure of this trade network. The Sogdians, as representatives of the eastern Iranian cultural sphere, held a particularly influential role in trade and intercultural communications from the mid-third century to the eighth century CE. Beyond their activities as merchants along the Silk Road, the Sogdians developed a form of “Silk Peace Diplomacy,” establishing a sustained presence in Chinese territories. As one of the prominent eastern Iranian groups, Sogdian merchants promoted a diplomacy of coexistence along the Silk Road. In particular, findings from northern China over the past two decades highlight the tangible and diplomatic dimensions of the Sogdian presence, emphasizing their pivotal role in what may be termed the “Silk Peace.” Archaeological excavations in northern China-notably the discovery of Sogdian family tombs-although initially reported through preliminary studies, reveal important aspects of Sogdian inscriptions, artistic expressions, spiritual beliefs, and especially mural paintings. These findings provide invaluable insight into the Sogdians’ integration into Chinese society. The primary objective of this research is to introduce the newly uncovered Sogdian cultural materials in northern China to the broader scholarly community concerned with Iranian cultural history, and to illustrate the significance of the Sogdians’ presence within their new geographical context in China. The research findings demonstrate the evolution of Sogdian communities in northern China from initially closed, self-contained groups to more open societies engaging in dynamic cultural interactions with the Chinese. It appears that the Sogdians initially migrated to China as families of artists, craftsmen, and merchants. Over time, they integrated into Chinese society while maintaining distinct aspects of their Iranian heritage, thus shaping an enduring pattern of cultural exchange between the Sogdian and Chinese civilizations.

The Sasanian Empire (second Persian Empire) established strong communication with China during the Tang Dynasty, reaching its peak. Following the Arab conquest, the cultural integration between the Tang Dynasty and the Persian aristocracy continued to flourish. Tang emperors, Li Zhi and Wu Zetian, provided assistances to Persian king Peroz and his son Narsi, with Peroz eventually choosing to settle in Chang’an in his later years. According to the records of Chang’an Zhi Tu by (Li Haowen, 2013: 49) the stone statue of Persian king Peroz is among the sixty-one statues at Qianling Mausoleum which is the Emperor Gaozong Li Zhi, and Empress Wu Zetian’s resting place; It means that the Qianling Mausoleum holds a significant connection to the Sasanian prince, Peroz; Furthermore, the cultural materials obtained from three subsidiary tombs (the tombs of Li Zhi and Wu Zetian’s sons, grandsons, granddaughters, as well as those of the officials buried around them) at Qianling can be closely interpreted as being related to Persian culture. This article explores the influence of Sasanian Persian culture on the aristocratic culture of the Tang Dynasty as well as the adaptation of Persian customs by the officials of the Tang Dynasty. This influence is evidenced by the cultural materials unearthed from the Qianling subsidiary tombs.

Abstract
In 2003, the discovery of a Sogdian tomb in the historic city of Chang’an opened a new horizon for researchers studying cultural exchanges and Zoroastrian eschatological beliefs. This tomb, belonging to Wirkak, a leader of a trade caravan, and his wife, Wiyusi, contains eleven stone panels, four of which directly depict concepts related to individual end in Zoroastrian eschatology. These panels illustrate the fate of the soul after death, providing a pictorial interpretation of Zoroastrian teachings within a Sino-Sogdian context. Despite previous studies, the details of these panels have not been comprehensively analyzed from a Zoroastrian eschatological perspective, and some existing interpretations require reassessment. Employing a text-image analysis approach, this article examines the eighth to the eleventh panels of Wirkak’s tomb and, by drawing on the Avesta and Middle Persian Zoroastrian texts, seeks to elucidate the visual representations of eschatological concepts in this artwork.

In this article, I build on my earlier work, which places Manichaean missionary activity within a larger network of court activity from the Roman Empire to Tang China, in which ambassadors, as well as wandering sages and ritual specialists, spread knowledge about cultural difference. These interactions usually took part between neighboring principalities, but they were also enmeshed in the gradual spread eastward of Iranian Manichaeism across Central Asia. Various Manichaean accounts highlight the importance of teaching “wisdom” in the bid for support from local rulers. According to the Cologne Mani Codex, Mani meets an unnamed king, instructing him in wisdom, the Manichaean commandments, as well as the “two natures”. What fragmentary evidence we possess for the spread of Manichaeism to China suggests that it, too, proceeded largely through the activity of traveling sages across court networks. 

The rise and migration of the Hephthalites left a significant impact on the exchange of East-West civilizations, and the empire they established was one of the inevitable problems in the study of Silk Road. The period from the end of 5th century to the early 6th century was the zenith of Hephthalite Empire when the alliance between Hephthalites and Sasanians was established and the Hephthalites expanded to Tarim Basin and southward to North-West India. The Hephthalite Empire played an important intermediary role in the interaction of East-West civilizations, ensuring the stable development of the Silk Road in the 5th and 6th centuries and laying the foundation for the prosperity of the Silk Road during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The Chinese Northern and Southern Dynasties observed the Hephthalites in China and noted their interactions with different ethnic groups, such as the Han Chinese, Sogdians and Persians. Chinese written sources such as the Book of Wei, the Book of Zhou (Zhoushu 周书), the Book of Liang (Liangshu, 梁书), the History of Northern Dynasties (Beishi, 北史), the Book of Sui (Suishu, 隋书), the New Book of Tang (Xintangshu, 新唐书) as well as Comprehensive Statutes (Tongdian, 通典), provide substantial information about the Hephthalites. With the advancement of archaeological discoveries in recent years, the Hephthalite coins and Persian coins have also become crucial numismatic evidence for understanding the Hephthalite activities in medieval China and their relations with different ethnic groups in China and along the Silk Road.

Abstract
An archaeological survey was carried out in 2019 with the aim of identifying and investigating the Ilkhanate period on the banks of the Aras River in East Azerbaijan province. The present study focused on the study of the large, wide, mountainous and impassable gates called “Sham Valley”, which was formed by the confluence of two major rivers of the Aras with Aqchay, which extends near the city of Khoy and was important in the field of trade relations and culture. The strategic and geopolitical position of the region with the surrounding regions such as the Caucasus, Turkey and Central Asia, as well as its geoeconomic position as a corridor of communication corridors led to many cultures and civilizations from the second millennium BC to later epochs. Alternating in this area. In other words, the main factor for the emergence of these ancient settlements is the location of the trade routes, the easy inter-regional and supra-regional communication, especially during the Mongolian Ilkhanate period, which played an important role in the development of cultures in the Sham valley. On the other hand, due to the religious importance of this region during the Mongolian Ilkhanate period, based on its foreign policy and the existence of important churches such as the church of Saint Stepanos Monastery, the Qarah Church and Zur Zur Church, which are known in the world and in whose case there are no reports or documents, there is no archaeological activity; therefore, a careful study of this area, as well as the study of the ceramics obtained from these areas, has provided useful information about pottery technology and the social structure of the area in different cultural periods, especially the Ilkhanate period.
Keywords: Northwest Iran, Jolfa, Sham Valley, Ilkhanid Pottery, Petrography.

Introduction
As a result of the study, 53 ancient sites from prehistory to Islamic times have been identified and recorded; areas such as the Naneh Maryam Cemetery and the Chupan Church are the most important. In these areas a significant number of Middle Islamic centuries ceramic pieces were carved in simple glazed form. It is important to identify the constituents of each pottery, to determine the difference in composition and constituents between the samples, to determine the percentage of each constituent, to determine the baking temperature of the pottery based on the available minerals, and finally to archaeologically study its origin and understand the social structure of the area. Knowledge of the pottery’s components can provide us with useful information about the geographical origin of pottery in the region and its consumers.

Materials and Methods
Thin-section petrography is one of the common and widely used methods in geology and archaeology. This method is employed to examine a broad range of materials such as rocks, minerals, ceramics, slag, bricks, and plaster (a mixture of lime and gypsum). In this technique, an extremely thin section of the rock or ceramic object under study is prepared. This section is thin enough to allow light to pass through it. Then, by placing it under a polarizing microscope, the minerals present can be analyzed. Since minerals exhibit different properties and colors under polarized light, petrography specialists can distinguish them from one another; thus, it is possible to identify the types of minerals, their characteristics, shapes, and sizes in rock or ceramic samples (Ellis, 2000). Moreover, ceramic petrography provides valuable information regarding the technical characteristics of ceramics, such as whether the vessels are wheel-thrown or handmade, and the additives incorporated into the ceramic paste (temper). These tempering materials typically include fragments of igneous rocks, siliceous particles, and silt and clay components. All plant-based and organic materials in ceramics are eliminated at temperatures of approximately 200 to 250 degrees Celsius, leaving only their voids behind (Mousavi-Faghih, 2018).
For the microscopic studies of ceramics obtained from the Sham valley survey, a James Swift model polarizing binocular microscope was used. The magnification applied in this study was 4X. To facilitate the presentation and analysis of results, the petrographic data were organized in a table. The first row of the table lists the components constituting the ceramics, and the first column provides the name and number of each ceramic sample separately. The presence of each component or mineral in the sample is indicated by an asterisk (*), while its absence is marked by a dash (–). If the abundance is minor or trace, it is denoted by (tr). The selected samples for this study come from two sites: the Naneh Maryam cemetery area (code C.042) and the Chopan Church area (code C.053). Ceramics consist of two main parts: the paste (matrix) and the tempering materials. In ceramic petrography studies, a significant focus is given to the additives mixed into the paste. Archaeologists typically consider components larger than 0.1 millimeters as temper or inclusions. In the study of ceramic samples from the Darreh Sham sites, the petrographic method was employed to identify the components and compositions present in the ceramic paste.

Conclusion
Since the Sham Valley in northwestern Iran has been considered on the basis of texts and travelogues since the early Ilkhanate period, there is a need to inform the patriarchs about the use of pottery from the Middle Islamic period and its production. Accordingly, petrographic studies were carried out on 12 pieces of pottery from the two sites of the Neneh Maryam cemetery and the Chupan church to determine the place of production of these ceramics. On the basis of the available samples and on the basis of the analyses carried out, it was found that the composition of all the pottery studied was related to the Jolfa area and the river sediments and alluvial deposits of the Aras river, as well as seasonal and local rivers. With regard to the baking temperature of the pottery, with the exception of the site of the Shepherd Church, where all the potteries studied had no calcite and tolerated temperatures above 800 degrees Celsius, potteries from other areas tolerated temperatures below or close to 800 degrees Celsius. Two categories of inclusion or temper are observed in the composition of the paste. One technique was used in the production of all glazed ceramics. In this way, a layer of glaze can be seen on the outer surface of the sample and, depending on the desired color, a layer of metal oxide can be found underneath. Underneath the glaze layer is a porcelain layer (a mixture of fine-grained quartz and white clay), which lies directly on the clay body. Furthermore, based on the composition and petro fabric of the examined ceramic samples from this area, it can be concluded that the ceramics are almost identical and similar in composition and origin. 

Abstract
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.

Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages. 
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods. 

Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.

1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.

2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).

3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).

4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.

5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.

Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.

Abstract
Iranian architects often designed structures to serve multiple functions beyond their primary purpose, a practice heavily influenced by Iran’s hot, arid climate and long summers. This multi-functionality is most evident in water-associated architecture, particularly in Isfahan’s historical bridges. Despite extensive research on Isfahan’s architecture, this specific aspect of its bridges has been understudied. This research aims to re-examine the non-transportation functions of four Isfahan bridges: Pol-e Shahrestan/Ji, Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan/Si-o-se-pol, Pol-e Khaju/Shahi, and Pol-e Jubi/Sa’adat-Abad, highlighting their role in ceremonial and environmental landscape architecture. Main Research Question and Hypothesis: The study investigates how and why ceremonial functions were integrated into these bridges. It hypothesizes that this practice was inspired by Indian Jal Mahals (water palaces), introduced to Iran via extensive political and cultural exchanges during the Safavid era. Research Method: This study employs a historical-descriptive approach, with data gathered through documentary research and analysis of historical sources and travelogues. The findings indicate that while the concept of ceremonial water pavilions (Cheshmeh Emarat in Iran, Jal Mahal in India) pre-existed, its application on bridges was an innovation in Safavid Iran. The bridges served as ceremonial platforms for royal events like the Abrizan (Water Sprinkling Festival), receptions for ambassadors, and public spectacles. Furthermore, they played a crucial role in microclimate moderation by creating reservoirs that increased humidity and helped recharge underground aquifers, addressing critical environmental needs of the capital city.
Keywords: Historical Bridges, Cheshmeh Emarat, Safavid Isfahan, Jal Mahal, Ceremonial Architecture, Landscape Architecture.

Introduction 
This paper explores the multi-functional design of Safavid-era bridges in Isfahan, which extended beyond mere river crossings to incorporate significant ceremonial and environmental roles. This architectural ingenuity was a direct response to Iran’s challenging arid climate and the socio-political ambitions of the Safavid court. The study focuses on how the bridges Pol-e Shahrestan, Allah-Verdi Khan, Khaju, and Jubi were integrated into the urban and royal landscape. While the paradigm of the water pavilion (Cheshmeh Emarat) was known in Persian and Indian (Jal Mahal) architecture, its adaptation onto bridge structures represents a unique Safavid development. This research addresses a gap in the existing literature by systematically analyzing these bridges not just as feats of engineering, but as central elements of ceremonial life and environmental engineering in the capital.

Materials and Methods 
This research is based on a historical-interpretive methodology. Data was collected through meticulous documentary research, including analysis of primary sources like European travelogues (e.g., by Chardin, Tavernier) and Safavid chronicles. Secondary sources encompass modern scholarly works on Safavid architecture and urbanism. Architectural analysis was conducted by examining historical plans, photographs, and existing structures to understand the form and function of the pavilions. The comparative method is used to draw parallels between the Iranian Cheshmeh Emarat and the Indian Jal Mahal tradition, tracing potential routes of cultural and architectural influence during the 17th century.

Data and Findings 
The investigation reveals distinct evolutionary stages:
• Pol-e Shahrestan: An older bridge onto which an octagonal pavilion (Hasht Behesht plan) was added during the Safavid period, representing an architectural annexation rather than an original design.
• Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan (Si-o-se-pol): Built by Shah Abbas I, its primary function was connectivity. Ceremonial activities were initially held in the vaulted spaces beneath the bridge deck due to structural constraints, serving as a royal loge for the Abrizan festival and receiving dignitaries.
• Pol-e Khaju: Constructed by Shah Abbas II, it represents the pinnacle of this integration. Two central pavilions (Beyglarbeygi), adapting the Hasht Behesht plan to the bridge’s axis, were purpose-built as ceremonial platforms. The bridge could be dammed to create a vast lake for boating, fireworks, and reflections of upstream palaces like Ayeneh-Khaneh.
• Pol-e Jubi: This bridge provided private access to royal gardens. It featured a central pavilion (now destroyed, but documented in European engravings) similar to the one on Pol-e Shahrestan, offering the royal family a secluded vantage point.

Discussion 
The findings confirm the hypothesis that the sophisticated development of bridge-pavilions in Safavid Isfahan was influenced by cultural and political exchanges with the Indian subcontinent, where the Jal Mahal tradition was well-established. The Safavids adeptly synthesized this influence with pre-existing Iranian concepts like the Cheshmeh Emarat and the ancient Abrizan festival. This discussion argues that these structures were not merely aesthetic additions but vital components of urban infrastructure. They served as instruments of royal propaganda, stages for displaying sovereign power to both the public and foreign emissaries. Furthermore, the creation of artificial lakes through damming was a brilliant hydrological strategy. It addressed Isfahan’s environmental needs by significantly moderating the microclimate through evaporative cooling and critically recharging the subterranean aquifers that supplied the city’s water via qanats.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the historical bridges of Safavid Isfahan exemplify a profound integration of multifunctional design. Iranian architects, responding to climatic necessities and royal ambition, masterfully extended the function of these structures from mere utilities to complex ceremonial platforms and environmental regulators. The practice of adding pavilions to older bridges or incorporating them into new designs was a strategic innovation in the landscape architecture of the era. While inspired by the Indian Jal Mahal, the Safavid implementation on bridges was an original contribution. These structures became iconic urban elements, central to the city’s public ceremonies and essential to its ecological balance. They stand as testament to a holistic architectural vision where utility, ceremony, and environmental technology were seamlessly woven together, defining the grandeur of Isfahan as a Safavid capital.

Abstract
Mausoleum buildings with ridged Dome, is one of the characteristics of religious architecture in the southern regions of Iran which was founded during the Ilkhanid to Safavid period. The main form of a ridged Dome is conical which the arrangement of its cubic components with different and varied shapes has a stepped mode. Studies that so far have been done on the structure of mausoleums with ridged Dome are more holistic. Therefore, the most important purpose of the present research is to explain and establish the architectural differences and similarities of four tombs which are located in different geographical areas in Southern Iran and belong to The Ilkhanid-Timurid era; and to study their susceptibility to various methods. The architecture of the mentioned historical periods under the title of Governmental (including the central sphere of governance of the Ilkhanid) and Local style (including special architectural and artistic features of the southern regions of Iran). The goal of the present research is to answer this question that what a meaningful form and decorative relationship is there between mausoleum buildings with non-governmental/indigenous ridged Dome and governmental structures? The result of the research clarifies that the architectural ornaments, which are used in the mausoleum of Mir Muhammad especially the high and deep vaults in the dome chamber and using the brick in the crown of its fluted Nar dome, represents the governmental style. The simplicity of the tomb form and usage of local material, building of conical Nar crown in the tombs of Baba Monir and Do-gonbadan and establishing symmetric ridged Dome in studied mausoleums is affected by local architecture of the mentioned regions. Also, it has been observed a kind of coexistence between local architecture and governmental style in some of the studied mausoleums. This research has been done with the approach of cultural history and descriptive-analytical method. The information has been gathered with the method of field investigation and library studies.
Keywords: Mausoleum Buildings, Ridged Dome, Ikhanid-Timurid Era, Architectural Style.

Introduction
The general shape of the ridged Dome is rock or conical; with the difference that its components, instead of a complete cone, has a scalariform (Zemorshidi, 2010: 349). This cover has been used in the late Seljuk era tomb buildings of Iran, especially in the south and southwest areas and its construction is significant throughout the Ilkhanid to Safavid eras (Sajjadi, 2017: 306). Most of the researchers believe that building of the ridged Dome follows specific geometric patterns. Its inner and outer cover represents that this structure comprises of several floors with similar geometric shapes and the geometric floors of the dome ascend rotationally from the Bashn of the dome chamber to its top. Moreover, meanwhile the floors of the dome go up, the dimensions of its ridged cubes become smaller and their height is reduced. Finally, they join together at the top of the dome (Zemorshidi,2017:350; Mashayekhi & Mahdavinejzad, 2012:297). Most of the conducted researches have a holistic framework and less attention has been paid to the structure of buildings with the ridged Dome and its changes in a certain period of time or a certain geographical area. The goal of the present research is to answer this question that what a meaningful form and decorative relationship is there between the non-governmental and governmental structures-at the intended political field-in the mausoleums with the ridged Dome. The importance of the present research and the necessity of doing it is also in identifying the tomb buildings with the ridged Dome that less researches have been done on it, and criticizing opinions which are provided by other researchers.

Materials and methods 
This research has been done with the approach of cultural history and descriptive-analytical method. The information has been gathered with the method of field investigation and library studies.

Data
Mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd: The two mausoleums of Do-gonbadan are located in Hormozgan province, Bastak county and Kookherd village. Both mausoleums are burial places of two members of the Bani Abbasid family of Bastak (Bani Abbasian Bastaki,1960:57 & 58). The plan of both mausoleums is similar and consists of a simple square dome chamber. Also, both tombs have a ridged Dome with a star base. The decorations of Do-gonbadan tombs are associated with stucco, one of which is stalactite work in the interior view of the dome.

The mausoleum of Mir Muhammad 
The mausoleum of Mir Muhammad Hanafi is built on Kharg island of Bushehr county. Based on the tomb inscriptions, the building is attributed to Mir Muhammad Hanafi and was built during the Ilkhanid period. This tomb consists of a cruciform shrine and a square mausoleum which is adjoined to the south side of the dome chamber. A ridged Dome is constructed on top of the shrine that has a star base. The decorations of the tomb include mosaic-faience tilework and lustre tiles of dado which have animal, geometric and vegetal motifs on their surface, Also, the interior surface of the dome is decorated with chalky muqarnas.

The mausoleum of Baba Monir
The mausoleum of Baba Monir is located in Fars province, Noorabad Mamasani county and in a village called Baba Monir. The plan of the tomb is square. Its interior view includes a central dome chamber and a vaulted corridor that surrounds the dome chamber. Deep piers have given a cruciform design to the dome chamber. The dome of the tomb is ridged and has a star base. Chalky muqarnas is used in the interior surface of the dome.

Discussion
The conducted researches indicate that all the studied mausoleums belong to religious personages. Also, all of them have been built on the commercial path or near the commercial path. Moreover, there are similarities and differences in the features of studied tombs; The most important similarities between studied tombs are the usage of cruciform plan in the dome chamber of Baba Monir and Mir Muhammad mausoleums, the usage of the ridged Dome with the star base on top of dome chambers of all mausoleums, and the application of chalky muqarnas in the interior view of the dome of these tombs. The differences include using the simple square plan in the mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd, and existence of the fluted Nar crown on top of the Mir Muhammad dome while there is a simple conical crown on top of the Baba Monir and Do-gonbadan dome. Besides, the only tilework decoration is in the Mir Muhammad tomb. In sum, the architectural features represent that Mir Muhammad tomb is more affected by the architecture of the governmental style. Because, it was built on the main trade route. But, the architectural features of Baba Monir and particularly Do-gonbadan are more non-governmental/local. Because these tombs were built on the side trade roads. Therefore, architects of these two tombs have not had much chance to become familiar with other architectural methods.

Conclusion
Studied mausoleums are the burial place of important religious personages and are built single, in an open space. These tombs were located on the trade routes. The location of Mir Muhammad tomb in Kharg island and on the transregional trade route of Islamic lands with East Asia has increased its importance. The architectural decorations of Mir Muhammad mausoleum have more variety in comparison with other mausoleums and it reveals the influence of various architectural styles, especially the Ilkhanid-Timurid architectural style. This effectiveness has been observed to a small extent in Baba Monir tomb compared with Mir Muhammad tomb. Whereas, mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd have the least influence from the governmental buildings of the Ilkhanid-Timurid era. However, the method of constructing the ridged dome in all mausoleums has been executed skillfully in terms of structural and geometric form. In general, the constructing of the ridged symmetric domes in each four tombs signifies the powerful influence of the local architectural style in their structure. However, the influence of other architectural styles in these mausoleums is not the same. There is a kind of coexistence between the local and governmental architectural styles in the tomb of Mir Muhammad in Kharg. The influence of the local architecture is more obvious in the mausoleums of Baba Monir and particularly Do-gonbadan.

Abstract
Previous archaeological research in the Māhidasht region is more focused on the prehistoric period despite the importance of this large and important plain, almost no information is available about its historic period. The whole of the Māhidasht plain and especially its northern part is full of large and small sites of prehistoric and historical periods. Among these ancient settlements, Quwākh Tapeh deserves special attention due to its size, settlement sequence, and surface findings. Therefore, in this article, with a descriptive-analytical method and historical approach, we try to study the site and its surface findings, and finally answer the following questions: What periods does the site have and what was the process of its expanding? What do the findings of the Quwākh Tapeh tell us about the function of sites? The results of the study of surface findings show that the site is an important settlement that was inhabited at least from the Bronze Age and probably before that and developed in the Iron Age III and Parthian periods. Among the surface findings, the Door socket from Assyrian indicates the existence of a Neo-Assyrian-style building in the site, which according to cuneiform texts related to the political situation of the Central Zagros in this period, is probably a clue to the existence of a Neo-Assyrian building. The discovery of coins Howard from the site, show the importance of the site in the Seleucid period, is probably a clue to the long-distance trade relations of the inhabitants of this site as one of the most important ancient settlements along the Greater Khorasan Road in Māhidasht- Kouzarān plain.
Keywords: Māhidasht - Kouzarān Plain, Quwākh Tapeh, Neo-Assyrian Period, Door Socket, Bes, Alexander, Mazaeus.

Introduction
The Great Māhidasht Plain is the largest, best watered, and most fertile plain in the Zagros area. These features, along with its mild climate and, most importantly, its location on the Silk Road, have been a constant draw for human groups and important settlements have been established there. In the Great Māhidasht region, numerous studies by several scholars have identified 550 archaeological sites from Paleolithic to historical times, some of which are registered on the Iran National Heritage List owing to their importance. 
One of the major settlements of the Great Māhidasht Plain is Quwākh Tapeh in the north of Māhidasht and southeast of Kouzarān, which has been studied and visited several times by archaeologists. However, little is known about this site and, despite the occasional discovery of a small treasure trove of ancient coins, it remains less-known due to the lack of archaeological excavations. 
Quwākh Tapeh is a relatively large mound located 43 km west of Kermānshāh and a little more than 4 km southeast of the small town of Kouzarān. The site comprises a large prominence 330 m long, 220 m wide, and 17 m taller than the surrounding lands (Great Central Mound). There are numerous small or large prominences both near to and far from the mound, indicating a large archaeological site measuring 500 m2, with a current area of approximately 25 ha. 
The mound was first identified in Schmidt’s 1934 surveys, locating Quwākh Tapeh on a map published in 1940 in the book, Flights Over Ancient Cities of Iran. Some years later, in the 1940s, the site was surveyed and visited by Stein. Ali Akbar Sarfarāz and colleagues reexamined the site in the surveys of the Great Māhidasht Plain in 1968. In 1998, during the investigations of Abbas Motarjem in Kouzarān plain, Quwākh Tapeh was revisited. In his report, Motarjem described Quwākh Tapeh as a site dating back to the Parthian period.

Findings
Nearly 30 years ago, a student accidentally found a small ceramic vessel containing a highly important treasure 205 m east of the central high mound of Quwākh Tapeh. Shortly thereafter, the incident was reported to the Kouzarān police and the Cultural Heritage Office of Kermānshāh then became aware of the discovery. This is how the treasure was kept safe from plunder and all of its contents were collected and made available to the government.
According to locals, this small treasure was found about 1 m deep at 205 m east of the Great Central Mound of Quwākh Tapeh and was revealed by floods after digging a canal in the mounds. The ceramic vessel contained 141 silver coins featuring Alexander the Great, Mazaeus the Achaemenid/Macedonian Satrap of Babylon and imitating Athenian Owl type. 
This treasure has a total weight of roughly 2 kg and the very small amount of green oxide on the coins shows they were minted with high-grade silver. It seems likely that the treasure was deposited during the Early Seleucid period, given the time span of the discovered coins and the lack of specimens more recent than the Antiochus I or II period. 

Stone Door Socket
On our first visit to the eastern slope of Quwākh Tapeh in 2014, we found four pieces of white limestone, one of which was used as a staircase, in the courtyard of a deserted and half-ruined house. Near another house to the south of the site were several other carved stones, one of which, if not an obelisk base, is probably a small stone casket. Our recent visit revealed that the owner of the abandoned house had removed the stone staircase to the edge of his farmland. Examination showed that this carved and ornamented stone was not an ordinary stone fragment, but a very large door socket in the style of the Neo-Assyrian period. Similar door sockets were uncovered in Neo-Assyrian palaces or temples of the Mesopotamia, including the temple of Nebo in Khorsabad, Neo-Assyrian palaces at Nimrud and Khorsabad, and Neo-Assyrian provincial capitals such as Arsalanatash, Till-Barsib, and Ziyaret Tepe. This monumental door socket indicates that Quwākh Tapeh was not an ordinary village, but rather a place with important constructions, the most important of which was likely a complex dating back to the Neo-Assyrian period.

Conclusion 
The results of our investigation into Quwākh Tapeh-especially the extent of archaeological deposits and the existence of numerous and varied pottery collections and stone objects—indicate that Quwākh Tapeh was an important center in the Neo-Assyrian period and that it contains significant archeological remnants. The discovery of the door socket in the Neo-Assyrian period is particularly interesting. If this door socket belongs to the Assyrian period, it is in fact the second Zagros site, after Tapeh Giyan in Nahavand, to reveal remnants of the Neo-Assyrian Empire of the 8th century BCE. Given that the Assyrian cuneiform texts speak of the conquest of the region and its annexation to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the discovery of this finding may be important to tracing the Assyrian settlement in Iran, which is frequently mentioned in the texts, but missing from archaeological remnants.
The discovery at Quwākh Tapeh of a small treasure trove of ancient coins dating back to the 4th through 3rd centuries BCE is also significant. The finding of the Athenian Owl-type coins in the heart of central Zagros, far from their minting location, is important in itself, and will bring forth various topics for further study. The most recent coin in the collection dates back to the four Century BCE. This suggests that the treasure found at Quwākh Tapeh was likely deposited in the early Seleucid period (before 320 BCE).

Abstract
The slag sites under study are located in Khatam County, Yazd Province. In the archaeological surveys of Khatam County in 1400 AH, twelve metal smelting sites were identified through abundant metallic slag, and each of these sites was sampled. Petrographic analysis revealed that the predominant slag is iron, with only one instance of copper slag. The sites where metal smelting occurred, attributed to historical and Islamic periods based on pottery, exhibited evidence of iron smelting and its compounds in eleven samples. These samples contain metallic minerals such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite. Marcasite and wustite minerals are related to smelting furnace processes and are products of mineral substances. It appears that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are the predominant minerals, while in others, hematite is the predominant mineral, with a smaller amount of magnetite, which is evident in these primary minerals within the slag. Another sample related to copper slag exhibited small vesicular structures and limited copper ore minerals (chalcopyrite, digenite, and metallic copper) within the slag matrix. Alongside these primary minerals, there is a flow-like green glassy component indicating high furnace heat. The analytical results show that the MgO content in the samples is less than the amount of lime. Therefore, the limestone in this area is mainly ordinary limestone and not dolomite. Chemical analysis revealed that metal workers in this area were more successful at producing sponge iron.
Keywords: Archaeological Survey, Slag, Iron, Ancient Mining, Khatam.

Introduction
Iran has long been recognized as a center for mining and metal smelting. Archaeological evidence indicates that northern and central Iran are among the oldest centers of metallurgy in the world. The presence of rich mineral reserves in Iran, among other factors, has influenced the growth of mining and metalworking in this region (Momenzadeh, 2005). Due to the existence of various metal ores and advanced cultures in Iran, this area can be identified as one of the main hubs of technological innovation in the field of ancient mining and metalworking. Khatam County, located in the southern part of Yazd Province, holds particular significance in the realm of iron slag. One of the earliest efforts to produce steel worldwide took place in this region (Alipour et al., 2021). Considering the evidence of steel production in this area, it is essential (Alipour, 2017) to understand the role Khatam played in iron production during the Islamic and Sassanian periods. To investigate this matter, 12 sites in Khatam County were selected for studying iron slag. The main objective of this research includes petrographic and geochemical analysis of the slag to identify the type of extracted metal(s) and the extraction process and production of metal(s) at these sites. Additionally, the provision of necessary minerals for mining in this area is also under scrutiny. Historical and field research methods were employed for this study, involving the collection of data and archaeological investigations; field studies, such as topographic mapping, photography, identification of sites and metal smelting furnaces; and examination of samples using polarizing microscopes and XRF devices. This research has addressed primary inquiries related to the type of metals in slag, the mining process, and metal production at Khatam’s iron slag sites. Overall, Khatam County held significant importance in the production of metals during ancient and Islamic times. This region is recognized as one of the ancient mining and metalworking centers, and further research into the history and mining processes in this area could provide additional insights into the history of metalworking in Iran.

Discussion
Based on XRF chemical analyses of the slag, the results indicate that the majority of the mineral content in these slags consists of iron ore, with only one case showing the presence of copper. The CaO concentrations in these slags range from 3.59 to 28.41%, and an increase in CaO leads to the production of calcium-rich olivine. The type of slag (flow, permeable, massive, or furnace bottom) significantly impacts the results of chemical analysis and the ratio of oxides of the main elements (metallic oxides and silica). Additionally, the high amount of CaO facilitates the formation of a calcium-rich silicate phase. Petrographic microscopy studies confirm these findings, revealing observable olivine phases and primary silicate phases with metallic iron minerals such as magnetite and hematite. Due to the silica content, the addition of limestone to the smelting process increases the amount of duplex iron (Fe3O4). Consequently, silica stabilizes triplex iron oxide (hematite), while limestone stabilizes spinel iron oxide (magnetite). Moreover, microscopic examinations primarily reveal metallic minerals such as magnetite and metallic iron. Furthermore, sponge iron, like many other ancient civilizations in the region under study, was produced. The production of this type of iron requires less technical knowledge than other types of iron (Abbasnejad, 2009).
Surveying the region revealed that plants such as pistachios and wild almond produce high-quality charcoal. Since blacksmiths have no idea about using additional limestone in the furnace, the smelted slags were highly adhesive, leading to significant iron loss. The use of limestone in iron removal creates slags with fine properties that are easily separated from the iron (Abbasnejad, 2009). A good slag resulting from smelting should contain 30 to 40% limestone. Tests conducted on iron ore in this region show limestone percentages ranging from 3.59 to 28.41%. The slag analysis results also indicate a small amount of limestone, averaging approximately 11.38%. The deficiency of these two elements in slag, as they play crucial roles in reducing smelting heat and separating iron from slag, can indicate high iron levels and the inadequacy of slag (adhesiveness, viscosity, high density), resulting in low-quality sponge iron. The percentage of Fe2O3 ranges from 23.20 to 74.25%, and the percentage of Al2O3 ranges from 0.003 to 0.94%. The percentage of MgO in the tested slags is less than 0.003%. According to the mineral analysis, the most important iron minerals in this region include hematite (Fe2O3) and magnetite (Fe3O4). Due to technical flaws in these furnaces, sponge iron contains impurities such as silica, phosphorus, aluminum oxide, manganese oxide, and other metallic oxides, as confirmed by various tests conducted on ore and slag.

Conclusion
Eleven samples from the metal smelting site showed evidence of iron smelting and its compounds. In these samples, metallic ores such as wustite, marcasite, hematite, and magnetite are observed. Marcasite and wustite ores are related to smelting furnace processes and are mineral byproducts. It seems that in some mines in the region, magnetite and hematite are predominant, while in others, hematite is less prevalent, and magnetite dominates. Additionally, in the sample related to copper smelting slag, small and limited vesicles of copper ores (covellite, digenite, and metallic copper) are observed alongside a part of the green glassy matrix, indicating high furnace heat. This primary mineral evidence is observed in the slags. Considering the changes in the calcium oxide (CaO) concentration, it can be inferred that this substance was added during smelting operations to aid in smelting and reduce the temperature of the furnace materials. The microscopic results of some slags reveal primary minerals, mostly hematite and magnetite metallic ores, indicating a magmatic origin for the utilized minerals. The percentages of silica (SiO2), magnesium, and aluminum in these slags are relatively low. Analyses of these slags and iron stones from this region show that a deficiency of CaO and SiO2 leads to iron loss in the slag while increasing the iron content within it.
Based on this research, it is likely that iron ore was extracted from mines near the site and was subsequently transported to this location. Given the presence of iron mines at distances of 8, 10, and 15 kilometers from these sites, these mines are likely the source of these slags. Regarding the archaeology of the region, historical references indicate that the area held significance and prominence in various historical periods, particularly during historical and Islamic eras. However, due to insufficient information about the archaeology of the region and the lack of precise dating of these sites, accurate dating of these sites is unfeasible.

Abstract
It is possible to study the climate adaptability of past and present architecture by benefiting from the sciences of archeology, architecture, geography, applied climatology and paleoclimatology. Conducting such studies in connection with the complex of Persepolis in Marvdasht plain belonging to the Achaemenid period adds new information to the scope of our knowledge of the architecture of the mentioned period. The current research seeks to evaluate three main questions: 1) What were the physical components of the architecture of Persepolis complex in order to adapt it to climatic conditions? 2) How effective were these components in line with the mentioned issue? And 3) What were the non-physical heating or cooling arrangements of the complex? The necessary information has been collected by library and field methods and analyzes of four software, AutoCAD, Climate Consultant, Ecotect, and DesignBuilder in the field of energy and architecture and processed in a descriptive-analytical way. The physical components of the architecture of the complex include its orientation towards the south with a northwest-southeast stretch, high density and height of buildings and the creation of passages with a small width, the use of mud-brick in the construction of walls and the creation of a flat covering of wooden beams, the installation of side doors and windows in the walls. South in most of the buildings are the construction of the pillared porch at the entrance of most of the buildings. These components are effective in using the radiant heat of the sun to heat the residents in some hours in the time range from October to April. However, the application of these solutions from November to March (1632 hours in total) is not enough, and heat production was needed. Probably, in order to achieve thermal comfort, the residents had time management in holding gatherings and used non-physical heating arrangements similar to portable open fire-place from the palaces of the Assyrian Empire. Finally, the climatic adaptability of the complex to the Marvdasht plain and the adoption of suitable heating and cooling measures in it have ensured the thermal comfort of the residents.
Keywords: Environmental Archeology, Persepolis Complex, Thermal Comfort in Achaemenid Architecture, Climatic Adaptability.

Introduction
Creating ecological stability between man-made and nature is necessary for the continuation of life. Architecture is one of the aspects of human life that has a direct relationship with climatic conditions. The formation of native architectural styles throughout history shows the extent of knowledge of the ethnic groups from the climatic conditions of the surrounding environment, which is based on the reading of the geographical, historical and social background of the region (Moazzen & Sad berenji, 1400: 168). When the climatic conditions in a region are favorable, human life is formed and continues there. These conditions are different in different parts of the world and it is necessary to use elements in the architectural body of the building with the aim of complying with the mentioned conditions. Archaeological evidence shows that humans have been aware of this issue since prehistoric times and have taken steps towards the optimal use of natural factors and reducing their negative consequences. The architecture of the residential and religious buildings discovered in Tepe Zagheh (Malek Shahmirzadi, 2011: 326-327) and the architectural works obtained from the V cultural period of the Tepe Sagzabad (Talaei, 2015: 145-145) are proof of such knowledge. By adopting suitable cooling and heating measures in the architectural body of the building, a mental condition is created in the residents that express their satisfaction with the thermal conditions of the environment, and it is called the thermal comfort range (Hejazizadeh & Karbalai Darei, 2014: 22).
Historical documents and archaeological data related to the Achaemenid Empire have been discovered from different parts of their territory, and architectural remains are among these discoveries. The architectural complex uncovered in the vicinity of Persepolis in Marvdasht plain is one of the architectural remains left over from the Achaemenid period. The architecture of this complex is in a way that has certain proportions and the Peymoon system (Javnmardi & et al., 2018: 123). The architectural body of each building must match the climatic conditions of the surrounding environment as much as possible in order to ensure the thermal comfort of its inhabitants. If the physical adaptability of the architecture is not enough, cooling and heating measures are taken to produce cold or heat in the building. The problem of the current research is to know the physical components of the architecture and the heating and cooling solutions thought in the architecture of the Persepolis complex in accordance with the climatic conditions of the Marvdasht plain, which can bring information about the adaptation of the architecture to the climatic conditions in the Achaemenid period.

Identified Traces
The physical components of the Achaemenid architecture of Persepolis, in order to implement these arrangements, include the orientation of the complex in relation to the azimuth of sunlight towards the south with a northwest-southeast extension, which is exposed to an average of the maximum amount of solar radiation energy and its optimal value. Due to the gradual construction of the complex, the high density and height of the buildings has caused the creation of passages and two courtyards with a small width, which has reduced the area of the movement field of unfavorable winds, shading the openings on hot days and causing a lot of failure in the passages. The use of mud-brick in the construction of walls and the creation of a flat covering of wooden beams with a large thickness, which has a high capacity and thermal delay, prevents the loss of heat on cold days and reduces the entry of heat from the outside into the interior of buildings on hot days. Installing openings in the northwest-southeast azimuth is an average of the maximum radiant heat (east) and optimal (east-west with south view) azimuths, and the amount of heat received from sunlight is suitable for hot and cold days of the year. Most likely, the doors and windows are closed on cold days. The construction of pillared porches in most buildings also played a role in adjusting the air inside. Applying these solutions in most of the hours from November to March, which is calculated as a total of 1632 hours, is not enough to ensure the thermal comfort of the residents of the complex, and heat production is needed.

Conclusion
Considering the great and well-studied achievements of the architects and master craftsmen of Persepolis in various architectural, technical and artistic fields, it is expected that they will have significant achievements in the field of adaptation of architecture to the environment and heating and cooling arrangements. Based on the analysis of the climatic conditions of Marvdasht Plain and the thermal comfort of its residents, it is more necessary to comply with the heating measures compared to the cooling measures in the architecture of a building in the mentioned area for climate adaptation and providing the thermal comfort of the residents. Natural heating measures include the use of heat from sunlight, which relieves the cold stress of the residents in some hours in the time range of October to April. The cooling arrangements also include shading on the openings and natural air ventilation, which provides thermal comfort to the residents from April to May and from September to October in some hours and in the middle days of the two mentioned periods at all hours of the day and night. There was no need for cooling during the year. In this collection, wall-mounted heaters similar to the examples of the third floor of Babajan Tepe Lorestan have not been identified. For this reason, it is likely that the inhabitants used portable metal fire-place similar to the Assyrian types and provided the necessary heat. Finally, the present research shows that the architects of Persepolis complex, as well as having mastered various architectural techniques, also had sufficient knowledge in relation to various aspects of climate adaptability and the adoption of heating and cooling measures in order to ensure the thermal comfort of the residents in different months of the year.

Abstract
The city of Damavand, the center of county, is located on a hill in the middle of a fertile valley. It has a historical texture that is located as the downtown in its central part and has four main neighborhoods. The research problem is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and county for the name of Damavand, as well as the core of the damavand region. The published brief writings considered Shlenbeh or Vimeh and Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand region which is not consistent with the sources.  The purpose of this study is to clarify the concept of city and county for Damavand, as well as to better understand the city of Damavand and identify the center of Damavand region and its possible structures. This study has been done in a historical and analytical method based on research and identification by collecting library information and field survey. Questions: 1- What was the concept of city and county for the name Damavand? 2- What is the name of the center of Damavand region and how is it different from Shlenbeh? 3- What is the history of this center and what were its possible structures? Result:  The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period was as a region and on the other hand it represents the city. Although it has a mythical foundation, it is older than the Sassanid and the center of region   the was in the Sassanid period. The important spaces of Kohandej were the middle town   with   bazaars, squares, neighborhoods, and outer town. Kohandej was located in the place of Sar Qaleh. The acceptance of Islam, and the restoration of security, which lasted until the construction of the mosque in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 
Keywords: Damavand, Damavand City, Sassanian City, Kohandej, Shlenbeh.

Introduction
The city of Damavand, which has a historical texture, has four neighborhoods. The main issue of the research is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and city for the name of Damavand, as well as of the city. The published writings have considered the city of Damavand as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, and also the city of Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand district, which is not consistent with the sources. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to clarify the concept of city and city of the Sassanid period for the name of Damavand and to identify the center of Damavand district and its possible structures. It is also different or similar to the Shlenbeh and the knowledge of the foundation and antiquity of the city of Damavand.
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
The research method is historical-analytical and has been analyzed through library studies and the collection of the necessary historical information, and then with the data obtained from the field study and matching with the historical data.
So far, no detailed studies have been done about the city of Damavand and the published articles about the city of Damavand have been briefly mentioned, so this article tries to provide a more accurate understanding from this perspective.

Discussion
In the Pahlavi geography, the city was used to mean land, territory, province and city. In the sources, the names of Damavand province and Damavand city are mentioned. The sources of the foundation of the city of Damavand have been attributed to Ermail and kiumars. Whenever the Sassanid kings founded or developed a city, they gave it their name. The city of Damavand as the center represents Kohandej in the center of the city. The artifacts obtained from the city of Damavand as well as the history of Damavand have shed light on the history of Damavand. Damavand consists mostly of the two cities of Vimeh and Shlenbeh and the center of Damavand is considered as Shlenbeh and the current city of Damavand is the same as the old Shlenbeh or Vimeh. In the sources, the name of Damavand is first in the position of “district” and then represents “Damavand city” as the title of the center of the district. 
The city of Damavand has had the following spaces: Kohandej, middle and outer flow. Kohandej was the most prominent feature of the natural features of the land, at the highest point on the edge of the natural terrace of the earth, and the texture of the city was formed based on this central core of the government. Four neighborhoods in the vicinity of this center, it started with the Upper Farama neighborhood in the south, and ended with the Lower Farama neighborhood in the east, and the Jewish and Darvish neighborhood in the north, and then with the bazaar in the northwest. The main entrance of the city, which was the entrance to the bazaar, reached Kohandej and Meydan. Aerial map of 1956 In that place, the castle and its boundaries are independent and separate from the internal flux. The irregular wall of the mosque, which has changed the shape of the map, and the qibla of this mosque is the error of the mihrab in the direction of the south towards Mecca, not the west. But the first Muslims of Iran were inclined بwere built in the west, so the justification for the fact that the wall of the mosque was built on the remains that had a different function.1 The use of the word “Dokhtar Castle” and the name “Sar Qaleh is one of the terminology of the Sassanid period, may be another evidence. 

Conclusion
The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period, on the one hand, as a province, included numerous cities and villages, and on the other hand, it represented the city as the center of the Damavand region. Although this city has a mythical foundation and its creator is not known, it has an older foundation than the Sassanid one.
The historical and geographical sources that mentioned Stoneavand and Mandan as the center of the rule of the Mamoghans, have no correspondence with the city of Damavand. According to the sources and also according to the structures, this city as the center of the district started at least from the Sassanid period and was managed with important spaces until 141AH during the time of the Abbasid Caliph Mansur. It continued as the center in the Islamic period and is still the center of the city to this day, and of course this city was different from Shlnebeh and the two cities were separate. Therefore, the city was called the center of the city. It is not correct to consider Damavand or the current city of Damavand as the same as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, or to consider the Damavand region to include only the villages or only the two cities of Shlenbeh and Vimeh. Now a village called Shlenbeh is located outside the core of the city in the southern part, whether this Shlenbeh is the same as the old Shlenbeh or not, needs to be investigated. The structures of the city of Damavand in the Sassanid period included the important spaces of Kohandej, then the inner flux with the bazaar, the square, and the neighborhoods, and then the outer flux included the villages in the northern and southern parts. The most important part of it was the Kohandej, which was located in the center and the highest point overlooking the city in the place of Sar Qaleh and Dokhtar Castle in the current location of the Jameh Mosque. The complete acceptance of the religion of Islam, and the return of security and tranquility that lasted until the construction of the mosque of the third century AH in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 

Abstract
The picture of various animals is among the themes we see on bullae in Tape Bardnakoon. During the two seasons of exploration in Tape Bardnakoon, a large number of bullae were found, of which 150 bullae have animal motifs, and only quadruped was studied in this research.  Many of the animals are real and many others can be categorized as transcendental, mythical, or unreal animals in general. These animals are embossed on the bullae according to taste or function The aim of the research was to investigate and analyze animal motifs of these bullae. We separate them and investigate the concepts of each of these pictures and find out the various functions of each of these motifs. The general question of the research is the investigation into and analysis of animals’ motifs, whether which animals’ motifs exist on the bullae and which concepts with. The motifs created on them had different functions not to mention the bullae actual function. Aesthetics application or talisman can be considered for example. Many of the motifs have different concepts and foundations. Animals’ motif associated various symbols of goddess of Sasanian period for then people. bullae played a very important role in revision of official and trade ties and the motifs engraved on the bullae had a significant relation to mythical, astronomical, and religious concepts according to the research results. Therefore, they provide important information such as mythical and religious beliefs and thoughts of then people with us.
Keywords: Bllae, Motifs, Tape Bardnakon, Sasanian, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari.

Introduction
The images engraved on the bullae were used to store and transmit information, many of them are concave and a string trace can be seen in the form of a cross behind them, and this feature was used in the process of administrative management. They were considered to be one of the main lines of Sasanian Iranian art. Seals also served other symbolic purposes and acted as talismans as well as votive objects and suitable objects as burial goods. Recent studies on textual and archeological evidence indicate the widespread use of Sasanian seals in both private and official sectors. bullae, which meant the act of sealing, and the seal itself, indicated executive privileges in the Sasanian bureaucracy. Official seals, which are used in commercial and legal procedures, often show more delicate and complex designs and inscriptions than private seals. Be and considering the animal motifs on the bullae, what function can be imagined for them, and what was the relationship of the quadrupeds on the Sasanian bullae of Tape Bardenkoon with the religious beliefs and mythology of the Sasanian period? The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern contains a meaning. The function of these motifs, in addition to the aesthetic aspect, other aspects such as talismans, religious function, and personalization for each person can be imagined for them. The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankon had a religious and religious aspect and were influenced by the beliefs of the Sassanid period. Every god has a symbol and the manifestation of gods in the form of animals, so every animal’s image can be a sign of a religious concept.

Discussion
The Tape Ber Bardnakoon bullae are a collection of 150 bullae featuring both real and imaginary animals. So far, of these, about 32 real and fake animals have been identified. Next to the animal motifs, inscriptions can be seen in the Sassanid Pahlavi script. The bullae are made of clay and consist of quartz and mica particles. Some of them have been baked, while others have been naturally dried after stamping. The motifs on the bullae are actually the impression of the common flat seal motif in this period. In this article, the motifs of the bulla of Tepe Bardnakoon are sometimes compared with the motifs of the bullae of this period. 
The quadruped motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon bullae include a variety of animals, such as lions, cows, goats, rams, tigers, wolves, dogs, deer, bears, rabbits, elephants, and camels. The stamps also feature images of winged horses and winged lions. In many of the Bullae, animal motifs appear in both primary and secondary forms. For example, the lion image is typically the main image on the bullae, but it also appears as a secondary image on several stamps. Some stamps even depict two animals as the main characters together. The bullae found at Tape Bardnakoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern carries a symbolic meaning. These motifs serve not only an aesthetic purpose, but also function as talismans, religious symbols, and personalized marks. Seals were commonly used during this period across various social levels, both in official administrative settings and in personal contexts.

Conclusion
The images of animals on Sassanid bullae are numerous, depending on their political, social, and religious environment, these motifs are mainly composed of animals and mythological creatures. We can assume that many bullae motifs had a religious function because the role of these animals proves this hypothesis due to their religious meanings and foundations. Some motifs have a clear connection with Sassanid period rituals such as Zoroastrianism and Mithraism. Naturally, symbolism has played a fundamental role in recognizing these features and imagining that they evoke the protection of gods and goddesses. Bahram, who is one of the gods of Mazdaism, can be well seen in his incarnations (horse, cow, camel, male goat, ram...) on the stamps. This is derived from the religious beliefs of the people and the Sasanian government. Several other animals, as they did not have a place in religious matters, were considered purely based on visual or aesthetic issues (for example: elephant, duck, pheasant, peacock). While other animals probably have a meaningful connection with the religious and folklore aspects of the Sasanian period. In a way, it can be said that a bullae has all the functions at the same time. A bullae has three main purposes, including Suhail in exchanges (the owner and the place of production of goods were specified), identifying the owner of the work or his beliefs, and asking for the protection of a god. Tape Bardnakoon is located on the main road of communication between the central plateau and the lowlands of Khuzestan. The location and extent of Tape Bardnakoon probably indicate its important role in the internal communication between the highlands of Bakhtiari and the lowlands of Khuzestan, Isfahan, and Fars in the Sassanid period. This issue can be cited due to the large number of bullae obtained from this area. The reason for this can be considered the great value of Golmehr in the administrative system, in a centralized system with the growth of the Sassanid bureaucracy. With the expansion of cities, the economy of the urban and rural society also underwent changes and transformations, and as a result, the use of bullae in exchanges increased. Animal motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon stamps are influenced by the culture and beliefs of the time. These motifs evoke ideology, which is consistent with its political and social structure.

Abstract
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.

Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.

Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.

Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.

Abstract
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.

Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.

Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).

Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.

Abstract
Identity is one of the concepts that has a wide meaning in humanities. In recent years, ‎the issue of identity has become more important in the face of globalization. ‎Therefore, the identity of cultural-historical rilcs with different concepts has been ‎the subject of many international documents, including the Scientific and Cultural ‎Educational Organization of the United Nations, UNESCO and the International ‎Council of Monuments and Sites, ICOMOS. How the concept of identity has been ‎considered in international documents related to cultural heritage, such as UNESCO ‎and ICOMOS, is a question that this research addresses. Based on this, in the current ‎research, the characteristics and dimensions of the concept of identity in these ‎documents were examined and related concepts were extracted and analyzed. For ‎this purpose, the identity contained in the mentioned documents was examined from ‎the framework of social sciences. Studies related to social sciences have been used ‎interpretatively and content analysis method to examine international documents. In ‎the content analysis, after a detailed study of the texts, key phrases and codes were ‎extracted and classified into three main categories and ten subcategories. The main ‎categories include identity, identity characteristics and identity dimensions. By ‎analyzing the obtained results, a model for investigating the identity of a cultural-‎historical relic was explained. According to this model, the identity type of the ‎cultural-historical relics is one of the seven types of identity, which includes three ‎one-dimensional types, three two-dimensional types, and one three-dimensional ‎type. This model is useful in understanding the dimensions and identity aspects of ‎cultural-historical rilcs. The importance of this model lies in the ‎comprehensiveness of knowledge that is obtained in relation to cultural-historical ‎relices, because the comprehensiveness of knowledge of cultural-historical relics ‎makes it possible to take the most appropriate way to face them.
Keywords: Identity, Cultural-Historical Relics, UNESCO, ICOMOS, International Documents.

Introduction
In the contemporary century, with the emergence of the new trend of globalization, the main values ‎related to cultural heritage faced emerging social and economic facts as well as sustainable environmental ‎development. On the other hand, industrial developments were another factor that affected the ‎disappearance of many cultures and even previous industries. For this reason, along with the growth of ‎modern industrial society and globalization, sacred landscapes and sites are facing the danger of ‎extinction. So that after the ‎‏19‏th century, we have witnessed the complete decline of some cultures, which ‎have buried with them the knowledge of the location and meaning of the sacred sites and have erased ‎them from our minds. However, there are many areas that still preserve their traditions.  Accordingly, the ‎issue of cultural identity has become one of the central issues in modern cultural policies and has become ‎the subject of many international documents in different ways. Therefore, the purpose of this research is: ‎‎”to explain how the concept of identity in cultural-historical relics is based on UNESCO and ICOMOS ‎documents‏”‏
In relation to how to deal with a relic, many documents have been compiled in recent years that have ‎tried to help the protection of historical relics. Here there are questions related to the concept of identity, ‎which are: How is the identity of cultural-historical relics explained in UNESCO and ICOMOS ‎documents? How can the intrinsic and credit dimension of the identity of cultural-historical relics in the ‎documents of UNESCO and ICOMOS be explained? The present research qualitatively answers the ‎questions raised by relying on induction in ICOMUS and UNESCO documents. The content analysis ‎method was used to study the documents. First, the main sentences related to the aforementioned study ‎axes were selected and then the key sentences were extracted from the main sentences. In the next step, ‎key sentences were coded. These codes were determined based on the concepts in the sentences. In the ‎next step, the extracted codes were placed under subcategories and in the final step, the subcategories were ‎classified under the main categories. ‎
In this research, the statistical population includes ‎‏15‏‎ documents related to UNESCO and ICOMOS, ‎which include regulations, recommendations and international charters from ‎‏1956‏‎ to ‎‏2005

Identified Traces 
Based on content analysis in UNESCO and ICOMOS documents, three main categories have ‎been formed under the title of identity, characteristics of identity, dimensions of identity‏. ‏
‏That is, in these documents, attention has been paid to the concept of identity in the ‎subcategories of cultural diversity, diversity of values and assets. In fact, in the documents, the ‎concepts related to the identity characteristics of the cultural-historical relics were extracted, which includes the ‎subset of aesthetic, cultural, social and special characteristics‏. ‏
A number of extracted codes were placed in the main categories of identity dimensions based ‎on the topic and content. These codes were classified in the subsets of intrinsic dimension, ‎primary credit dimension and secondary credit dimension‏. ‏
It can be said that the identity of the cultural-historical relics is based on having different dimensions, and the ‎difference in their identity is due to the difference in their dimensions. Therefore, some cultural-historical relics ‎are one-dimensional, some are two-dimensional, and some are three-dimensional. In fact, the ‎effect is the result of the performance of these dimensions‏. ‏
Based on the said identity dimensions, it is possible to explain a model based on limit cases for ‎a cultural-historical relic. The importance of these limit states is that it makes it easy to ‎understand the identity dimensions of the relics and avoids identifying some identity ‎dimensions. It also guides us to know which part of the identity of the relic is damaged. As a ‎result, it contributes to the pre-studies of conservation and restoration and causes them to be ‎pathological, as a result, identity measures are carried out in such a way as to avoid the identity ‎crisis of the cultural-historical relic. ‎ 

Conclusion 
In cultural-historical relics, the mentioned dimensions in interaction with each other form the ‎identity of the relic. Interaction in identity in one-dimensional relics is formed among the ‎characteristics of the same dimension, and in relics with two-dimensional and three-‎dimensional identity, the interaction between the characteristics of each dimension is formed ‎with other dimensions. In two-dimensional and three-dimensional cases, it is formed with an ‎intermediate space between its different dimensions. In this space, the identity dimensions of ‎the relic interact with each other to create a common space. This space is actually an ‎intermediate space that is formed between different dimensions of the relic, which is different ‎in each relic according to its unique position. The identity dimensions of the relic interact with ‎each other at the point of intersection, and this makes each relic express its identity according ‎to which one of the dimensions is closer. Identity development is not the result of a single ‎aspect. Rather, it is a formative thing based on the dialogue of different aspects of the relic. ‎This means that all aspects of the relic are in a mutual relationship and none of these aspects ‎alone can form the identity of the historical-cultural relic.‎

Abstract
The Mersin Chal cemetery lies to the east of Telajim village, situated in the Poshtkouh district of Mehdi Shahr city. This site is located in the north of Semnan province, within Iran’s central plateau. The Telajim region offers significant biological diversity and livelihood potentials, providing the Mersin Chal people access to a diverse range of flora and fauna. Studying the skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery serves as an important resource for understanding various aspects, including paleodiet, dietary habits, and human behaviors. They provide insights into the levels of adaptation and environmental compatibility, and offer a basis for modeling economic conditions. The focus of this research was to investigate the biological and subsistence strategies employed by the individuals buried in this cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing bioarchaeological methods. To achieve the stated objective, a key question emerges: how can the dietary patterns of the population from the study area be identified through stable isotope analysis conducted on biological samples obtained from archaeological excavations at the Mersin Cal cemetery? To address the question, this study employs a laboratory-analytical approach, specifically stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis, conducted on dental collagen samples. Statistical methods were applied to analyze and interpret the results from the isotope analysis. The investigation focuses on the human skeletal remains from 12 graves among 49 excavated burials at the Mersin Cal cemetery. Physical anthropological research indicates that the examined skeletal remains are of adults, encompassing both male and female individuals. Considering the biological potentials of the studied area, this research concluded that the Mersin Chal community had a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants. Their protein intake was derived predominantly from herbivores (a diet based on C3 and C4 plants), with a smaller portion coming from carnivores.
Keywords: Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Biological Strategies, Dental Collagen, Carbon Isotope, Nitrogen Isotope.

Introduction
“Human skeletal remains serve as the foundation for shaping both individual and collective experiences of the world throughout our lifetime. The dual nature of skeletal remains, viewed both as biological and cultural entities, serves as a basis for theoretical research in bioarchaeology, which studies the biological remains left by past peoples in their cultural contexts (ancient sites)” (Afshar, 2018:82). Chemical analysis of bones and teeth has become a fundamental tool in bioarchaeology, offering insights into human migration and movement, livelihoods, biological strategies, paleodiet, gender differences, etc (Basu et al., 2015; Bogaard & Outram, 2013:333, Lewis et al., 2017:45, Makarewicz & Sealy, 2015:146-14). The isotopic composition of a diet can be assessed by analyzing the ratio of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes found in the collagen of bones and teeth (Agarwal & Glencross, 2011: 413-414). The isotopic values (δ13C and δ15N) derived from the food consumed by animals and humans are incorporated into their tissues. By analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen in the dental collagen of human remains, it is possible to determine the proteins consumed by each individual in the last years of their life due to tissue regeneration processes (Bocherens et al., 2005:10; Budd et al., 2013:862). Therefore, it is essential to identify the main components of the diet, including C3 and C4 plants, marine-based proteins, and non-protein sources (Price, 2015: 74). The stable carbon isotope ratio (δ13C) serves as an indicator for estimating the proportional intake of C3 and C4 plants in both human and animal diets. C3 plants have more negative δ13C values (-20 to -35%), and C4 plants have more positive δ13C values (-9 to -14%) in human skeletal collagen (Agarwal and Glencross, 2011:414, Ambrose, 1986:711, Ambrose and Lynette, 1993:2-3, Price, 2015:73, Katzenberg, 2008:423-424). The proportion of the stable carbon isotope is influenced by dietary intake, whereas the proportion of the stable nitrogen isotope is affected by both diet and habitat conditions (Katzenberg, 2008: 430-431). Nitrogen isotope (δ15N) levels are influenced not only by trophic level but also by environmental variables like rainfall and agricultural management practices, including fertilization methods (Budd et al., 2017:5; Sołtysiak, 2020:117; Sołtysiak and Schutkowski, 2018:1). In this regard, this research focuses on reconstructing the livelihood patterns and biological strategies of the people buried in the Mersin Chal cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing an analysis of the stable isotopes δ13C and δ15N.

Discussion 
Analyzing carbon and nitrogen isotopes in skeletal remains, including bones and teeth, provides valuable insights into palaeodiet, biological strategies, and dietary habits. The isotope values (δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N) found in the food consumed by animals and humans are retained within the tissues of the individual consumer. By analyzing stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in the dental/bone collagen of human or animal remains, it is possible to identify the diet consumed during the last years of the individual’s life (Bocherens et al., 2005: 10; Budd et al., 2013: 862). In the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery in 2021, 49 pit grave burials dating back to the second half of the first millennium BC were identified (Nemati, 2021). Skeletal remains, much like other archaeological evidence, have significant value in reconstructing the past. This research examined the remains obtained from this cemetery using a bioarchaeological approach. A total of 12 skeletal remains with third molars were chosen for laboratory isotopic analysis.  The samples consisted entirely of adult skeletons, comprising a mix of both male and female individuals. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses were conducted at the Center for Physical Science and Technology in Vilnius, Lithuania, utilizing an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. These analyses revealed that the δ¹³C ratios varied between -16.33% and -17.86%, while δ¹⁵N ranged from 11.12% to 8.61%. These isotopic values indicate a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants, as well as protein sources such as herbivores and carnivores. Sołtysiak & Schutkowski (2018) noted, “The isotopic values of domesticated ungulates (goats, sheep, and camels) overlap with humans. However, certain instances reveal slightly more positive δ¹³C values. Conversely, wild ungulates (gazelles and horses) show higher δ¹³C values and lower δ¹⁵N values compared to humans and domesticated animals. The presence of more positive δ¹³C values in wild ungulates suggests that these ungulates (gazelles, equines) occasionally grazed on C4 plants” (Sołtysiak & Schutkowski, 2018: 7). The δ¹³C isotope values provide insight into dietary habits: higher positive values suggest a likelihood of consuming C4 plants, while lower negative values point to the consumption of C3 plants. It highlights that the primary source of fodder for the herbivores contributing to their diet came from both C3 and C4 plants. The geographical position of Mersin Chal cemetery, situated in a region rich in environmental assets and diverse flora and fauna, has granted the community convenient access to food resources.

Conclusion 
The carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery holds significant value as a key aspect of archaeological research, offering crucial insights and serving as a vital source of information for reconstructing past cultures and studying the social and economic conditions of past societies. Research on paleo-nutrition has predominantly centered on the examination of skeletal remains. Collagen found in biological remains, such as teeth and bones, serves as the foundation for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. Consequently, ensuring the presence of collagen in optimal condition is one of the most important criteria for selecting a skeleton for isotopic research. If the amount of collagen in the sample is insufficient, the sample becomes unsuitable for analysis. Thus, to reliably reconstruct dietary patterns, it is crucial to use samples with intact and well-preserved collagen. The tooth samples from the Mersin Chal skeletal remains exhibit favorable collagen quality indicators, including collagen concentration, collagen yield ranging between 16.12% and 7.67%, carbon concentration between 40.16% and 36.38%, nitrogen concentration from 14.60% to 13.28%, and a C/N atomic ratio spanning 3.25 to 3.18, confirming their well-preserved condition. Analysis of stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes in the dental collagen extracted from skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery revealed that the isotopic values for the region fall within the ranges of δ13C (-16.33% to -17.86%) and δ15N (11.12% to 8.61%). These isotopic values indicate a diet composed of C3 plants, including cultivated cereals such as wheat and barley, as well as rice, legumes, vegetables, and fruits, and also C4 plants. The people of this region primarily derived their protein from herbivores that fed on C3 plants, such as goats, sheep, and camels, as well as from herbivores with a mixed diet of C3 and C4 plants, including cattle, gazelles, and equines. Based on isotopic evidence, the inhabitants of this region incorporated carnivores such as Felidae indet into their diet, albeit in limited amounts. carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses have revealed no evidence of aquatic-based dietary contributions, indicating that the Mersin Chal community relied entirely on terrestrial animals as their primary protein source. Considering the rich biological diversity of the research field, it is clear that the Mersin Chal community has direct access to both plant and animal food resources. These environmental potentials have played a crucial role in shaping the most suitable biological strategies for the residents of this region.