Abstract
Agriculture played a significant role in the economic prosperity and development during the Sassanid era. The Sassanid facilitated economic, social, and political growth by constructing water structures tailored to the environmental landscape of the region and establishing laws for water utilization. The presence of perennial rivers like the Dez and Karkheh in Khuzestan created conditions not only to supply the water needs of local settlements but also to address the shortage of drinking, industrial, and agricultural water in other areas distant from rivers that had fertile soil. This was achieved through the construction of structures such as weirs, canals, Qanats, and other water facilities. Specifically, the water supply for the city and agricultural lands of Gondishapur, located 15 kilometers from the Dez River, was accomplished through various water bodies; among these, river Qanats played a fundamental role in transferring reliable water from the Dez River to the city and its farmlands. Archaeological field studies conducted by the authors have led to the identification of new water structures, including weirs, Qanats, and related canals, which had previously been recognized only in part. A considerable portion of these structures is located on the eastern side of the Dez River, and some extend near Gondishapur, suggesting the hypothesis that river Qanats were the main source of water supply for this city-a notion traceable in historical writings. The primary question of this research is how the permanent water required by the city of Gondishapur was supplied, what role the river Qanats played, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Satellite imagery analysis indicates the prominent role of Qanats utilization in transferring water to Gondishapur from the Dez River during the Sassanid period, although some of the Dezful Qanats can be attributed to a later period, even the Safavid era.
Keywords: Aqueduct - Canal, Sater Structure, Dez River, Gondishapur, Dezful, Sasanian.

Introduction
Water, as a vital element, has played a central role in the development of civilizations. In Iran, a country with water limitations, this issue has gained double significance, and water engineering has been recognized as one of the most prominent aspects of Iranian technology and skill from ancient times to the present. The Qanats, one of the most astonishing achievements of water engineering in Iran, is regarded not only as a solution for managing scarce water resources but also as a valuable cultural symbol. These irrigation systems, some of which extend over a hundred kilometers, are renowned not only in Iran but also worldwide.
In this text, the author examines the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and its connection with the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It is emphasized that a more accurate understanding of these systems can contribute to a better comprehension of the subsistence economy and economic development during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. Furthermore, analytical-comparative studies can demonstrate the level of creativity and the impact of these systems on the life of the city of Gondishapur.
The author has used descriptive-analytical methods and tools such as remote sensing, aerial and satellite imagery, maps, and digital elevation models to analyze the data. This research seeks to answer questions about the role of river Qanats in providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur and how the technology and construction methods of these Qanats were.
The research hypotheses state that the water needed for the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River. Tangible evidence such as the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes are presented as examples of this technology.
This research not only assesses the historical and archaeological aspects of these systems but also pays attention to their importance in sustainable development and the preservation of cultural heritage. Ultimately, this study can serve as an important resource for researchers interested in the history and technology of water in Iran.

Discussion
The central question of the current research is how the perennial water supply needed by the city of Gondishapur was secured, what role the River Qanats played in this, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was like. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Therefore, the forthcoming article examines and analyzes the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and how it relates to the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It specifically seeks to answer the following questions: Based on historical and archaeological documents, how are the River Qanats evaluated in terms of providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur? And what was the technology and construction method of the River Qanats of Dezful and their various components? Following these questions, the hypotheses of this research have been organized as follows: The water needed by the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River as a permanent water source. This action has been evidenced by the construction of the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes as tangible proofs of water transfer to the city of Gondishapur.

Conclusion
Field research and analysis of Corona aerial imagery have revealed numerous water structures in the northern, western, eastern, and southern areas surrounding Dezful. Among these, the Qanats located on the eastern bank of the Dez River hold particular significance due to their direct relevance to this study. For instance, no traces of Qanats are identifiable in the Yaqub-e Leyth region in the 1968 Corona images, yet two Qanats shafts were discovered during field investigations. A primary deficiency in the initial plan was the failure to identify the Qanats chains in the Benuarshami area. Following the discovery of ancient Qanats and canals, research began on their history, indicating that some Dezful Qanats, such as Qamish-e Momenun, might date back to the Safavid era. It appears that parts of these Qanats, ancient canals, and water structures supplying the city of Gondishapur were constructed at least in the latter half of the Sassanid period, or it cannot be said that all Dezful Qanats branches belong to a specific era.
It seems that in the first half of the Sassanid period, open earthen canals were responsible for supplying water to Gondishapur, and in the latter half, the introduction of new crops such as rice and sugarcane increased water demand, rendering the canals connected to the Dez River insufficient. This situation partly justifies the creation of Qanats. After the abandonment of the city in the 7th or 8th century AH, it is likely that the water supply structures of Gondishapur became ineffective. Consequently, the Qanats, whose water discharge was recorded until 1966 AD, transferred water to the western lands of Gondishapur or directed it downstream via the Siyah Mansur River.

Abstract
Residential architecture as a living space for family members has been influenced by climatic and geographical conditions. Accordingly, some methods for designing climate-responsive architecture can be seen in historic houses of Iran, such as Ashtian. Therefore, this research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate negative effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. Questions are: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, form, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Two hypotheses are: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature. ArcGIS, Google Earth, WRPLOT design software, AutoCAD, and SPSS software were used for data analysis. Based on the results, the architects were started the construction of the building by considering climatic factors such as sunlight angle, prevailing wind, temperature, and humidity. They have paid attention to the type and color of materials, size of windows and doors and courtyards, and size and location of rooms. Also, based on the models obtained from WRPLOT software, the dominant wind of the region in two directions east-west and west-east was identified and its effect on architecture was explained. The results of the analysis in SPSS also show the correlation between “type of land and social class of people”, “type of land and soil with reservoirs”, and “maximum wind speed and the number of floors”.
Keywords: Qajar Monuments, Climate-Responsive Architecture, Residential Architecture, Ashtian.

Introduction
Considering the geographical divisions of Iran, different architectural features have been formed in each geographical region (Memarian, 2012: 5). Although Qajarid architecture was influenced by modernism and non-Iranian patterns, climatic and environmental features have been among the most influential factors in Iranian architecture. It seems that architecture in Ashtian also has such characteristics. The development of the city of Ashtian during the Islamic era was due to its location in Iraq-e Ajam and the route of the pilgrimage to holy shrines of Iraq (Omidbeyki, 2015: 1). In the Qajar period, Ashtian was a place of residence for virtuous and pious people, writers, scholars, and politicians (Shirvani, 1897: 42), and various types of urban and suburban residential structures were built. 
This research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate undesirable effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. The study of these residential structures, with a focus on analyzing the role of geographical factors, provides insights into the interaction between the Qajar society and the specific climatic and environmental conditions of the region.
There are two main questions in this research: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, body, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Based on these questions, the following hypotheses have been proposed: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature.

Discussion
In this study, eight Qajarid residential buildings in Ashtian County – as a cold and dry region in the Markazi Province - were studied, which are: the houses of Mirza Hedayatullah, Mirza Hasan, Nuraee and Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, as well as Mustofi Al-Mamalek (Agha) castle in Ashtian city, Abdulazim Gharib house in Garekan village and two feudal castles in Ja’farabad village (Figs 2-9). 
Based on the Google Earth photos, the Qajarid houses in Ashtian have been located in the middle of the southern slope of the mountain. Because the northern slopes of the mountains are in shadow and colder (Ghobadian, 2018, 101-102), While the southern slope is sunny and has better conditions for residence and other activities. Watercourses are usually threatened during floods and pose a threat to settlements (Negarsh, 2003: 137). The topographic analysis of the watercourses and hazardous slopes around the studied buildings indicates that less attention has been paid to the issue of watercourses in Ja’farabad, Garekan, and Ashtian. Furthermore, the city of Ashtian is located on QT2 soils, Ja’farabad on QT1 soils, and Garekan on MS and MQ soils (Figure 10). Based on this, the lands of Ashtian and Ja’farabad are relatively homogeneous in terms of resistance and provide relatively favorable conditions for construction. However, Garekan lands are weaker for building construction. In Addition, a very strong fault called “Talkhab” extends northwest to southeast, passes 12 kilometers southwest of Ashtian and 4 kilometers northeast of Ja’farabad (Fig 11). Historical reports also indicate destructive earthquakes in the years 855 AD, 958 AD, 1177 AD, 1316 AD, 1495 AD, and 1962 AD in this area (Ghodrati et al., 2010: 184). Therefore, the location selection of houses in the cities of Ashtian, Ja’farabad, and Garekan has been carried out without considering the earthquake hazard. 
The most prominent architectural features of cold and mountainous regions include small and confined urban and rural spaces, compact structures with interconnected buildings, narrow streets with limited width. Furthermore, Attention is given to solar orientation (Ghobadian, 2018: 99). The urban spaces in Ashtian are also small and confined, with a compact urban fabric (Figure 12), as well as Garekan and Ja’farabad. The main streets and thoroughfares are also narrow and have limited width. 
The study of the influence of the angle of solar radiation on the monuments of Ashtian for 11 AM at the beginning of each season showed that the difference in the angle of solar radiation between summer and winter in these regions is more than 35 degrees (Table 1). For this reason, a porch has been built in the north face of some houses, including Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, Nuraee, and Ja’farabad castles. The roof of these porches was like a canopy, and it protected the openings from the hot summer sun. But in winter, the slanting sunlight penetrated the into the interior spaces. Also, the orientation of the axis of the house plans in the east-west axis made the sunlight to be received more in the cold winter mornings in the southern facades.
In these buildings, the percentage of open space or courtyard area compared to the total building area is less than 35 percent. This is because in areas where the temperature is cold or very cold for most days of the year, most daily activities take place indoors. In the buildings of Ashtian, small openings were used to prevent heat exchange between the interior and exterior of the building. In the design of these openings, in addition to light, ventilation and the utilization of pleasant winds or prevention of unpleasant winds have also been taken into consideration. The output of modeling in WRPLOT software indicated that the prevailing wind in this city is predominantly east-west and west-east (Figure 13).

The outputs of the SPSS also showed the following
- A relationship between the type of land and the social class of the people living in the house: political people and officials have chosen areas with more suitable soil.
- A relationship between the type of land and soil with the presence of a water reservoir in the building: all Qajarid buildings in Ashtian city had water reservoirs. However the residents of Ja’farabad did not need a water reservoir. Because the underground water and the aqueducts were rich.

Conclusion
The study of Qajarid houses in the city of Ashtian has shown that some geographical and climatic factors have influenced the location, plan, structure, and architectural elements of these houses. However, architects have also overlooked some climatic and geographical variables in the location, design, and construction of these houses. In response to the first question, it should be noted that although these houses have been strategically and intelligently located in the southern foothills to easily capture sunlight and solar energy, they are all exposed to the risk of floods from the north and northeast along the watercourse. Nevertheless, the principles of urban space design and construction in mountainous and cold regions have been maximally observed in the city of Ashtian, and the analysis of the urban fabric and space in Ashtian indicates narrow streets and the integration of architectural units for better adaptation to the climate. Regarding the second question, this study has shown that the principles of design and construction of residential spaces, including plan, structure, architectural elements, and materials, have largely obeyed climatic and geographical factors such as the direction and intensity of sunlight, the prevailing wind direction, and the temperature in summer and winter. For example, the roofs of the buildings are flat, and the windows are small and proportionate to the direction of the sun and the prevailing winds of the region. The positioning of the windows facilitated the absorption of solar heat in winter and ventilation in summer. Small central courtyards and open spaces have been built in accordance with the climate of Ashtian. The number of floors in these houses corresponds to the intensity and speed of the wind, and the presence of architectural spaces with specific functions, such as water reservoirs, depends on the type of soil and the geographical characteristics of the region.

Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts. 
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22). 
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

Abstract
Sassanid bullae are indicative of the administrative structure, commerce and other cultural concepts, which usually differ from each other in the sealed figures, size and the number of times they have been stamped. In many cases, these samples are accompanied by symbolic arrays like other cultural data of this period. In order to study of their importance and description and to answer questions about the symbolism mixed with the worldview of Mazdaznan religion and other concepts such as the knowledge of that time, we selected undocumented bullae in the archives of the National Museum. In this regard, semantics, the most frequent arrays, compatibility between these symbols with other symbols this period, relative chronology and their possible origins were investigated. Most of the images stamped on the bullae of this collection include human, animal, and geometric arrays (monograms). Some of the fifty studied bullae studied have lost their value in due to wear and corrosion or breakage. Also, there is no information about how they were discovered. These bullae are assigned to the Sassanid period only based on the writings and arrays. Our research is based on library studies and documentation of bullae of the National Museum archive and conventional methods such as photography and design of flower seals. 
Keywords: Bullae, Sassanid, Symbol, Iconography, Mazdaznan.

Introduction
Our purpose of writing this article is the iconography of bullae attributed to the Sassanid period from the archives of the National Museum. By studying these bullae, their administrative, commercial and ritual use can be understood. In order to better understand these features, symbols and writings (here symbols) have been studied. The Iconography of the archeological data of this period (especially seals and bullae) reveals points such as cultural interaction in the Sassanid Empire, similar to the concepts of the Mazdaist religion or other religions, Animal symbols in the seals of the Moghadam Museum with signs of the Mitra ritual (Dehpahlevan and Ghanavati, 2014, 47-67); or examples with Christian and Jewish symbols from Sassanid empire rituals (Lerner, 1976, 183-187 and Lerner 2009, 653-664). All in all, the symbolic nature (or not) of the arrays on the bullae can be interpreted as follows; Signs (monograms) are single or multi-purpose, human portraits are demonstrative or commanding and sometimes mythological, some of them like hearth are divine and other are mythological representations of quadrupeds or birds (Brunner, 1978, 11). However, each of which has a variety in form and details but it can be safely said that monograms are the most special type among them because it combines other symbols together (figure 1). Bullae in the archives of the National Museum are classified into human, plant, animal, astronomical and geometric types in a symbolic or natural framework. Meanwhile, their animal species is probably from the northern half of Iran in the 6th century AD. The purpose of this research is to deal with the symbolic and ritual concepts of the bullae of the National Museum and their use, classification and relative chronology of them. Their relative chronology is due to their similarity to the most well-known finds of this period, such as the documented flower seals of Takht Sulaiman and Abu Nasr Palace. The questions and assumptions of our research include What are the meanings of the Sasanian bullae symbols? What are the most repeated arrays in this collection and what are their similarities? What is the relationship between our research collection and other archaeological and documented findings? It is believed that the iconography on the seals, despite their mainly commercial or administrative use, shows the prominence of symbols and rituals in all aspects of Sasanian culture. Also, the iconography and inscriptions of some of the seals of the National Museum archive confirm their ownership to administrative and ritual positions. In this regard, we have a historical and analytical approach according to the documentation methods, typology and the review of archaeological reports.

Discussion and Analysis
Symbolism is an integral part of Iranian culture. Undoubtedly, since bullae were representative of the administrative and commercial system throughout the Sassanid Empire. the reflection of well-known and ancient symbols on bullae is also an effort to culturalization and reminding with them. According to the Authors, the common message of the symbols of each category clearly expresses systematic beliefs that are evident in all cultural and political aspects of this era. Just like the deification of all creations, which has been mentioned many times in Sasanian literature and art especially in the fourth century at the same time as Khosrow II Sassanid (Yarshater, 2016, 176-190). Iconography was of interest throughout this period and only the appearance and quantity of some of them, such as the animal examples of the time of Kartir and Bahram II or the symbols of the goddess Anahita during the time of Mobad-e-Mobadan Atorpat Mehraspandan (beginning of the 4th century AD) caused that some researchers consider them as new symbols. Sometimes iconography is a way to know the origin of bullae such as the arrays of camels and winged horses that are the symbol of the fire temple of Azargoshnasp that can show that part of this collection was made there or in the workshops of the northern half of Iran. In this regard the mineralogy of flower beads will also be our answer in belonging to the specific place of preparation of materials, the production and baking of flower beads. In addition, the names of Mad, Pars, Bishapur and Farah (Khora) of Ardashir (Firouzabad) are also mentioned on these seals. However, some names such as Azargashnesab were also used to name places and people (Yamauchi, 1993: 7-46). It is also possible that the flower seals and their iconography are more visible throughout this period, especially during political and social upheavals such as the period of Qabad I (488-496 AD) or Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 AD).  In this regard, the archives of Takht Suleiman’s bullae and the reflection of the well-known early patterns of this period, such as the depiction of the king riding a horse on the bullae, clearly indicate their use and symbols for a long time, especially in the second half of this period.

Conclusion
The celestial and religious or scientific attitude to phenomena can be seen in Sassanid art and culture and before them in Iran. From a conceptual point of view, showing tangible species such as goats and rams, boars, etc. is also a good way to better believe the detailed definitions in a symbolic format. For example, in Iranian mythology, the gods had an iconic form of human, animal, etc., such as Anahita, the goddess of flowing waters, seal (Mitra) of the sun’s ray. All of them are represented in symbols, signs and inscriptions that are rooted in ancient beliefs.
The symbolism of bullae of the National Museum Archive helps us to understand ancient symbols and concepts such as animism and godliness and ideas mixed with the knowledge of the times. The role of symbols on the bullae for which administrative and commercial uses is presumed clearly indicates the value of product or message, the position of the seal holders and sometimes a sign of administrative and ritual base. Therefore, the symbol of the Sasanian seal and bullae, which was used as a medium to keep ancient ideas alive based on the materials and strategies of its time, can be a useful for the sociology of the Sasanian period. Seals and bullae have been most available to the elites in the judiciary, property, shrines, etc., and diverse human profile and different names on the archive of seals is a confirmation of this statement. Other points that can be seen from the symbolism of the bullae in addition to the recreation of symbols with concepts in the style of the millennia BC, the unreasonable interaction of cultures (symbols), especially based on the trade and shrewd attitude and policy of the Sassanid empire in coexistence with neighboring lands. Fleshy artistic style of arrays (especially human and animal species) is also a rare phenomenon in the history of Iranian art, although the geometric style of the Sassanid seals of Devin and Ajmiadzin of Armenia, or Qasrabun Nasr in the museum The New York Metropolitan, can be the result of the influence of individuals, the mass production of seals, the artistic style of seals and sometimes their inseparability from Parthian or pre-Party specimens.

Abstract
Relations between the two civilizations of Iran and India have been reciprocated since ancient times. The sharing and exchange of cultural traditions between Iran and India culminates in the Gorkani era. The main area of objectivity of cultures should be searched in art and literature. This research, while examining the illustrated version of HamzaNameh, whose stories are illustrated from Hamza’s various encounters with Anoushirvan and the Sassanid court, which is at war with Hamza, and Ardeshir Babakan, who is rushing to Hamza’s aid, deals with the cultural influences of Iran/India due to the arrival of Iranian artists in the Indian Gurgaon period and the influences of Safavid painting features on this version. The problem raised in this study is: How can we read the effect of Safavid painting on Hamza Nameh’s paintings in India with a Semiosphere approach? The aim of this study was to investigate the impact of Safavid painting on the confrontation with Indian Gorkani painting. The descriptive-analytical research method is based on Lutman’s semiotic approach and using intercultural contrast (Iran/India) has pointed out the characteristics of  Hamzanameh and Iran’s influence on Indian painting. And the effects of the features of Safavid painting and the personality of Iranian Hamzeh are present in the depiction of Hamzehnameh.
Keywords: Safavid painting, Hamzanameh, Indian Gorkani painting, Semiosphere.

Introduction
Cultural relations resulting from political relations between the two countries led to the formation of a new type of artistic approaches split from both cultures in the form of a valuable work entitled Hamza Letter. In this paper, in order to address the problem and the cultural relationship between Iran/India, an attempt is made to analyze some of the paintings of Hamza Nameh in Gorkani India, regarding the features they have in common with Iranian painting from an Semiosphere perspective. There have been many researches about the influence of Iranian painting on India, most of the researches have been done away from the approaches of art criticism in general. This doubles the study of the effects of Iranian painting on Indian painting based on a new research approach based on Sepehr. The necessity of the present research lies in the fact that previous researches have mostly dealt with the pictorial themes of Indian and Iranian painting with a descriptive view, and none of the previous researches have researched the illustration of Khamsa in India influenced by Iranian painting.
Question of the research: 1. What has been the impact of Iranian painting on Indian painting from the Semiosphere perspective? 2. What elements of Iranian painting have been effective in illustrating Hamzanameh in the Gurkan period of India? The hypothesis of the research is based on the principle that it is possible to analyze and read the illustrated Hamzanameh paintings in the Gorkani period with the Semiosphere approach based on the influences of Iranian painting on India.
Research method: The present research was written using the descriptive-analytical method and using the “ Semiosphere “ approach, which is a subset of the “cultural semiotics of the Tartu school “, based on the opinions of Yuri Lutman. First, the relationship between Safavid and Gurkanian art is studied. Then the paintings of Hamzanameh in the Gorkan period of India are examined. Therefore, in addition to the components of Hamzanameh paintings and their background factors, their themes are analyzed, and by considering them as a text, the ways of its influence and influence are investigated outside and inside two cultures. In the following, those images that have taken and absorbed components from foreign culture i.e. Safavid Iran as another will be introduced and specified. Also, the coexistence of the components of the culture within the text, namely the Gurkans of India, which is considered as the cultural self of the components outside the text, which is Safavid Iran, another culture, which ultimately leads to the emergence of a new and eclectic culture and text, is also explained.

Identified Traces 
After examining and analyzing the paintings of Hamzanameh based on the Semiosphere approach, it can be said that Iranian immigrant artists, in the host land, try to establish a meaningful connection between their two Semiosphere and the other. Sepehr is a sign of Gorkani, which causes artists to inevitably make changes in their artistic foundations; In the new land, while trying to communicate with the signs of the host sphere, they do not have the ability and the possibility to completely reject and accept any of the elements in the influx of symbolic elements. But in the end, they still maintain their belonging to the culture and identity elements of their sphere, which interact with the identity and value-creating elements of the host, and by acquiring and absorbing elements from the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-creating elements. As the identity aspects of immigrant artists’ culture fade and by combining elements borrowed from the host’s symbolic sphere, the life of their culture continues in a new form in the Gorkanian symbolic sphere. Based on this, the findings after drawing the boundaries of the symbolic space of the Safavids/Gurkans, as well as reading the paintings of Hamzanameh, are presented with the approach obtained in the form of analyzing the paintings and classifying them in the mechanism of attraction and rejection. So, the examination and analysis of the paintings, the symbolic elements governing them, which express the mechanism of attraction and rejection in the paintings of Gurkani school of India, can be explained in the table below.

Conclusion 
The relationship between the painting of the Indian or Indo-Iranian Mughal school, which was the same period as the Safavid rule, and is influenced by its art. The results of the study of political and cultural relationships between the Safavids and the Gurkans show the influence of the painting of the Safavid period on the formation of the Indo-Iranian Gurkan school of painting in India. But in the end, they maintain their belonging to the Iranian culture and the identity elements of their Sepehr, they interact with the symbolic and identity elements of the host, and by absorbing the symbolic elements of the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-making symbols. As the identity aspects of Iranian immigrant artists’ culture fade and by incorporating elements from the host’s symbolic sphere that they have borrowed, they continue the life of their culture in a new form in the symbolic sphere of the Gurkanians of India. According to these interpretations, the influence of Safavid painting can be clearly seen in Hamzanameh paintings. The reason for the introduction of Iranian cultural signs in the painting works, which were transferred to the Indian cultural and painting sphere through the migration of artists, and continue to display the identity and symbolic functions of their previous components. The results of this are that the absorption of elements and the translation of signs in most of the paintings of Hamzanameh are taken from the main character of the Iranian Hamzah story, which has caused the mechanism of Iranian culture through the story and its absorption by Iranian artists in the cultural sphere of India.

Abstract
Sassanian seals and sealings were used in all levels of society and administrative organizations during historical periods, including the Sassanid era. They have played a significant role in our understanding of various historical aspects of this period. Among the motifs carved on Sasanian seals that reveal the beliefs of their owners, the image of women as an important population of Sassanian society is also engraved on the seals. Seals inscribed with female motifs are considered important sources for analyzing the position of women in this period and reflect society’s attitude towards this group. This article aims to investigate the motif of women on Sassanian seals by introducing a seal from the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan. Through library studies and direct observation of the seal, the Authors discuss the symbolic aspects and interpretation of the inscription on this seal, describing the female motifs present. The question raised is the relationship between the character on the seal and the owner. To what extent does the inscription reflect feminine concepts? Seals engraved with the motif of women were likely owned by women, indicating their individual independence and social status during that period. While women in the Sassanian period were less involved in business and politics than men, the presence of seals with female motifs demonstrates their acceptance and legal position in the administrative and economic affairs of the time.
Keywords: Seal, Sasanian, woman, inscription, Bu-Ali Sina Museum.

Introduction
Seals are considered one of the most significant discoveries in archaeological excavations, shedding light on the mysteries of the past. Seal motifs provide insight into the cultural and civilizational evolution of different historical periods. On pre-Islamic seals, motifs depicting women engaged in daily activities, as well as symbols related to mythology and religion that reflect the social status of women, hold great importance. Alongside these depictions of women, images of animals like dogs or scorpions are sometimes carved, suggesting the religious and mythological significance of women. Women in pre-Islamic times were often associated with the queen or goddess of water, Anahita. The main objective of this article is to explore the significance of the motif of women on Sassanid seals, using a seal from the collection of the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan as an example. By analyzing the motif and inscription on this seal, the article aims to address the connection between the motif and the seal’s owner, as well as how feminine concepts are reflected in the inscription. However, due to the unknown origin of the seal, establishing its exact chronology poses a challenge.

The Motif of women on Sasanian seals
The image of a woman in Sasanian seals is a symbol of the queen or goddess Anahita. Her role in these seals is in the form of a profile, half-length, standing in awe of a woman with a long and fringed dress as a symbol of the waves of the boundless waters, similar to Anahita’s tunic while raising her hand and holding a lotus branch in her hand. In some seals, the image of the queen is engraved next to a man, either the king or the wife of the woman. The queen and the king face each other in profile and look at each other. Sometimes a tree can be seen among them, which is a symbol of the tree of life. (Brunner, 1979: 47). In the motifs left on Sasanian seals, a woman is depicted as giving thanks and to show her marital status, she is either holding a flower that is a symbol of offering to the gods or she is holding a ring that shows her marriage contract. Sometimes the female figure is shown as a person holding a royal crown in the air and dancing (Brunner, 1978: 61). The role of a woman on Sasanian seals is sometimes seen next to a child in sitting or standing positions or while holding the child in her arms. It has been said that these kinds of seals belonged to the Christians of different parts of Iran, in which the role of the woman was the symbol of Mary and the child was the symbol of Christ (Mesbah Ardakani and Dadvar, 2008: 179; Brunner, 1979: 42; Harper, 1978: 145). In most of the Sassanid seals depicted with a female figure, the name of the owner of the seal appears in the inscription around the female figure. (Mohammadifar & Malekan, 2013: 5).
A Sasanian seal with a female motif at the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan
 The seal, with registration number 4635, is made of Soleimani agate and measures 18 mm long and 8 mm wide, weighing 3.3 grams. There is a crack in the right margin of the seal. The image on the seal depicts a standing woman, possibly wearing a cloak, looking to the right. She has long hair and is holding either a flower or a bird in her hand. Below her hand, a ribbon hangs, potentially a belt around her waist. Her dress appears to be shaped like a tank at the bottom, tight on the leg, and flowing to the ground like boundless waters. The motifs of the moon, star, and flower or bird are significant on this seal, along with the motif of women. The seal under study bears an inscription on the margin indicating the owner’s name (Hu-rōy) and family relationship (son of Hu-dēn), suggesting that the seal likely belonged to a woman. Symbols like the star, flower, and dove, associated with the goddess Anahita in Iranian mythology, further support the idea that this seal was owned by a woman in Sassanid society.
Interpreting the seal inscription for research purposes, the text on the right side of the main seal reads from 1 o’clock to about 6 o’clock. The inscription includes the words “Ho Roy” and “Ho Din,” which may be a title or name. The suffix “ān” at the end of the second word indicates a relative connection. Based on the Middle Persian script and seal morphology, scholars suggest that this seal likely dates back to the late Sassanid period.

Conclusion
Seals are crucial sources for understanding the history and culture of ancient Iran. The variety of carved patterns on seals from the Sassanid period provides valuable insights into the religious beliefs of that era. The motif of women on these seals, whether alone or paired with other symbols, highlights their significant social status in Sassanid society. Women, particularly court women, who owned seals were actively involved in commercial and official matters. The presence of feminine motifs on seals challenges the perception of women’s limited roles in business and politics during that time. The motif of a woman alongside a child emphasizes family values in Sassanid society. Additionally, attributing certain female motifs on Sasanian seals to the goddess Anahita underscores her importance in religious themes of that period.

Abstract
In the study of slipware colorful pottery, it has always been the focus of various researchers due to its unique motifs.  During the past few decades, researchers have studied the patterns of the above pottery with different approaches. Despite the researches that have been carried out in the direction of rereading and interpreting the motifs, there are still ambiguities and challenges. One of the challenges in the interpretation of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery patterns is the illustrated illustration on a plate that is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. In their research, according to historical texts, researchers have presented different opinions regarding the role of the above plate, and it is believed that their interpretations have fundamental problems. It seems that the study of historical texts alone is not a solution to the interpretation of the above illustration, and interdisciplinary science studies should be used to investigate the illustration of this container in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies.  Study and review. In this research, the Authors are of the opinion that by following the archetypes in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the study scope of which includes the Khorasan region; to study the illustration of the plate, in order to achieve this goal, the Authors have used ethnographic studies and historical documents to interpret it. The research method of the upcoming research is a library with a comparative historical-analytical approach. In line with the above goal, questions such as what is the concept of the illustration of the colorful goblet plate? It has been proposed to what extent ethno-archaeological studies can be applied in the interpretation of the illustrated illustration on this dish. The result of the comparative research of ethno-archaeological studies and historical documents is that the theme of the illustration engraved on the plate is the ritual ceremony of asking for rain and water from the goddess Anahita and Tishtar, which is held today in the Khorasan region with changes in the way the ceremony is performed. 
Keywords: Pottery, Neishabur, Polychrome Decoration Under Transparent Glaze, Ethnoarcheaology, Asking for Rain.

Introduction
Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery was produced in the 3rd and 4th centuries AH and parallel to the Samanian rule in northeastern Iran, which are very prolific and diverse in terms of motifs. A samples of these pottery is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. By analyzing historical texts, researchers have proposed interpretations for the illustration engraved on this plate. Despite the studies conducted with different approaches by different researchers, there are still uncertainties about the identity of human motifs. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the identity of the human motifs depicted on the plate in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies along with reviewing historical texts. Therefore, the aim of the Authors in this research is to study the illustration of plate by examining historical texts and archetypes in the geography of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the scope of which includes the Khorasan region.
In the background of the plate, there are nested circles in black with oval motifs and blue-green with circular motifs. The central motifs are three human body performing a special ceremony. The two human body have two two-branched wings on their shoulders, which are hanging down, and according to the clothes they are wearing, their gender can be distinguished as male and female. On the left side of the central body, the role of a small human body with a strange face of incomplete creation is depicted. Between the central man and the body on the left, the motif of a bird with its head turned back and a multi- petaled flower, possibly a lotus, can be seen.

The Role of a High-Ranking Lady
One of the motifs of the plate shows the role of a high-ranking lady sitting on a chair. The high-ranking lady is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on her shoulders. It seems that the goddess with the rhyton in her hand is probably one of the gods associated with water.

A High-Ranking Man
The motif of a high-ranking man depicted on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Neyshabur, like the motif of the goddess, is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on the shoulders. The male god is probably related to the water gods because he is next to the water goddess Anahita.

Plant Motifs
The lotus flower is called Abzad flower or the flower of life and creation in Farsi. Since this flower is related to water and in ancient traditions, the lotus flower was considered to be sacred and related to Anahita. Illustrated plant motifs on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Nishapur, the plant pattern of the seat of the female deity, as well as the plant motifs around the body of the male deity and the ten-petaled flower between the male deity and a small human body by comparing the actual sample of the bud and the lotus flower and the obvious similarity with It is probably a symbol of the lotus flower.

Bird
On a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate, the motif of a bird is drawn above the head of the male deity and the motif of a small human with his head turned back. The bird is probably a rooster symbol due to the abstract tail, several feathers on the body and also the crown on the head.

A Small Human Body
A small human body with a strange, imperfectly formed face, with eyes stretched vertically downwards, with open hands around him and a mouth on his cheek. to inspire a symbolic concept of him to the viewer. The small human role cannot be interpreted with the myth of Tishtar and Anahita; because there is no mention of its identity in opposition to the above gods in historical texts. Inevitably, in order to identify the identity of the small human role that can be referred to as the missing link and in the archetypes of the water myth, it was investigated in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery attributed to Nishapur in the Khorasan region.

Conclusion
The result of the analyzes that were carried out in line with the proposed questions was that the scene of the celebration depicted on the plate was probably the narrator of the ritual ceremony related to water and rain among the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries in Nishapur. This result was obtained by identifying the patterns of the components of the plate with historical evidence and ethno-archaeological studies. Which could be identified with the identification of two human roles using historical texts with two wings and symbols such as lotus flower, rhyton, and cow horn hat. They were the gods Tishtar and Anahita. For the identification of the small human body with an ugly face, which gave the viewer a superhuman personality, the results of ethno-archaeological studies were also used by following its archetype in myths; Because she was assumed to be an ugly doll and also because she was placed next to the beautiful gods Anahita and Tishtar, she was matched with the ugly Qazak Chuli doll or the Opush demon in the Khorasan region with the ritual ceremony of asking for rain. The rooster is also depicted in opposition to the gods Anahita and Tishtar, and the doll symbolizing the demon Opush, a symbol of Sorush, which destroys the demonic forces of Opush. Therefore, according to the identification of motifs and their symbolic interpretation, the theme of the illustrated illustration on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate is related to the ritual ceremony of asking for rain in the 3rd and 4th centuries during a celebration that was accompanied by music and joy. The living manifestation of this archetype is the ritual ceremony of Choli Qazak among the people of Khorasan region in search of rain. The people of Khorasan in the seasons of drought and lack of rain make dolls that have been passed down from their fathers to them during ritual ceremonies with instruments and drums. And they ask for rain from the water gods with joy and enthusiasm.

Abstract
The right of possession is not an absolute one today and the lawmaker has the power to limit the possession right according to several reasons. It is a general thought in the public regulations of the civil law that the possession is a legal absolute right. Accordingly, and due to different tools, the limitation is fulfilled by the lawmaker and this right is completely ignored. The rules of cultural heritage are of the tools to make the limitation and to devest possession. The main question of this article is that what are features cultural-historical properties possession in Iran and what are the position of intellectual and material property right of the of the historical-cultural owner of the properties? It seems that there could be limitations in some situations to some cultural heritage properties. The mentioned laws could weaken the private ownership in some cases. Additionally, the private ownership is respected in Islam and according to the first verdicts the ownership of cultural-historical properties are authentic its ignorance is assumed wrong. The today law are not upgraded and its fulfilment is ignored in order not to be against the religious and legal frameworks.
Keywords: Possession, Cultural Heritage, Cultural-Historical Properties, Movable Properties.

Introduction
Cultural heritage includes series of valuable movable and immovable properties from the past. A significant part of the properties is owned privately or is inherited or discovered by them. Now-a-days it is the aim of the government to protect these properties with cultural-historical values. As the verification of their ownership in the laws of cultural heritage are not noticeable by the lawmakers it is significant to study the different aspects and illuminate the ownership situation of these properties as the aim of the Authors in this article.

The Aim and Necessity of this Research
The lawmaking process for cultural heritage in Iran started in 1930 as the law of national properties protection by the national consulate of the parliament of Pahlavi I and under the direction of Andre Godar, the French architect and archaeologist, of the antiques center. Several paragraphs have been added or removed from the mentioned law since then. It seems that the law on cultural heritage and cultural-historical properties are not efficient as the traffic of the properties are increasing and the national treasures are looted. Therefore, it seems that the study in this field and the different aspects of the protection and conservation of cultural heritage are essential in the present situation. 
The primary and secondary question and hypothesis: What are the features of cultural-historical properties in the laws and regulations of Iran? What is the position of the tangible and intangible cultural-historical properties ownership in the legal and administrative sections?

Research Method
The research method is according to the library study of the present laws and decisions in the field. Cultural-historical properties ownership in the laws and regulations
The ownership and its features are as above-mentioned. The ownership is significant in the present society as the method of personal economic relationship adjustment. Respecting one’s control over the objects gives him authority to protect his material benefits. This ownership is fair, defensible, and even sacred. The respect for it is as the blood of human and even more than Kaaba in Islam. The constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, paragraph 22, it is mentioned as following: “The property of the persons is safe from assault unless the law approves” and in paragraph 47 it is mentioned: “The legitimate property is respected and the law designates its rules”. Some lawyers describe the respect for personal property as the fundamental respected laws and its soul (Katouzyan, 2010: 133).
In paragraph 3 about the protection of national property, approved at 1930, two sorts of properties are mentioned; the properties without personal owners and the properties with personal owners. These tangible and intangible properties could be faced according to paragraphs 3 and 4. Additionally, the personal properties are mentioned in the law of land and construction purchasing for the protection of historical and ancient properties, approved at October 1968, paragraph 1. The properties with or without owners will be discussed here (Khodadadi Larzjan, 2016: 5).
Obviously, thousands of properties with personal owners cannot be only safeguarded by law that is approved 80 years ago and is enforced unilaterally. It means if the owners of the historical properties know that they are not alone on protection their properties and this might improves their social position and their benefits they will not take those properties abroad. 
In another hand the inscribing of a property in the national list destructs their property right for the personal property owners. Therefore, the destruction of the properties accelerated according to the more nationally inscribed process in 1990s. The owners destructed the buildings as they knew they will not be able to sell, be benefited or destruct their properties after inscribing them in the national list of cultural heritage. The owners whose properties were inscribed previously were shocked for some times and due to the consultation of the lawyers found out the legal solution and complained in Court of Administrative Justice.

Conclusion
The attention and support of the government of the legal cultural-historical owners’ property rights and checking property conflicts and also the separation of personal and public ownable properties (with respect to the governmental sovereign rights) could be one of the best methods to encourage people to identify and protect the mentioned properties and preventing them from being exported illegally. 
According to paragraph 4 of the constitution, all the laws should be congruous with the religious rights and a rules should be religiously interpreted accordingly. As, the property is of the legal rules and respected by the sacred lawgiver in Islam, the lawmaker could not regard the property as a public benefit tool. Ignoring the property right could divest thee economic drafty and help the export of the property from the society and to harm the public and personal benefits. Regarding the properties as not being absolute and allowing the government to threating the personal property right leads to disrespecting the property right. Therefore, there is not a common method for confiscating cultural-historical properties and the discovered ones and also a right for the finder- with respect to the situation of the discovery process and the place- although very little. This could be either usurpation and forbidden by the religion or could cause more traffic and secretly keeping the properties and eventually destruction the national property. The conflict of the public and personal benefits of historical buildings and also the lack of a serious, functional and legal solution could lead to the destruction of the constructions through the years and the blame of the future.
Therefore, there is an urgent need for a religious, critical and courageous review of the law with respect to the constitution and international laws in order to conclude public and personal property limitation and identifying the features of property to respect the owners’ right and prevent the traffic of cultural-historical properties.

Abstract
Medicine is a science by which one can gain knowledge about the qualities of the human body. The exact equivalent of the word Medicine is physic, but in order to be understood at the global level, the equivalent of Medicine is used for it. Three groups of therapists are mentioned in the Avesta Zoroastrian Bible, surgeon, herbalist and psychotherapist. In the Avesta, θarita of the Sam family is the first physician, and Ahura Mazda gives him a jeweled knife to perform surgery. There is information about the medical condition during the Achaemenid and Parthian eras through the writings of Greeks historians, and these is good information left from Sassanid era medicine. In the research, an important part of contribution of ancient Iranians in the expansion and improvement of medical knowledge and treatment methods in ancient Iran is discussed. The questions of this essay are, where did the origin of medicine in Iran come from? Has medicine in ancient Iran been affected by religious teachings? And what was the relationship between culture and medicine in ancient Iran? The hypotheses of the article are as follows: medicine in ancient Iran was influenced by ancient civilizations such as Greece. Medicine in this period was influenced by Zoroastrian religion and in later periods by Islam. This research was done with descriptive and analytical method. Until the new discoveries of archaeologists in Mesopotamia and Nile and Indus valleys and the Iranian plateau, they were mostly of the opinion that scientific ideas originated from Greek scholars and philosophers, but historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians started a new era of scientific creativity and the most obvious sample of that is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Ekbatan.
Keywords: Medicine, Ancient Iran, Treatment, Hygiene, Greece.

Introduction
The word “medicine “comes from Middle Persian. (Bizišk Nyberg, 1997), The assumed form of this word was in ancient Iran, which later became a physic. As for when Iranian medicine began, historians and orientalists believe that in ancient Iranian stories, the beginning and introduction of medicine was attributed to Jamshid, a mythical king, and He was the first person who taught people how to use medicine. Jamshid wanted to create a land for the people where no one would be hungry, thirsty, old or sick and to avoid death.  After the Aryan tribes entered the land of Iran, they inherited the advanced medicine of Egypt and Babylon, which had entered Iran through the Assyrians, and with this experience, they became the owners of a special school called “Moghan”.  In the Avesta, the Zoroastrian Bible, three types of doctors are recognized; the one who heals with a knife (surgeon), the other one who treats with healing herbs (the herbalist) and the third one who heals with the divine word (Mobad).  The most obvious aspect of the Avesta tradition in medicine is in the field of environmental health and disease prevention.  Most of these customs and teachings included the principles that are the basis of today’s disinfection and prevention methods.  Body, clothes, house and environment, water, wind, fire and soil and what is available to should be away from any pollution.

Iranian medicine in different historical periods
The medical history of Iran is limited to three periods due to the lack of written sources.
- The first period: from the Avesta and pre-Avesta era to the golden age of the Medes and Achaemenids and until the rise of the Sassanids.  Unfortunately, apart from short references in the Avesta and its continuation in some Pahlavi books and limited references in Greek sources, there are no other references from this long period; The most important scientific events of this era are the establishment of universities during the Median and Achaemenid kingdoms, which unfortunately, apart from scattered writings, there is no documented scientific evidence of scientific specializations and how to teach in these universities.
 The second period: It is the Sassanid era, fortunately, the works left from this period are not complete, but they sufficiently represent the medical knowledge of Iranians.  The establishment of Jundishapur Hospital is one of the important events in the medical history of Iran, and especially the “Anoushirvan” period, which historian’s call this period “Scientific and Literary Revolution of Ancient Iran”, many authors and researchers have praised in their books show the genius of Iranians in this period.
Jundishapur played an important role in the history of Iranian medicine; It is said that the initial establishment of this city dates back to the time before the arrival of the Aryans and was later rebuilt by Shapur.  His primary goal of this renovation was to create a place to settle Roman and Greek captives and use their expertise. 
The third period: It is the Islamic period when many scientists emerged from Iran, and without a doubt, the Iran of the Islamic period cannot be compared to any other period.  In this period, with the disappearance of class differences and the possibility of education for different strata of society, as well as the developments that appeared in calligraphy, Iranians surpassed the whole world in various scientific fields.  During this period, great Iranian scientists such as Ibn Sina and Razi created a great revolution in medical knowledge with their genius, which has aroused the wonder and admiration of the world to this day, and the human society has been influenced and borrowed from Iranian knowledge.

Hegmatane Medical School / Ekbatan
The first cultural institution that was established in the Mede era in the Hegmetane throne was Maghan Madhe Seminary, or as it is called today, the Iranian Academy of Sciences in ancient times. It was one of the great Maghans of ancient Iran in the Mede era, “Sina” was one of the most prominent Zoroasters.  ;  ``Sina’’, the son of Ahom Setut, came from Khwarazm or Sogd along with a number of Zoroastrian converts in the direction of Hegmatana in the early 6th century BC during the time of Ho and Kashtra to spread the religion to the kings of the Medes.  Sinai is considered one of the ancient Iranian spiritual magnates and the head of Iran’s medical lineage. The Greek school of Hippocratic medicine has greatly benefited from the Sinai School of medicine in Iran.  The members of Hamadan Sinai Academy were hundreds of Sinai graduates who were always engaged in studying and researching there.  The Greeks called it the school of the Ekbatan century.  “Plutarch mentioned Akbatan as the spiritual center of ancient Iran and the residence of Mughan.  He entered the school and personally observed It has been said that fields such as wisdom, astronomy, medicine and geography were taught there.

Conclusion
Until the dark curtains of ancient history were removed and the new discoveries of archaeologists in the ancient Mesopotamian plain, the Nile-Sand valleys and the Iranian plateau, most of them believed that scientific ideas originated from Greek sages and philosophers.  Historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians displayed a new round of their scientific creativity, and in this regard, the most specific example is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Akbatan; The university that housed a collection of scientists of that time is called Hegmatan, which means the center of scientists, and there was an association with the membership of 100 scientists.  The indisputable value of a university with that size at the end of the 8th century BC is a clear sign of scientific progress and the influence of Iranians on the knowledge of mankind. In the Avesta, as the root of all diseases is from the devil, Ahura Mazda is introduced as a god who is the source of all It is knowledge and it transmits its knowledge to the faithful and chosen people with grace. There is no doubt that the prophets played an essential role in the development of human societies with their divine knowledge.  Medical knowledge is one of the characteristics of most prophets, Zoroaster is also one of these prophets.  Zoroastrian teachings, unlike the ancient religions that consider the heart as the organ of thinking, recognizes the mind as the organ of thinking, the poems of the Gathas above all reveal the wisdom of Zoroaster in guiding the society to knowledge and truth and achieving spiritual perfection in the Gathas to acquire knowledge.  And knowledge and its dissemination are emphasized and in general, man is called to rationalism.
The above material shows that the ancient Iranians were the source and origin of the greatest service to human sciences and knowledge with their belief in human ethics and virtues and with good thinking, uprightness of speech and uprightness of action.  Although the occurrence of wars and the invasion of foreign nations to this land, including the extinction of the Achaemenid dynasty by Alexander the Great and then the Seleucid dynasty by the Greeks in Iran, destroyed the cultural prosperity of Iran compared to the past era, and educational places were destroyed and books and scientific documents were destroyed.  It was lost and destroyed and created many shortcomings, but in the end it has not been able to prevent the message of genius and knowledge of ancient Iranians from reaching the future generations.  Also, the inseparable connection between medicine and religious teachings during the Sassanid era caused the commitment of doctors of that period to ethics and spirituality, and made them a worthy model for other sections of the society, as the religion of men.  The progress of Sasanian medical science was such that patients from other nations were brought to Sasanian medical centers and were treated; so the hypothesis of the relationship between religion and medicine in ancient Iran is confirmed.

Abstract
Lut desert is located in southeastern Iran. The area, despite having many historical monuments, including numerous castles, has not received enough attention from architectural historians. This study aims to clarify the architectural features and the purpose for the multiplicity of these fortresses in this region, it has been tried to study and investigate them with descriptive, analytical, and logical cognitive methods. The research was carried out by library and field studies of 140 castles, as case studies, in the region. The study’s results show that the climate and security factors are the main reasons for erecting the castles. Abundant water and location on the trade routes made the region rich, and on the other hand, point water sources and their limitations caused dispersion and distance between the structures and increased insecurity. According to historical sources, desert outlaws have also had a large presence in the region.  Besides, the techniques to deal with violent sandstorms had caused them to build cities and villages in the middle of high barriers, or to build a castle inside or around it for use in times of need, which caused the number of castles in the investigated area. This has also caused the majority of castles in the region to have residential functions and be built inside or around cities and villages, and other functions and establishments are less frequent. The architecture of the castles and defense fortifications of the region also follows the common architecture of the central plateau castles, excluding incomparable cases. So, most of the castles follow the square and rectangular geometry, and in some cases, the irregular, trapezoidal, and parallelogram geometry is derived from the climatic and contextual conditions. The materials used were canvas and due to the ease of construction, speed of mass production, lower cost and camouflage, mud and mud brick in plain fortresses, and stone in mountain ones. Most of the towers are built in the corners and the middle of the sides with observational, defensive, and structural functions, and in some cases, towers are seen in the middle of the castle with only observational functions. The fortresses’ defense structure mainly is based on the barrier and tower, and as the wealth and population of residential castles increased, more defense boundaries were added.
Keywords: Fortress, Defensive Fortifications, Lot Desert, Kerman.

Introduction
Castles were military or civilian fortifications that were built using natural geographical features to maintain security (Sultani Mohammadi and Bulouri Bunab, 2015: 75). There are many variations in their use and they have a form of residence and social structure, different from the structure of the village and city (Parsi, 1383: 136; Nurbakhsh, 1366: 147).
In Iran, the formation of enclosed group buildings with various methods has a history of three thousand years (Kleiss, 1383: 160). The early forts in Iran can be seen as a relic of the agricultural civilization, when humans started to settle down and needed to maintain their security (Kiani, 1374: 78). In the past, next to many settlements and cities of Iran, there were one or more fortresses, which became people’s shelters during unrest and insecurity (Pirnia and Me‘marian, 2007: 82). Their functions were different, and the smallest of them was a military base or post, and the largest of them were guarded shelters for caravans and military and defensive forts (Siro, 1357: 54). Also, some of them were the central core of the ancient cities of Iran, and the main life of the people was often formed inside the fortresses and old forts (Zarei and Heydari Baba Kamal, 2016: 202). Some scholars believe that castles were built first and then towns were formed around them (Zuka, 1374; Na‘imi, 1389). These defense structures were usually built by the governments to protect the strategic and border cities against the enemy’s invasion and the encroachments of nomadic desert rovers (Wiley, 2016: 26).
Owing to political, economic, and geographical requirements, in both pre-Islamic and Islamic eras, numerous fortresses, and defensive buildings were built. The southern and western edge of the Lut desert in Kerman province is one of them, due to its special geographical location, has many historical castles that have not been studied and investigated in detail, and the studies conducted are limited to archaeological investigations and identifications and monographs. It is related to buildings. This area consists of important cities such as Ravar, Shahdad, Bam, Fahraj, Regan and Narmashir. Each of these cities had political, social and economic prestige at some point in history from the third and fourth millennium BC to the middle Islamic centuries (Qazvini, 1373: 243; Muqadsi, 1361: 680 and 684; Istakhari, 1373: 246; Yaqut, 1383: 269 and 296; Zarei and Heydari Kamal, 1393: 196, Hakimi, 1385: 28; Hakeimi, 1351: 78; Kabuli, 1369: 213). Considering the importance of this type of building in understanding the historical architecture of Iran, as well as the process of their destruction due to natural and human erosion, it is necessary to examine them with a closer look and in more detail. The upcoming research has investigated the castles of this area with such an approach and tried to answer two main questions: 1- What are the architectural characteristics of the fortress in the geographical area of the southern and western border of the Lut desert? 2- What is the main reason for the appearance, formation, and number of fortresses in this region?

Discussion
The structure used in the barrier of all the load-bearing wall castles and the materials used in the fence of all the plain castles the mud and mud brick and mountain areas, stone and baked brick are used for strengthening the base of the barriers. Stone has been the main material in the few mountain castles in the region. Although various decorations are used in the castles, due to functional reasons, they are seen in a limited number.
In terms of shape, the majority of castles in the region are square and rectangular, that is, the dominant form of such buildings in the central plateau of Iran. However, there are several castles with special trapezoidal, parallelogram, and irregular geometries, which were built in this way due to the specific topography of the environment and climatic conditions, such as facing sandstorms.
The dominant form of the towers is also cylindrical. In some cases, rectangular cube forms and square bases have been used, all of which have led to more structural resistance of the towers. The semi-cylindrical form has also led to the optimal use of space. Only one case of a triangular tower foundation has been seen in the castles, which is considered an exception. In terms of the location of the towers, the majority are placed in the corners and middle of the sides, which is by the usual architecture of castles. However, the construction of towers in the middle of the castle is surprising in many cases.
The defense structure of the castles of the region is based on two types, fenced and unfenced. Most of them consist of walls and towers, and several fences and ditches have been added. In some cases, the position of the bed in the mountain castles has been used and, on some sides, the fence has been removed. Most of the castles are located inside or outside of villages and cities for security and climatic reasons. The forts on the road and near the rivers were also built for security reasons.
To determine the exact function of fortresses is unclear, however, based on the previous data, the purpose can be recognized to some extent. Therefore, the castles that were built at the critical points between the road and the water divide had military use in strategic locations. The fortresses that were built in the center and around the villages were the lords’ fortifications that had either a residential position or an economic function. In the case of expansion and adding spaces such as the guard’s room, posts, and spaces similar to the military function, they become residential and if they are located in a prosperous city and court spaces are located inside them, they have a ruler’s seat. Fortresses that are located next to villages and cities have a shelter function.  

Conclusion 
the research studied the architectural features of the fortifications and defensive structures of the western and southern border of the Lut desert from 5 aspects: construction method, defensive structure, form, location, and function. The results of this study show that the fence structure of all the castles under investigation of the load-bearing wall is mainly made of mud and mud bricks, and in some cases, stone and brick have been used in combination with them for more strength. The richness of mud and mud bricks, cheapness and lower construction expenses, riches of mass production, faster production, matching the color with the environment, and helping to better camouflage compared to bricks and non-woven materials. Also, few mountain castles are built with stone materials due to their availability and the possibility of camouflage. The defense structure of most castles is based on fences and towers, and the number of towers and fences has been reduced and increased according to demand, and moats have been used. In general, as the wealth and population of castles, one of whose functions was residential, increased, rulers and residents increased the number of defense layers. There is also a type without fence, which is built due to climate and derived from the form of nuclear villages. In this way, the height of the external walls was increased to prevent the entry of sand into the central structure, no doors and windows were opened to the outside, and the passage was made only through the gate. This is not only to deal with climatic problems but also increases the security of the castle. The dominant form in the castles of the region is square and rectangular, but due to climatic and contextual reasons, many rhombus-shaped, trapezoidal, and irregular castles have also been built. The castles built based on the plan, follow the traditional square and rectangular geometry of the castles of the central plateau of Iran. The castles that have expanded over time and the castles that have been designed using the characteristics of the bed and the background (such as mountain and riverside castles) have irregular geometry. Most of the towers are built in the middle of the sides and corners however, in some cases, the construction of towers is in the middle and outside of the fortress. The towers in the middle of the castle had only an observation role, but the towers located in the corners and the middle of the sides had a defensive and structural role. Also, due to structural and spatial reasons, some castles are made of rectangular cube towers, cube bases, and semi-cylindrical towers.
The number of castles in the region is affected by the forces of security and climate. The inhabitant areas of the western and southern border of Lut have been very rich due to plentiful water and are located on commercial roads. On the other hand, the limitation of point water sources such as wells, aqueducts, and springs had caused the creation of irregular and scattered villages in the middle of the desert with a distance from each other and increased insecurity. According to historical sources, desert outlaws have also had a large presence in the region. All these factors, in addition to the techniques to deal with violent sand storms, had caused cities and villages to be built in the middle of the fence, or to build a castle inside or around it for use in times of need, which has caused the number of castles in the investigated area.  This has caused the majority of fortresses in the region to have residential functions and to be built around and inside villages and cities, and other functions and settlements are less frequent.

Abstract
Qal’eh Bandar is situated on top of the mountain on the northern edge of the Shiraz plain. It overlooks a gorge which, along with Allah Akbar Gorge, was one of the few access routes from the Shiraz plain to the northern plains and the Marvdasht plain. The remains of this castle, including its towers and its three intriguing deep stone wells, are overlooking the street that leads to Saadi Tomb. According to historical and archaeological evidence, before the construction of the new city of Shiraz Qal’eh Bandar, alongside other fortifications such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and possibly Pol-i Fasa Qal’eh, controlled the Shiraz plain during Sasanian and early Islamic periods. There are limited archaeological investigations of this fort, however the authors attempt to reconstruct the history, periods of occupation, and abandonment of this significant castle in the Shiraz plain by gathering and analyzing historical documents and archaeological findings. The main question of this research is the history of settlement of Qal’eh Bandar, as well as its connection to the name “Shahmubad Castle,” mentioned in some early Islamic geographical sources. The study results indicate that Qal’eh Bandar was used intermittently and frequently, at least from the Sassanian to the Safavid period, after which it was abandoned. However, there were also periods when the castle was abandoned and possibly unused. Folklore literature and culture reveal interesting similarities between the narratives of Qal’eh Bandar and the stories of the “One Thousand and One Nights,” which have not been previously considered. Additionally, contrary to common belief, “Shāhmubad Castle” does not correspond to Qal’eh Bandar but rather to the ruins of “Qasr-i Abu Nasr.
Keywords: Shiraz Plain, Qal’e Bandar, Pahandar, Shāhmubad, Qasr-i Abu Nasr.

Introduction
Historical evidence suggests that the Shiraz region lacked urban structures prior to the establishment of the new city in the latter half of the first century AH. Ibn Balkhi clearly indicated the absence of any city in this area before the Muslim Arab invasion. He described pre-Islamic Shiraz as a region with strong Castles. Considering the use of names similar to Shiraz and the mention of the Shiraz Castle in the Elamite tablets of Persepolis (Ti-ra-iz-zī-iš / Šir-zī-iš / Ti-ra-zī-iš / Ši-ra-iz-zī-iš), which reflect the Elamite version of the Old Persian name *Dīrāčiš, Richard Frye proposed the hypothesis that during the Achaemenid period, the name Shiraz referred to a region encompassing several villages and Castles. After the Achaemenid era, the name Shiraz reappears in the form of šyrɔcy as part of the Ardashir-Khwarrah district in Sasanian seals discovered at the site known as Qasr Abu Nasr in Shiraz. These pieces of evidence are significant for two main reasons. They help in determining the precise location of Shiraz in Sasanian era. They also provide insights into the political and administrative divisions of that period. It appears that, alongside Qasr Abu Nasr, other Castles were important in controlling and administrating of the Shiraz plain before Islam. Among these castles, Qal’eh Bandar holds great importance. Researchers have often identified it with the Shāhmubad Castle, the most important Castle in Shiraz according to early Islamic sources. However, no clear evidence has been provided to support this identification yet. The present research intents to answer two primary questions. First, is there a historical and geographical connection between Qal’eh Bandar and toponym Shāhmubad castle? Second, based on historical texts and archaeological evidence, when this Castle was inhabited and abandoned? Despite the significant historical and archaeological importance of Qal’eh Bandar, there has been little comprehensive research on the history and archaeology of this castle. By examining and analyzing the historical and geographical sources, and then correlating them with archaeological findings, this article reveals information on the history and periods of settlement and abandonment of Qal’eh Bandar in the Shiraz plain. It also provides a more detailed understanding of the role and significance of Qal’eh Bandar in the context of the broader historical and administrative landscape of Shiraz.

Discussion
Several famous Islamic geographers referred to an ancient castle called “Shāhmubad” in Shiraz. Moreover, Istakhari mentioned a Tasuj called “Shāhmubad/Shāhmarnak” among the thirteen Tasujs of the Shiraz plain. Most modern researchers have considered Shāhmubad castle to be the same as Qal’eh Bandar without any evidence. Moreover, Whitcomb has attempted to define the area of Tasuj Shāhmarnak/Shāhmubad in the Shiraz plain based on Qal’eh Bandar’s location (or Shāhmubad castle, in his opinion and that of other researchers). The authors, however, believe that Shāhmubad’s castle is not actually Qal’eh Bandar but rather the ruins of Qasr-i Abu Nasr. In support of this location, one should consider a bulla discovered at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, which is the most common seal impression in this collection. It bears the Middle Persian inscription šylɔcy mgwx. The legend “mgwx” or “mgwh” referred to the most common administrative position seen in the administrative seal impressions on Sasanian bullae. There has been much discussion about it. Frye suggested that “mgwx” is an abbreviation of /magu-x[wadāy]/ mgwx[wtɔy], meaning chief magu/chief priest. To support this reconstruction, Frye referred to a bulla in the British Museum which bears the full form of the word mgwxwdɔt. 
Since the Middle Persian word xwadāy means Lord, and it was usually translated to Shah in New Persian texts—such as the translation of Khwaday-Namag into Shahnameh—the authors believe that “Shāhmubad” could also be a new translation of magu xwadāy. Furthermore, if a Sasanian and early Islamic castle was named “Shāhmubad” or a similar version of this word, the castle is not Qal’eh Bandar but possibly Qasr-i Abu Nasr, where magu xwadāy or his administrative institution was located.
Based on historical texts, nine phases can be identified in Pahander Castle, including construction, restoration, addition, and destruction:
- Phase 1: Construction, Sasanian period, probably Shapur II’s reign
- Phase 2: Addition, Sasanian period, probably Yazdgird III’s reign
- Phase 3: Destruction, Arab conquests, 1st century AH
- Phase 4: Restoration, Buyid, Imad al-Dawla (327 AH)
- Phase 5: Restoration or addition, Buyid, Aḍud al-Dawla
- Phase 6: Restoration, Buyid, Abu Qanim ibn-i Amaid al-Dawla
- Phase 7: Restoration or addition, Muzaffarids, Shāh Shoja (760 AH)
- Phase 8: Restoration, Timurid, Amir Sunjak (796 AH)
- Phase 9: Final destruction, Safavid, Imam Quli Khan (after 1031 AH)
Moreover, three phases of abandonment can be considered:
- Phase 1: From the late 1st century AH until the Buyid period
- Phase 2: From the middle of the Seljuk period until the Injuids
- Phase 3: From the middle of the Safavid period until the present
The mentioned phases are based only on historical evidence and should be complemented with archaeological surveys and investigations.

Conclusion
Before the construction of the newfound city of Shiraz in the second half of the first century AH, a system of fortifications, including Qal’eh Bandar, Qal’eh Pol-i Fasa, and Qasr-i Abu Nasr as the center, were erected to control the Shiraz plain during pre-Islamic (particularly Sasanian) and early Islamic periods. It remains unclear why previous researchers have identified Qal’eh Bandar as the Shāhmubad castle mentioned in Islamic geographical sources. The present study clarifies that there is not solid evidence to substantiate this claim. In addition, the sigillographic evidence from Qasr-i Abu Nasr indicates that it is very probable that Qasr-i Abu Nasr, rather than Qal’eh Bandar, considered as the Shāhmubad castle. Although Qal’eh Bandar is situated on a rather low mountain, its strategic position allowed to control the Shiraz plain and the adjacent gorge, which was one of the few significant routes providing access from the Shiraz plain to the northern regions and the Marvdasht plain. This location advantage resulted in intermittent occupations at Qal’eh Bandar from its construction during the historical period—probably Sasanians—up to the later Islamic centuries. The significant strategic position of Qal’eh Bandar is evident from its intermittent settlements over the centuries. However, when the adjacent route lacked its importance, and the Safavid sought to reduce government expenditures, Qal’eh Bandar was destroyed by Imam Qoli Khan. Following its destruction, the castle was never rebuilt again. Despite its destruction, Qal’eh Bandar left a rich legacy in the collective memory of the people of Shiraz. This legacy persists in both bitter and sweet memories; Most often bitterly, due to the harsh punishment inflicted on adulteresses by throwing them into the well of the castle, or sometimes sweetly, through the recollection of its rock slide, which has become a part of local folklore.

Abstract
In recent years Archaeologist have taken a special attention at south of Khorasan, especially the Qaen region. Recent archaeological surveys have provided valuable findings for researchers. Specific geographical location and the connection as a natural corridor among central Asia, North of Khorasan, southeast of Iran, and central plateau of Iran, which was made by central desert, can be a great cause in different periods, especially in the early second millennium B.C. The expansion of “GKC” (BMAC) in the Eastern half of Iran is one of the most important developments of the second millennium B.C. New findings show that this culture has spread to parts of South of Khorasan, for example, findings of the Razeh, Gavand and Bekanda previously studied. Sartakhteh Baraz site in Qaen is one of the significant sites in Southern Khorasan in which many evidences of the BMAC have been observed, which is less studied and, in this research, we attempt to introduce this site and identify the expansion of GKC. This site located in a mountainous region in Qaen area in North of Southern Khorasan. This site is much destroyed because it is located near a rural area. The main sources of this research have been chosen from the library sources and survey of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen area in 2016. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Then these findings were analyzed and interpreted in theoretical studies. This paper intends to introduce and describing BMAC at the South of Khorasan of Iran Based on evidence of Sartakhteh Baraz site of Qaen; furthermore, its results can demonstrate different aspects of this culture. It seems this culture has expanded in South of Khorasan in the first half of the second millennium B.C. 
Keywords: South of Khorasan, Qaen, GKC (BMAC), Sartakhteh Baraz Site.

Introduction
South Khorasan is located in the east of Iran from a geographical point of view. This region has received less attention in terms of archaeological studies than other regions of the Iranian Plateau. Although these studies have greatly increased in the last decade and have attracted some attention, they are still far from reaching favorable point. South Khorasan, or the current South Khorasan province, geologically has two deserts and mountainous parts. Qaen region, which includes more the mountainous part of the region, is considered one of the cold and rainy regions of the province, so that the average annual rainfall in the city is 180 mm. The pattern of placement of Qaen region is in the form of sometimes continuous mountain ranges in the direction of northwest to Southeast, where Baraz, shaskouh, Ahangaran and Qaen mountains are among the main mountain ranges in the region. Qaen, together with Sarayan and Ferdows covers the northern half of the province, and archaeologically, it is one of the richest areas of Southern Khorasan. Many important settlements of South Khorasan in different periods are scattered in this areas. Strategically, this region forms a link between North Khorasan and Central Asia with the central Plateau and even the southeast. This factor has made the basic and important issues of archaeology in different periods to be tied with archaeology studies in South Khorasan. The studies of BMAC culture in this area are important in the sense that specializes studies and surveys have not been done for this area, and most of the studies include surveys with the purpose of identification. The purpose of the current research is to identify and introduce new evidences is of BMAC culture and explain the spread of this culture in parts of South Khorasan. This research, by using the descriptive-analytical method as well as using field research based on the findings obtained from the archaeological surveys of the central part of Qaen city, tried to analyze and introduce the new evidences obtained from the BMAC culture in the South of Khorasan.
Research questions and Hypotheses: The most important question raised in this research is how to analyze the spread of Great Khorasan culture in South Khorasan? It seems that by identifying new evidences in South Khorasan region, it is possible to discuss this culture more precisely in this region in such a way that it is very likely that the Great Khorasan culture spread in this region in its final stages.

Discussion
The Great Khorasan culture refers to a collection of settlement sites of the late Bronze Age (simultaneous with the V and VI Bronze age) that was formed in a cultured range beyond political borders. This area includes parts of Southern Turkmenistan, Northern Afghanistan, Northeastern Iran, southwestern Tajikistan and Southern Uzbekistan. Among the prominent features of this culture are the presence of distinctive types of pottery, the abundant use of bronze metal and precious metals such as gold and silver, the presence of a variety of prestigious and everyday goods that are made of imported and local stones, including: turquoise, agate, chlorite and marble. In addition to that, collections of unique and possibly ritual objects such as scepters of power, miniature columns, stone weights, mixed stone figurines of seated women in woolen clothes, marble vessels and collections of silver and gold vessels with special reliefs, all it shows specialized industry and exchange economy in this culture (Vahdati, 2015:42-43). 
  In general, the beginning of archaeological activities in the area of GKC (BMAC) in the central east of Iran in recent years, has led to the identification of new settlements and cemeteries of this culture. The new archaeological data and documents obtained from the settlements in the northeast and east of Iran (Khorasan) show the new areas of expansion and influence of GKC. The site of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen is one of the most important sites in South Khorasan, where the evidences of GKC has been observed. Sartakhteh Baraz site was first identified during archaeological investigation by Gholinezhad (Gholinezhad, 2016). This area includes large mound with an area of approximately 120×300 meters, which, due to agricultural activities, cultural data are removed from the original context and placed on the slopes and lands prepared for agriculture (fig 2). Therefore, the distribution of cultural materials can be seen on a large scale. The surveys conducted show that the data and evidence obtained include pottery (fig 4), dagger (fig 5), and a wand head (fig 6) vessel of kohl with a rod (fig 7). The pottery data in the area includes samples that belong to the third to second millennium BC according to the forms and types of pottery (Anani 1400: 113). Among these, there are 6 pieces related to the BMAC culture except for the two pieces that have pea paste and cover, the other pieces have orange paste and cover (Table 1). Some of these pottery are very similar to examples of the final stages of the BMAC culture such as Bustan and Molali in the first half of the second millennium BC (Ionesov, 2002). Based on this, it can be concluded that the layers of the BMAC culture in this area belong to the final stage of this culture. In addition to these, bronze tools and artifacts have been found in abundance in the graves related to the BMAC culture with we witness in the prominent sites of this culture such as Gonur Depe (Sarianidi, 2007:90-93).

Conclusion
In recent years the expansion of archaeological activities and surveys in South Khorasan has increased the identification of settlements and sites of different periods. However we are still far from the desired point and it is necessary that many areas of South Khorasan be investigated systematically and of course specialized. During the surveys, 4 sites belonging to the Great Khorasan culture have been identified in the South of Khorasan. However, if we consider Gonabad as part of this region regardless of the current political boundaries, the number of sites will increase. The new findings obtained from the Sartakhteh Baraz site in the Qaen region show the importance of this region in the late Bronze Age. As mentioned in this research, these findings belong to a new culture that appears in this region. The Great Khorasan culture has spread over a wide area from Central Asia to the Iranian plateau. In the meantime, South Khorasan has acted as a communication route and passage. In such a way that it connects the north-east and south of Turkmenistan to the south-east and the center of the Iranian plateau. Accordingly, it is obvious that we are facing the remains of this culture in this region. But the important question raised here is why most of the areas obtained in this region are cemeteries? Although the answer to this question is not the goal of the present study, before answering this question, it should be noted that all these sites have been archaeologically investigated and none of them have been stratified. The sites that have been explored have only been speculated and demarcated. However during these speculations, it has been almost determined that some of these areas are cemeteries. In the meantime, considering the difference that Sartakhte Baraz site has with other contemporaneous sites and has evidence from earlier periods, it creates the possibility that we may be facing a settlement here. Accordingly, in order to reach a reasonable answer, it is necessary to carry out a stratigraphy excavation in this area in order to be able to answer this question and of course many questions related to this culture in South Khorasan. Another important point that was mentioned and raised as a hypothesis is that the settlements in South Khorasan probably belong to the final stages (first half of the second millennium BC) of the GKC. of course, this assumption also needs more studies in the entire eastern region of Iran. It is hoped that more ambiguities can be answered in the future.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Abstract
Throughout history, historical architectural works have been maintained, changed in use, expanded spatially, and had architectural elements added. These interventions and additions contribute to the dynamic nature of a structure. However, dealing with these additions, whether through familiarization, complementary conservation, or occupation of the constituent elements, can be a complex process. Proper actions in conservation, stabilization or destruction require an understanding of the reasons behind the existence of each layer, which could provide the basis for essential actions. This research aims to examine the formation of historical layers over time. It seeks to address questions such as the role of historical layers in conservation decisions and the process of a building’s evolution. This study is classified as applied and developmental research, utilizing a combination of strategies and research methods. It will be a qualitative research study based on a case study approach, utilizing archival documents, fieldwork, and library resources, and documentary data collection. The study will place a particular emphasis on conducting field observations. The Pir Bakran building has been chosen as an important architectural feature to illustrate the path towards understanding buildings with multiple historical layers. It heavily relies on the research method based on case samples and data analysis. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive understanding of historical structures and their different aspects throughout the conservation process. This includes accurate knowledge of the work’s existence, nature, and the recognition of all historical layers and the reasons behind their creation as the work has developed and evolved over time. Such understanding forms the foundation for effective and proper conservation.
Keywords: Architectural Extensions, Historical Layers, Evidence- Based Restoration, Pir Bakran Mansion.

Introduction
The 11th article of the Venice charter suggests that the valid contributions of all periods to the building of a monument must be respected, since unity of style is not the aim of a restoration. When a building includes the superimposed work of different periods, the revealing of the underlying state can only be justified in exceptional circumstances and when what is removed is of little interest and the material which is brought to light is of great historical, archaeological or aesthetic value, and its state of preservation good enough to justify the action. Evaluation of the importance of the elements involved and the decision as to what may be destroyed cannot rest solely on the individual in charge of the work. So, it would appear that the exceptions allow for intervention in the structure and the removal of layers, especially extensions. But there is a question: what feature of that particular layer enables intervention?
However, many theorists argue that the presence of historical layers within a structure affects its authenticity, particularly in light of the fact that material integrity is taken into account when determining the historical accuracy of a work The Nara document (1994) of course, this issue is related to various perceptions and the gradual emergence of the notion of authenticity. The Nara document (ICOMOS, 1994) brought up a never-before-discussed issue: the varying perspectives on authenticity across different cultures. Effective conservation calls for the accurate reading of historical layers in valuable buildings and an understanding of the factors that led to the formation of additional layers in various eras. The research’s central premise is that historical layers are intentionally created over time.  
The hypothesis of this research is “creation of historical layers over time is purposeful”. The research questions include: What role do historical layers play in historical decision-making? How does the process of building evolution occur? What are the reasons for the formation of historical layers in a building? Will be. The historical monument of Pir Bakran was the subject of a case study that was looked into in order to comprehensively and deeply clarify the topic, content and understanding of the phenomenon within the context. Due to this monument’s historical feature, varied uses throughout its history, and multiple significant historical layers with various causes for formation, it has received discussion that hasn’t been done before. It will be a qualitative research based on a case study approach, utilizing archive documents, fieldwork, and library and documentary data collection, with a particular emphasis on field observations. The so-called process that should be followed in order to understand the building with different historical layers is indicated by an examination of the case study’s outputs.

Identified Traces
Over time, conservation theories from the 20th century have revealed the various facets of authenticity. These studies have demonstrated that throughout its history, authenticity has been a variable and relative concept. Theoretically, the approach to the idea of authenticity in charters and documents has significant implications for conservation and interventions, particularly when choices are made regarding the conservation or removal of historical layers. It has been looked over and read again to come to a conclusion about the historical layers. The emphasis was laid on the necessity to respect and maintain the authenticity of historic monuments as well as to safeguard them an appropriate use “no less as works of art then as historical evidence”. These aspects, in fact. From the essence of the theories of conservation, the questions around which debates had been going on for more than a century, and where opinions had often been divided (Jokilehto, 2005: 422).
Because the building’s historical eras reveal the history of the monument and provide tangible and intangible proof of the decisions made during its lifespan, entire portions of the evidence should be preserved. Conservation of historical evidence is crucial because loss shouldn’t happen as a result of preservation since a monument’s history can be viewed as a component of its value. The responsibility for safeguarding the historical layer, which implies the building’s life, survival, and durability, rests with the decision-makers. Buildings’ historical layers all work together to create a cohesive whole and give it consistency. In fact, every layer is a historical record of its time and shouldn’t be altered, moved, or removed during the intervention. The originality of a building’s overall design is also reflected in the originality of the building’s component parts or historical layers.

Conclusion 
Based on the research, which included details and changes identified in the Pir Bakran tomb’s architectural elements of and specific categories, determining the exact date of extension and added decorations with using inscriptions, old photographs, archaeological findings and architectural evidence, it determines that the Pir Bakran tomb has different and numerous historical periods, which makes it particularly complicated. This building’s construction began with a small adobe room, which was later joined by a lofty three-story structure, and due to political, religious and geological developments, decorative and structural elements with different periods are added to it. Some of the extensions were created while completing the Pir Bakran tomb and related to the construction period of the building. The expansion and additional elements of these periods, such as the additional belt, the southeast entrance, etc. shows the structural and decorative evolution of the building. In fact, a historical monument is the result of the combination of various historical layers that have formed over time and blended together. These layers have experienced ups and downs and, at times, have become intertwined, ultimately reaching us in their present state. Therefore, the removal and cleaning of these extensions would be against preservation principles. It has actually been necessary to conserve some of the Pir Bakran building’s historical layers, so it would seem necessary to maintain the structure’s integrity.

Abstract
Recent studies in some archaeological sites of the Central Plateau of Iran and Afghanistan show that a style of decorating potteries known as stamped decoration was favorable to the Sassanid artists. Vigol, an archaeological site located in the northern Isfahan province (Aran and Bidgol), is one of those sites with several examples of Stamped motifs. This paper aims to study the patterns and abundance of stamped motifs and their chronology through comparative studies. Thus, our goal is to answer these questions: What are the patterns of stamped motifs in Vigol and how can we provide statistics on their frequency? What similarities do these motifs have with other common motifs in the art of the Sassanid period? Which of the existing samples can be compared with other motifs from Sassanid sites? The research method is descriptive-analytical which mostly relies on field and desk research. The results show that the motifs on the 49 stamped potsherds can be divided into seven categories, including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). The first group of motifs including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, arch-shaped, paisley, and some geometric motifs, are comparable to some artistic aspects of the Sassanid period like stucco design or reliefs and stamped motifs from other Sassanid sites. Chronologically stamped motifs of Vigol are comparable to some sites like Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes Aynak outside of the survey area. Several geometric and abstract motifs seem to be local and similar examples cannot be found.
Keywords: Aran and Bidgol, Vigol, Sassanid Art, Sassanid Pottery, Stamped Motifs. 

Introduction
Vigol is located in the southeast of Aran and Bidgol, nowadays surrounded by dunes deserts, and shrubs that cover most of the site. Based on some early and middle Islamic texts, this site was probably one of the villages around Kashan. In Tarikh-i Qum (History of Qom) written by Hassan ibn Mohammad Qomi, Aran, Haraskan, Noush-Abad, and Halil are mentioned. Some scholars believe that Halil is the same as Vigol, although its name is not mentioned as Vigol in Tarikh-i Qum (Mashhadi Noushabadi, 2017: 36). Nevertheless, what attaches importance to Vigol is the presence of two castles in the east and west of the site, mainly referred to as two separate urban structures of the Sassanid period. Also, a Fire temple unearthed in the vicinity of the western site is a unique example of Sassanid art and architecture that emphasizes singlehandedly the position of Vigol among other sites that belong to this period (Javari, 2015: 87). But we can’t escape the fact the existence of this fire-temple caused other studies, including potteries, to be forgotten. So, there is no comprehensive study focusing on Vigol’s potsherds and their importance in understanding the typology, classification, and chronology of the Sassanid pottery. The only paper available that covers Vigol’s pottery is the one that exclusively studies 98 potsherds of the Sassanid period. Results show that Sassanid pottery includes a simple and unglazed type with shapes of all kinds such as bowls, bins, jars, vats, pots, flats, trays, lids, and handles, which are comparable with other Sassanid sites of the west, northeast, south, and the central plateau of Iran.
But this paper’s focus is on Vigol’s stamped pottery of the Sassanid period. Concerning this issue, we have chosen 49 potsherds with stamped motifs and analyzed them based on their piece and patterns. These potsherds mostly belong to the body of earthen wares, but some rims, necks, shoulders, and bases are also examined. Shapes such as necked jars, closed-mouth jars, bowls, and lids are also decorated with stamped patterns. These potsherds have dough in the buff, red and brown colors, they are wheel-made with a decent firing. The temper includes minerals such as fine and coarse gravel, sand, lime, mica, and quartz and plants such as straw. Considering motifs, we have divided potsherds into seven categories: heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). In general, these motifs form the basis of our current research, thus other measures such as shape have been avoided.

Discussion 
Studying Vigol’s potsherds shows that potters were particularly interested in this type of decoration and used it in all kinds of shapes. Many of the stamp motifs of this site have traces of the Sassanid period and are reminiscent of the religious-ritual beliefs and artistic interests that dominated this historical period. Motifs include heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh), among which the usage and variety of abstract motifs and geometric motifs are more visible. Abstract motifs were used as decorative borders on the lower part of the rim or the body of the vessels. Geometric motifs are also usually borders with incised motifs in horizontal or vertical rows and are even scattered all over a potsherd. Also used in horizontal or vertical rows as a decorative border, are circulars which are among the other diverse motifs. In some cases, these motifs have been used in the frames of incised motifs in the body of an earthenware. Due to the similarity of these motifs to the sun or the lotus flower, they cannot be separated from the religious-ritual beliefs ruling the Sassanid period.
Motifs in small numbers such as heart-shaped, vegetal, arch-shaped, and Boteh, are important considering their content and similarity to other artistic and ritual aspects of the Sassanid period. Despite the common usage of heart-shaped motifs in other forms of art in the Sassanid period such as stucco design, reliefs, and garments, these motifs are among the diverse items of Vigol’s potsherds, and unique when we compare them with other Sassanid sites. These motifs also decorate pots in vertical and horizontal rows and share a similarity of designs with the stucco of well-known Sassanid sites of Barz-Qavale and Ctesiphon. Compared to other motifs, heart-shaped motifs are the only case that evokes the arts of the Sassanid period in such diversity. 
It must be admitted that most of the stamped motifs of Vigol are similar to the potsherds surveyed at other Sassanid sites. Thus, for a more reliable chronology, we have divided Sassanid sites into two categories: Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom located inside the area of survey; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes-Aynak which are located in the outside. 
Some stamped motifs such as circular, vegetal, and several geometric motifs, are comparable to other motifs obtained from known Sassanid. But some other geometric motifs, vertical or horizontal rows of abstract motifs used in the decoration of earthenware, seem to have a local nature. Because a similar example of them has not been found among other common arts of the Sassanid period and sites with stamped motifs.

Conclusion
The Sassanid art is known to be overwhelmed with luxurious aspects and motifs that are represented in Stucco design, Reliefs, metalwork, and, textiles. However, looking into other artistic features of this period indicates a new and unique medium. To comprehend this topic, we need to study the pottery created during the Sassanid period. We should consider its artistic value and how it is affected by the religious and ritual practices of that time. Vigol is one of the Sassanid sites with a fire temple that is a representation of their influence and power. Potsherds related to this period show the importance of pottery and its decoration. Examining these samples shows that most of them are simple and unglazed with stamped decorations, the variety and abundance of which is remarkable. Also, stamped sherds of vigol pottery is inspired by other artistic motifs of this period, such as heart-shaped motifs. According to the available documents and studies, it can be said that pottery has been a more appropriate cultural material for performing roles than other decorative arts. The comparison of motifs found on Stamped samples shows that this type of decoration was not only in Vigol but also in other important Sassanid sites in Mesopotamia, Iran, and Afghanistan. However, in some cases, the decoration of Stamped in Vigol shows a special variety that distinguishes it from other examples in the Sassanid period. Further studies consisting of archaeological surveys and excavations will add to our knowledge regarding the production and variety of motifs of Stamped potteries.

Abstract
Art works and objects in museums are valuable cultural and civilizational treasures that are usually less prone to research and have been neglected by researchers to spawn new approaches to scientific study and introduction to the audience. Accordingly, the collection of works of art and particularly the rugs available in the Textile Treasury of the Cultural Complex (Museum) of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation are valuable examples of magnificent museum works and an exquisite treasure of the carpets of the Qajar period with great capacity and capabilities for research and introduction. These rugs have been collected from different weaving centers of Iran with various designs and patterns. A total of 51 rugs are stored in this museum, 8 ones of which have been woven in Farahan-Sarouk region, one of the major centers of carpet production for global export during the Qajar period. With this in mind, the current study sought to analyze and introduce these rugs from technical and artistic perspectives. The research question is, “What are the technical, aesthetic aspects (design, pattern and color) and, if any, the semantic concepts of the texture of Farahan-Sarouk rugs?” The findings of the study include the following: the designs and patterns of these rugs include Corner-Medallion, Vase-like Altar-shaped, Overall Flower with Corner, and Paisley with Medallion in various forms and colors. Additionally, the background color of these samples includes lacquer, ivory, copper, blue and navy blue, and the background color of the margins, except for two lacquer cases, is all navy blue - a feature that is a mostly fixed characteristic of Sarouk and Farahan’s rugs. This is a qualitative developmental study conducted using the descriptive-analytical research method with data collected through the desk-based method.
Keywords: Museum, Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation, Farahan, Sarouk, Carpet, Design, Color.

Introduction
The Cultural Complex of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation, including various complexes, museums and treasures of artistic, historical and archaeological works and objects, is one of the richest Iranian museums extending and developing its cultural and museum subsidiaries over the past years and decades to such an extent that it currently has various museums such as anthropology and museum gardens in many cities of Iran. In fact, this foundation initiated its cultural activities by setting up and operating museums under the title of “The General Administration of the Foundation’s Museums” from 1995 with a specialized and scientific approach to museum management and with the aim of collecting, preserving and documenting museum objects and works and making exhibitive, research and educational uses of them in order to improve the general and specialized knowledge and attract more audiences, enhance the scientific and cultural potential of the society by providing museum services, and familiarize the future generations with the cultural, civilizational, historical and national identity by using the facilities, works and economic and cultural resources available in the Foundation.
As a part of art and national identity, hand-knotted carpets are among the most precious and valuable works in the Islamic Art Museums and Textile Treasury, which makes this cultural complex more attractive. Particularly, Farahan and Sarouk carpets, as part of Iran’s weaving system and the art of carpet weaving available with 8 antique carpets, are among the outstanding hand-woven carpets in this country. The vast area of Farahan in Markazi Province, with more than two hundred villages including Sarouk and Jirya, as one of the most prominent high-quality weaving centers of Iran, could introduce itself to the world community in the mid-19th century during the Qajar era and the era of the revival of all kinds of local and national arts by producing various kinds of unique carpets and rugs, especially carpets that were produced and exported under the auspices of a foreign company such as Ziegler. Some of the exquisite carpets surviving from Farahan, Sarouk and Soltanabad are currently kept in many world-famous complexes and museums, such as the famous Claremont Complex and the Carpet Museum of Iran (as the most specialized carpet museum in the world). This study aimed to review, analyze and introduce the Farahan-Sarouk rugs in the Textile Treasury of the Museum of Islamic Arts affiliated to the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation. Therefore, the research question is, “What are the aesthetic aspects (design, pattern and color) and technical aspects (linage, knotting, dyeing), and if any, the semantic concepts of the texture of Farahan-Sarouk carpets?” 
This is a qualitative-developmental study carried out using the descriptive-analytical research method with the data collected through the desk-based method. 

Textile Treasury
The Textile Treasury, affiliated to the Islamic Art Museums, has 1,187 coded and labeled museum works, including various objects related to the antique textiles woven in Iran. These works include carpets and rugs, historical clothes (coats, vests, Turkmen scarves, veils, hats, military uniforms and their accessories), military insignia, machine-made carpets, Termeh, needlework textiles, Termeh frocks, needlework Termeh tablecloths. Sermeh embroidery, Termeh cushion, arch-shaped shawl, prayer mat, velvet, carpet tableau, embroidery tableau, fardel, exquisite pates, Indian sari, wicker, Kalamkari (a type of hand-painted cotton textile), tapestry, fabric tent in the form of Naser al-Din Shah’s tent, Kaaba curtain, Qashqai horse belt, Turkmen back, Jabbeh (a hand-woven pile rug of coarse quality and medium size), Paravan (room divider), wardrobe, sofa and chair with tapestry cover, prayer rug, double-waft shroud fabrics, saddlebag, wicker fan, pen-case, Quran holder, coin holder, hand-woven Giveh (light cotton summer shoes),Jajim (coarse and loosely-woven woolen cloth) and Kilim (a flat tapestry-woven carpet or rug). The oldest and most prominent work of this treasury is the double-waft collection of the Buyid dynasty period, known as Buyid dynasty shrouds.

Rugs and their technical and aesthetic aspects
All the carpets available in the Textile Treasury (former Dafineh Museum) are of the rug type and are considered among the most exquisite rugs in this treasury. Dating back to sixty years to two centuries ago, they are the most unique Persian carpets produced with beautiful, original, harmonious vegetable-based colors with a variety of designs, colors and patterns. These rugs have been woven in important weaving areas and centers of Iran, including Kashan, Farahan and Sarouk, Kerman and Ravar, Isfahan, Bidabad (a neighborhood of Isfahan), Najaf-Abad, Tabriz, Haris, Shiraz (Qashqai -Kashkuli), Arab tribes of Fars, Ghonghori tribe of Fars, Bakhtiari, Malayer, Sanandaj, Bijar, Yazd and Tehran. In general, as many as 51 rugs are kept in this treasury, which date back to the Qajar or early Pahlavi periods (based on the approximate dates mentioned by the museum). The designs and patterns of the rugs include Prayer-nichee, Corner-Medallion, Paisley, Fish, Hunting, Overall Flower, Rhombus Frame and Nazem pattern. All the designs are listed in Table 3. It is important to note that the design of the Vase Prayer-nichee and Corner-Medallion designs are among the most frequently used designs. Among these rugs, 8 rugs belong to Farahan (Sarouk) region in Markazi Province. Figure 2 shows samples of the carpets available in the Textile Treasury.
 
Conclusion
This article was an attempt to study, review and analyze the carpets of Farahan and Sarouk region while introducing the cultural collection and museums of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation and its carpet treasury. The vast area of Farahan, with a wide range of carpet weaving areas and centers such as the famous village of Sarouk, has been one of the oldest carpet-weaving areas of high-quality and exported carpet production in Iran since the Qajar era and the mid-19th century. Eight rugs woven in Farahan-Sarouk are kept in the Textile Treasury, a subsidiary of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation. These rugs are 113 to 130 cm wide and 190 to 203 cm long. Additionally, the background colors of the rugs includes lacquer, ivory, copper, blue and navy blue, and the background color of the margins, except for one lacquer (red) case, is all navy blue. The knot used in these rugs and other rugs of Farahan and Arak regions is (Persian) asymmetrical. The type of dyeing and colors used in these samples are natural and vegetable-based. One of the other characteristic features of these samples, which is rarely seen in the past and even contemporary carpets, is their linage. The linage in these carpets is 40, 50 and 60, which makes it a unique rug of that era. Furthermore, the raw materials used in the rugs are mostly wool, and to a lesser extent, cotton and silk. The designs and patterns used in the rugs include the common designs of Corner-Medallion and Tree-shaped and Vase-shaped Prayer-niche designs in different types as well as Paisley design. Among the rugs, Rug No. 4 is a unique product displaying symbolic concepts in the background texture of which elements and concepts specifically related to Mithraism, such as the (Holy) Life Tree, Birds, Cypress Tree, Animal’s Combat and Crow motifs have been designed and patterned. Although these antique rugs are considered part of the artistic identity, they can be modeled, redesigned, represented, modified and rewoven in the Persian carpet design system.

Abstract
The Kur River basin, located in the Northwest of Fars province, is considered one of the main centers of the formation of the Achaemenid Empire. In terms of geographical landscape and climatic characteristics, the mentioned region includes vast intermountain plains (including Marvdasht and Korbal), rivers with deep beds (Kur and Sivand) and semi-arid climate. According to these conditions, the managers of Achaemenid economic-political institutions intelligently used the environmental capabilities of the region by building dams, weirs, Pool, reservoirs/catchments and canals to control surface waters and direct them to the ground. Agriculture and human settlements have paid. The dams and Weirs, while playing the aforementioned role, also prevented the damage to the agricultural lands located downstream by controlling the floods. The method of construction and selection of materials in the construction of structures has been different depending on the environment and their function. Dams and Weirs are mainly formed with an earthen core and a stone wall. The canals are also created in two ways: earthen and stone, or a combination of these two methods. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. The present study tries to introduce the Hydraulic Structures of the Kur River basin, its functional nature and morphological characteristics by using the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the evidences resulting from archaeological excavations and surveys. 
Keywords: Achaemenians, Kur River Basin, Hydraulic Structures, Canal, Agriculture.

Introduction
Central Fars region/Kur basin has a semi-arid climate with a Mediterranean rainfall pattern, most of which occurs in the winter season. New geological research and climate data show that during the Achaemenid period, the weather conditions of the Kur River basin were very similar to today (Djamali et al., 2009; Kehl et al., 2009; Rigot, 2010). Therefore, water control and management in a semi-arid environment with irregular rainfall patterns and rivers with deep beds has been vital and inevitable. According to these conditions, the managers of the political and economic institutions of the region have invested in the construction of structures such as dams, Weirs, reservoirs, and canals, whose works and evidence have been proven as a result of research and investigation. These Structures were built in different areas of the Kur River and with different purposes. The discussed structures in terms of dimensions and size, the amount of work and the materials used show the support and investment of the government. Therefore, the existence of various water structures, conducting targeted research in order to find out the functional nature of the structures, their physical structure and the reasons for assigning them to the Achaemenid period seems necessary. The main and important question of the current research is what was the function and performance of Hydraulic Structures in the Kur River basin during the Achaemenid period? What was the basis of the chronology and assignment of the studied water structures to the Achaemenid period? The structure, the environmental study and the geographical background of the formation of the structures have shown their various functions, such as supplying water to human settlements and agricultural lands, controlling and directing floods. Also, the discussed structures have been dated to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar Structures.

Identified Traces 
As it was mentioned before, as a result of Archaeological investigations and researches, several important Hydraulic structures from the Achaemenid period have been identified and studied in the Kur river basin. In terms of morphological characteristics, the mentioned structures are divided into groups such as Dams, Weirs, Canals and Reservoirs. Among them, we can mention Band-e- Dokhtar, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Rahmat Mountain Canal, Asiyab Dam, Qondashloo Mountain Canal, etc. For the accurate dating of some of these structures (such as the band Dokhtar and the Bard Burideh), there is enough evidence, including the use of carved stone blocks and Dovetail Clamps. But some others can be attributed to the Achaemenid period based on possible evidence, including comparative comparison with similar structures and the connection with the surrounding sites. Band-e- Bas II and identified channels are included in this group. The precision and skill used in the construction of these structures indicate the existence of advanced engineering in the Achaemenid period. The chosen place for the implementation of Hydraulic projects reflects their functional nature. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Hydraulic Structures can be defined in connection with water supply and irrigation projects. The reason for the existence of Channels makes sense in this connection. Band-e- Dokhtar, Band-e- Bas and Asiyab Dam probably had a multifaceted function (irrigation, water supply and flood control). The Persepolis Tablets refer to a large amount of Agricultural and horticultural products in the Kur River basin. According to the texts of Persepolis, the diet of the people of this area in the Achaemenid period was mainly based on Agricultural products (barley and wine). Some of these crops can only be cultivated if irrigated. In addition, the implementation of irrigation projects has made it possible to plant nurseries and fruit gardens (mentioned in the Tablets).

Conclusion 
As the heart of the Achaemenid Empire, the Kur River basin has diverse environmental and geographical capabilities, including vast and fertile plains and permanent rivers. These natural characteristics have prompted the economic policy makers of the Achaemenid Empire to implement the economic programs of the Kur region according to its potential. The use and exploitation of surface water (rivers and springs) for the economic prosperity of the region by building structures such as dams, Weirs, canals and reservoirs is one of these measures. In this context, Band-e- Dokhtar and the canal branching from it, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Koh-e- Rahmat Canal, Koh-e- Qondashloo Canal, Koh-e- Ayyub Canal, Dezhabad-Amir Aqueduct are worth mentioning. The environmental study of the formation of structures and their placement in the landscape of the region shows that the main purpose of creating structures was to supply water to human settlements and Agricultural lands. The Persepolis Archive implicitly indicate the expansion and prosperity of agriculture/Gardening activities and diet based on agricultural products in the Kur river basin. Also, the reference of the Tablets to the cultivation of water crops (cotton, flax and rice) and various fruits can be considered as clear evidence of the role of water supply structures. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding Sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. In terms of size and dimensions, the above structures show the amount of work and materials used for government support and investment.

Abstract
Monumental sculptures are considered significant artistic artifacts, primarily associated with ritualistic and religious contexts, and possess a long historical tradition. The creation of such commemorative and symbolic sculptures often aimed to represent the divine or transcendent status of their subjects. Within the cultural history of Iran, the tradition of sculpting with this approach dates back to the Neolithic period as exemplified by the “Venus of Sarab” and witnessed a substantial increase from the third millennium BCE onwards. This practice reached its height during the Elamite civilization, coinciding with the emergence of multiple deities and rulers. These sculptures were frequently used as votive offerings in temples or as grave goods in the burials of high-status individuals. The commemorative stone statue housed in the Nahavand Museum is one such artifact, yet its origin and precise nature remain unclear due to its non-archaeological discovery. Consequently, numerous ambiguities surround its contextualization. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of this stone sculpture through an iconographic and chronological analysis. It seeks to address key questions regarding its material essence, function, artistic style, and usage, assuming it belongs to the Elamite period within the cultural domain of Simashki. To achieve more accurate contextualization and dating, the research employs comparative analysis with similar contemporaneous examples, aiming to enhance the understanding of Elamite art particularly during the Sukkalmah period in the Central Zagros region. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, utilizing a historical-analytical approach supported by library-based sources. To evaluate the research propositions, references are made to the sculptural styles of the Elamite civilization and comparative Mesopotamian examples. The findings suggest that the Nahavand stone statue, based on its formal and visual characteristics, can be classified as a monumental sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium BCE), and most likely originates from the greater Simashki region.
Keywords: Monumental Sculpture, Nahavand, Elamite, Sukkalmah, Iconography.

Introduction
What emerges more prominently in the archaeological data from western Iran during the Elamite period is not so much the material culture uncovered through excavations, but rather the names recorded in Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions. Just as western Iran particularly Ecbatana served as a political center during the rise of the Medes and Persians, the discovery of this sculpture in Nahavand, alongside the limited number of Early Elamite finds from sites such as Giyan, may indicate the existence of cultural complexity even prior to these later civilizations. Alternatively, it could reflect a syncretic cultural expression influenced by Elamite traditions during the period of Kassite domination, especially considering the stylistic affinities of the sculpture under study. These possibilities warrant deeper examination and reflection. This discussion is situated within that very context: sculpture, as an integral component of cultural heritage, provides a valuable lens through which to understand the shifting cultural and political boundaries between Elam and Mesopotamia. The identification of Elamite-period artifacts particularly from the early Elamite era (Sukkalmah period) in western Iran, such as those associated with the early historical levels of Giyan V and Susa III, offer clues to the southern cultural sphere’s influence in this geography. Given that the sculpture analyzed in this study conforms stylistically to the early Elamite artistic tradition, it may represent a cultural artifact of that historical period and geographical reach within the Central Zagros. Accordingly, this paper aims to present further evidence of cultural contact or homogeneity between the northern parts of the Central Zagros and southern Elamite regions. Such a discovery might suggest the presence of one of the two models of Elamite governance autonomous or centrally controlled in western Iran from the late third millennium B.C. onward. Just as the cemetery seals of Susa reflect religious and ritual activities, this commemorative sculpture may also reveal similar ideological functions (cf. Hole, 1985: 21–24). To date, various artifacts seals, ceramics, figurative art, and paintings have contributed to our understanding of cultural convergence across different regions of Iran. Among these, sculptural objects offer a unique window into such interpretations. Place names such as Karin-Dash (modern Kermanshah), Shushur (in Iraqi Kurdistan), Elipi (Lorestan), Huni-Hur (Bakhtiari Mountains), and Simash (Khorramabad) (Majidzadeh, 1992), reflect the wide territorial reach of the Elamite state in western Iran. Therefore, the identification of this statue in Nahavand invites a reconsideration and deeper exploration of the Elamite presence in the region. To validate and further analyze these claims, the following sections of the study will provide a brief historical overview of Elamite sculpture and its stylistic characteristics, along with comparative examples. Ultimately, the goal is to determine the ritual and religious function of such an object, and to define its precise nature within this historical-cultural framework.

The Nahavand Commemorative Statue
The Nahavand stone idol, carved from limestone, stands approximately 37 centimeters in height and 11 centimeters in width at its base, where two back-to-back seated bulls support the sculpture. The figurine is composed of several components, each potentially bearing symbolic significance. The figure of the goddess, from the tip of her conical, woven headdress to her feet (which rest upon the backs of the two bulls), measures 24 centimeters in height. The statue is carved from a single block of stone but has suffered visible damage, including fractures at the goddess’s neck and feet. The goddess wears a tiered, pleated robe, intricately carved to cover the full length of her body, and a conical headdress woven in relief. The structured, layered nature of the clothing, along with the serene and formal depiction of the face, indicates the symbolic and sacred function of the figure. Her hands are positioned near the abdomen, possibly holding a vessel or an object though due to surface erosion, this remains uncertain. As noted, the goddess is depicted standing frontally atop two bulls, which are positioned in profile but rendered in full-face from the side view. This double-faced sculptural technique is strikingly similar to the posture and composition of the bull capitals used in the Apadana Palace at Susa during the late first millennium B.C. (see: Fig. 20). A hole located behind the bulls’ heads suggests that the statue may have been mounted on a base, suspended, or used in conjunction with a ritual element. A significant aspect of this sculpture is the rendering of the hands, which align with long-standing traditions in Mesopotamian and Elamite sculpture. These gestures are often associated with religious or ritual symbolism, as seen in various comparable examples (see: Figs. 7 and 8). This tradition derives from Sumerian representations of goddesses and priests shown in acts of reverence during religious ceremonies often bearing symbols of fertility and divine favor. Comparable Elamite statues depict deities holding vessels or sacred plants at the level of the torso or chest (see: Figs. 21 and 22). However, due to wear and erosion, it is unclear whether the hands in this statue are simply clasped over the stomach or if they originally held an object, as is evident in other Elamite figures, such as the well-known limestone statue from Susa believed to represent the goddess Napirisha, divine protector of Ontash-Napirisha. The Nahavand figure also closely resembles motifs seen in Elamite Middle Period representations, particularly in warrior or deity helmets. These helmets often portray divinities wearing tiered garments. The gesture of worship is replicated in smaller attendant figures, while the central deity holds a vessel from which two streams symbols of the waters of life flow (see: Fig. 22), (Naeimi Taraei, et al., 2017: 152–153).

Conclusion
Commemorative stone statues are among the artistic artifacts primarily associated with ritual and religious themes. As discussed throughout this study and supported by comparable examples, such representations have a long-standing tradition dating back to the third millennium B.C. and the early Sumerian dynasties. The creators of these monumental works often aimed to confer divine or transcendent status upon the figures depicted. From the third millennium onward, the production of such statues experienced notable growth, culminating during the Elamite civilization with the proliferation of divine and royal figures. These statues were often used as votive offerings in temples or placed in elite burials as funerary objects. The motif of deities overpowering or standing atop powerful beasts such as bulls or lions is a common iconographic tradition in the art of the ancient Near East, especially in Mesopotamia and Elam. Given its frequency and variety, this theme likely originated in Mesopotamia and subsequently permeated into Elamite cultural and artistic expressions throughout the third and second millennia B.C. Among the most significant examples are statues and iconographies from early Babylon and Middle Elamite, to which the Nahavand stone statue also belongs. The primary objective of this research was to analyze the Nahavand stone sculpture through an iconographic lens and to determine its temporal and geographical context. However, the precise origin and nature of this statue remain uncertain due to the lack of a well-documented archaeological context. Thus, this study approached the object cautiously, focusing primarily on its stylistic and iconographic features rather than its exact provenance. Across various mythological traditions from India to Mesopotamia and Iran gods and goddesses are frequently depicted riding or standing upon animals, not merely as mounts but as symbolic extensions of their divine attributes. For instance, Vishnu rides the mythical eagle Garuda; Shiva mounts the sacred bull, Nandi; and Durga stands or rides upon a tiger or lion, symbolizing triumph over evil. Similarly, Mesopotamian deities such as Inanna (Ishtar) and Marduk are shown riding or standing on powerful animals like bulls and lions Inanna, for instance, is sometimes shown standing atop a lion, signifying dominance over nature and primal force. In this context, the Elamite goddess depicted in the Nahavand statue, standing upon two bulls, appears to draw upon similar iconographic conventions shared among neighboring eastern and western civilizations. The findings of this study suggest that, based on its visual and stylistic attributes, the Nahavand stone statue should be classified as a commemorative sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium B.C.). Geographically, it is likely associated with the broader territory of Simashki. Given the presence of major Elamite sites such as Tepe Giyan in the region, it is plausible to trace the northern extent of Elamite cultural influence into the area of Nahavand.

Abstract
Excavations at Gird-iAshoan, An Archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, provided remarkable insights into cultural traditions characterizing the region in the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwest Iran, Caucasia, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. of the total of four architectural phases presently known from the Chalcolithic deposits of Gird-i Ashoan, the two upper phases were recorded in the first season. Phase 1 consisted of dry-laid stone walls in the northern quadrant of the trench,while Phase 2 was represented by perpendicular mudbrick walls beginning from -3.43m and ending at -3.62m. The recovered mudbricks measured 40 × 60 cm. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the cultural relations of the Zab basin with other regions by presenting a detailed stratigraphy, and an analysis of the recovered architectural remains. To conclude, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the fourth millennium, the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would eventually be replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. In this article, we will introduce the Architecture remains and the methods. With its thick deposit of 8.65 m, Gird-i Ashoan in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.
Keywords: North-West Iran, Pisdeli, Late Chalcolithic Period, Mud-brick Architecture, Chaff-Tempered (CFW).

Introduction
The opening of the 5th millennium BC coincided with the arrival of the Dalma cultural tradition, which extended over vast territories (Hamlin 1975; Henrickson 1983; Henrickson and Vitali 1987). It was to be superseded in the mid-5th millennium or somehow later by the Pisdeli tradition (Dyson 1968; Dyson and Young, 1960: 20). The Pisdeli horizon, designated as Hasanlu Period VIII, was dated between 4300‒ 4500 BC (Voigt and Dyson 1992), which is also corroborated by radiocarbon dates (Danti et al., 2004). It was eventually replaced by the cultural tradition of the Late Chalcolithic in the region. An outstanding question about the period in northwest Iran concerns the little-known phases of Late Chalcolithic III‒II. The time-span is of particular import for the regional archaeology as it has a bearing on the phenomenon of social complexity and the beginning of the urbanization. Unfortunately, ambiguities remain about the chronology of the period due to the lack of regular excavations. Although recent discoveries have provided new information in this regard, the absence of serious excavations of the Chalcolithic deposits deprives us of the attributes of the coeval culture. Mellaart regards the Ubaid as a Late Chalcolithic culture (1966). Helwing splits it into three sub-periods, with the earliest being the Pisdeli (LCh I) (Helwing, 2012: 204) and the Chaff-Faced Ware (CFW) typifying the subsequent LCh III ‒II (Helwing, 2005). In Iran, related material is currently known from Gird-i Ashoan and Kul Tepe, while beyond the Iranian borders they occur at several sites, among them being Çadır Höyük, Kenan Tepe, Arslantepe, Barcın Höyük and Höyük in Anatolia and Leyla Tepe, Beyuk Kesik, Mentesh Tepe, and Alchan tepe in Caucasia (Baxşeliyev, 2010).
Following preliminary inspections, Gird-i Ashoan was selected for excavation in 2019 as the key Late Chalcolithic site. Among the main objectives of the present study were gaining an insight into the settlement sequence, examining the Hasanlu VIII cultural tradition of the Zab basin in light of recent archaeological finds, and investigating the cultural interactions of the local populations with the neighboring regions. Attempts were made to obtain a better understanding of the Late Chalcolithic cultural horizon. The excavation at Gird-i Ashoan yielded a assemblage of Pisdeli painted ware (LCh I), while the LCh III ‒II ceramics, the so-called Chaff-Face Ware native to northern Mesopotamia, were attested in abundance. In the period that immediately followed the Ubaid, North and South Mesopotamia each began to proceed along different directions culturally. Hence, the southern sphere witnessed the spread of the Uruk tradition, while the northern one would be overwhelmed by the Chaff-Faced Ware culture (Kepinski, 2011:65). This ware type occurs over vast territories, which also includes northwest Iran, where the related material culture and chronology share wide affinities with the sites of North Mesopotamia, Syria and East Anatolia, in particular by the latter half of the 4th millennium (Helwing, 2004:16). The location of Gird-i Ashoan close to northern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia significantly contributed to the materialization of the shared traditions. 
  East Anatolia, South Caucasia and Northwest Iran served as the milieus for the genesis and further development of the Chaff-Faced Ware tradition and later the Kura-Araxes culture. The regions have always been the crossroads of various peoples with diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations, and most of the migrant or invading groups would cross them in their east-west movements over the centuries. 
Geographic Location of Gird-i Ashoan 
The mound lies at UTM X.520062 Y.4057880 at an altitude of 1415 m, at the eastern fringes of the Piranshahr plain, on the east bank of the Lavin River. The northern and western flanks of the mound are about 330m and 450m off the riverbed, respectively. The site is within the boundaries of the modern village, flanked by its buildings. It is a mound with a circular base of about 55 m in diameter. Measuring about 55m north-south and 50m east-west, it occupies a total area of ca. 2750 sq. m. The east and south slopes gently descend against the walls of the villagers’ houses. 

Pottery
Pottery represents the most abundant category in the artefactual assemblage. The pieces are plain, with a profusion of chaff and fine grit added as temper to their fabric, leaving them with a pockmarked appearance, thus the designation “chaff-faced pottery.
The sherds from Gird-i Ashoan have brown, orange, and grey surfaces, are poorly fired, and bear a thick slip, though rare examples of thin slip are also attested. The applied ornamental elements include carved motifs and incised grooves. The ceramics of the Late Chalcolithic III and II are invariably chaff-tempered and handmade.
The pottery falls into three categories: plain, incised and painted. The last is represented by three sherds of Pisdeli type bearing black motifs on a buff ground. As regards morphology, the excavated pieces can be divided into several groups: 1. Open pithoi with everted rim, which are the most common form at Gird-I Ashoan and exhibit the closest ties with different regions of Anatolia, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. 2. Open bowls. 3. Shallow trays, albeit in extremely limited numbers. 4. Closed jars. 

Architectural Remains
Mudbrick wall: Part of a brick wall (F.1017) was exposed along the southern section of the trench. It began from -2.35 m and continued to the depth of 3.19m. The individual grit and sand tempered mudbricks variously measured 60×40× 9cm, 56×39× 9 cm and 56×32× 9 cm, and ranged from brown-buff to red-brown in color. Both the bricks and the wall oriented north-south. The surfaces of the wall was lined with a clay coating that contained the same grit and sand particles. The small segment uncovered at the center of the trench near the southern section represented the corner of two perpendicular walls: the north-south wall of F. 1017a and the east-west wall of F. 1017b . The associated floor surface was recorded at -3.19m. It consisted of a compacted silt-clay deposit mixed with sand, charcoal particles and ash. In is notable that the floor surface sealed a layer of debris that was accumulated over time. 
At a depth of 3.62 m near the western section, a pottery vessel was found to be intentionally included into a 55×55 cm mudbrick. This poorly fired vessel was made of a chaff-tempered fabric with a black core. Quite interestingly, the embedded vessel was meant to serve as reinforcement.
Mudbrick floor: Near the western section, the mudbrick floor (F. 1021) was encountered at -3.5m. The structure was formed by laying down brown mudbricks of varying dimensions. Recorded were square (55×55cm) and rectangular examples as well as fragmentary bricks set, rather irregularly, into a red -brown clay mortar. In two cases, the mudbricks were reinforced by embedding insufficiently fired pottery vessels of a paste with black core. The exposed part of this flooring extended 0.7m north-south and about 0.4m east-west. A very small part of a second flooring (F.1022) was cleared in the southeast quadrant of the operation at the depth of 3.95m.
With its thick deposit of 8.65m, Gird-i Ashoan sited in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran. 

Conclusion 
Excavations of Gird-i Ashoan revealed an LCA deposit, which extended from the depth of 1.00 m down to a depth of -9.65 m. Results from the excavations of the site are indicative of the interactions and cultural similitudes of the occupants of Gird-i Ashoan with northwest Iran, north Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Caucasia. The period is marked by the spread of the technological horizon of Chaff-Faced ware, a widespread cultural phenomenon covering vast territories, (Palumbi, 2011: 211; Helwing , 2012:  204) which displays fairly consistent cultural attributes (Helwing 2012:  207).
The material culture from the site exhibits close relationships with those of the coetaneous centers of the Lake Urmia region, on the one hand, and Anatolia, Caucasia and Mesopotamia, on the other. In effect, given the geographic location of the Zab basin as a cross-regional crossing, we may conjecture that Gird-i Ashoan might have served a transitional role in this communication network. The hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the discovery of the obsidian pieces. To conclude with, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the 4th millennium the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would be eventually replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture.