Abstract
The expanded territories of the ancient Iranian empires raise a question for the audience, at first glance, despite a display of authority and domination of the kings, that how the central governments extended their domination over these regions and defended it against foreign threats. In the wide Sasanian Empire, one policy of the emperors of the dynasty was to establish new cities and renew old ones to expand their dominance over the country. As a result of these efforts in which required the founding and reconstruction of intercity pathways for moving goods and troops, a vast network of cities and routes were gradually formed. In this network, cities had the role of nodes for controlling and providing the essential resources and supplies for the central government. Thus, it can assume that the network of cities, moreover expanding the dominance of the Sasanian government, also had affected their fall. This study aimed to find appropriate answers for this question, using library resources through a descriptive-analytical methodology that what role the communication network of Sasanian cities has played in the Arabs conquests. The result findings indicate that the vast communication network of the Sasanian cities has not only facilitated the Arabs troops’ movement and campaign, but they were also able to weaken the defensive power of cities through Blocking support routes. Moreover, The Arabs had been able to consolidate their occupancy and dominance by capturing the cities as network’s connection points.
Keywords: Sasanian, Arabs, Sasanian cities, Conquest, Communication network. 

Introduction
The concept of the realm can be defined by some individual domains played a source role for a central government interconnected via some access roads, and being protected from improvised border posts; however, each domain is surrounded by some enclosed areas not being purposed for settlement (Smith,2007:28-29). The ancient governments were modeled as some access networks to resources like cities, trade bases, or natural mines for their developed dominance based on the management of those charged operators in the controlled trades, taxes, infrastructures, law enforcement, and military proceedings (Smith,2005:835-836). In this way, the empire owns actually a communication network for transported goods and cities could be interlinked (Liverani,1988:86-92). Based on this model, the governors initially establish their authority over the most critical chosen resources, and subsequently, control the corridors and essential routes connecting the relevant domain to the imperial network system; so it is possible to construct some links as roads or canals from the new domain into other parts. Therefore, they can manage those realms with a high transformed economic and social data shown with their widespread control over the essential resources (Smith,2007:32-33). Facilitating the communication among various empiric sections, the Sasanian communication network plus their cities were widespread under the imposed state surveillance (Miri,2012:104). In the late period, monitoring the main network routes was assigned into the quadratic generalissimo (Spahbodān) of the Sasanian empire (Howard-Johnston,2012:125). It suggested a political and military significance of the network maintenance for the Sasanians, and according to Smith, after the intercity network of interaction finished, it was possible to collapse the states (Smith, 2005: 838). Given that the role of every Sasanian city was based upon certain matters and essentials, it is necessary to compare and analyze their effects in the fall of the Sasanian empire. The study findings are beneficial for those investigators of the historical urban background and the condition of traditional ancient Iran.
Therefore, this study aimed to evaluate the collapse of the Sasanian state and the Arab conquests based on the perspective of the network interconnection of Sasanian cities. The raised study question is that based on their status and place in the widespread network of Sasanian cities, what roles and effects had every Sasanian city placed along the routes of Arab conquests in this event? Library resources were used for data gathering in this descriptive-analytical study.

Network of Sasanian Cities and Roles in Arab Conquests
The Sasanians established their dominance policy based on the city developments and the necessity of their interconnection. Accordingly, surveillance of urban connection routes became essential for the state because of both military logistics and support and trade and revenue. That was highly important, especially in border regions and even some cities were established to support other cities in the frontlines (Liverani,1988:92). Besides the development of cities and communication routes, the states were considered the source access network with some defined regions and borders to be defended (Smith,2005:835). The potential danger of the Arabs made the Sasanians construct a defensive line of small military forts for surveilling important points in the communication network of the Mesopotamian plain (Howard-Johnston,2012:97-98). The Arabs used to violate the state frontiers. After the succession of Yazdgerd III, their motives increased for capture more areas after their progressive onrush into Iran’s territories (Tabari,2004:1587-1588). Intercity routes with a previous role for widespread Sasanian authority in Iranshahr cities were traversed by the Arabs and their troops to progress into the Persian central plateau (Tabari,2004:1959). Eastern Iran disconnected from the central cities after Rey’s capture (Frye,1977:12) as a critical route from the western cities to Khorasan (Nicolle,1996:12). Also, Zarang’s capture led to the disconnected Sistan-Khorasan due to the defeated highway of Zarang-Kirkuk-Herat (Ibn Huql,1987:158), and subsequently, Yazdgerd III was trapped in Khorasan (Farrokh,2013:92). Yazdgerd went to Marv city with special military strength and position in order to take back the monarchy, but Neishabour capture, the support military base, happened earlier by the Arabs (Bruner,2014:174). After the weakened defenses, the death of Yazdgerd III, and the peace of governor with the Arabs occurred in Marv city, the fall of the Sasanian dynasty was realized there.

Conclusion
The Sasanians expanded their authority through the developed urban centers and roads over their empire and then established strategic base points for land maintenance and protection. Due to the policy, cities like Neishabour in Khorasan or Mesopotamian Anbar were higher political and economic prominence over others being responsible for providing military and economic support to the surrounding cities. However, cities like Isfahan or Qazvin alongside Oboleh functioned as connection points and crossroads in the urban network, and sometimes, their removal meant simultaneous disconnection of several state routes from the control of the central government. Therefore, the Sasanians invested variously in building walls and ditches for cities’ protection, but political turmoil, civil wars in the late Sasanian period, and destructive effects of the long Byzantine wars overall weakened the defensive shield. Apparently, after invading Iran’s cities, the Arabs could use the joined Iranians to their armies, or the Iranian settled Arabs and identified well the routes and connection points of the cities, blocked the supply and support routes, and facilitated Iranshahr capture.

Abstract
Coins are one of the most important findings in archaeological excavations, which are the best examples of historiography after geographical and historical sources and texts. By and analyzing the information contained in them, information about each region in various fields such as history, culture, economy, politics, religions and social conditions can be completed and more accurate judgments about the identity of that community can be obtained. In the archeological excavation of 2009, in the historical site of Zolpabad, Farahan, Markazi province, twenty complete coins and five cut scissors were found, which we will study in this research. The purpose of this study is to read the calligraphy,mint place, motifs and visual elements used in their decorations in order to achieve a connection with religion, language, calligraphy and their use in commercial and cultural exchanges. The present study is a historical research based on nature and method, descriptive-analytical research based on archaeological field and a library studies. The most important of questions in this research are: the coins discovered from the archeological excavations of Zulfabad What are period and which of the rulers? What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs struck on them? And what does indicate the presence of these coins in this site  ? The results of this research show that the coins discoverd from Zolfaabad are belong to three early rulers of the Ilkhanid period, namely HulaGu, Abaqa Khan and Ahmed Tekuder. These coins have inscriptions in Uyghur and Kufic script, Religious inscriptions in geometric decorative frames consisting of circles and squares, floral motifs and squares are the most visual representations used in these coins. 
Keywords: Coin, Ilkhanid, Zolfaabad, Farahan.

Introduction
Coins are a written, valid document and an important source of information for examining any government’s culture, history, language evolution, beliefs, and economy. As the most enduring historical document, the coin is a manifestation of the various dimensions and aspects of a society’s life that reflect the industry, type of clothing, religious rites, and so on. Despite its economic function and facilitating the trade exchanges of societies, the coin has acted as a symbol and image of society and a transmitter of religious messages and concepts between societies (Thawaqeb et al., 2016: 67).
In terms of a variety of themes and motifs, the coins in this period of time have a lot of information that is very significant for researchers. The Mongols used the script and language of the conquered lands and the Uighur script in their coins. However, until the middle of the Ilkhanate government, the scripts of coins were to some extent influenced by the Mongolian culture, so the kings of this period wrote their names in the Uyghur language and script (Jafari Dehghi, 2013: 23).
Research Questions and Hypotheses: The most important questions of this research are: 1- Coins discovered from Zolfabad archeological excavations belong to which period and which Ilkhani governors? 2- What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins, and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs mint on them? 3- What is the role of discovering these coins in the studies of this area? The proposed hypotheses in answer to these questions are: The results of the study, research, and reading of the discovered coins show that these coins belonged to the governors of the early patriarchal period, that means, from the time of Hulagu to Ahmad Takudar, and they have inscriptions in Kufic and Uighur scripts and geometric patterns. 
Research Method: Therefore, the present study has been done by descriptive-analytical method and relying on field research and library studies.

Research Objectives
The main purpose of writing this article is to know the coins better and more accurately, read the scripts, decorations, place of beatening and accurate dating of the area through these coins.

Investigation and Analysis of Zolfabad Farahan Ilkhani Coins
Zolfaabad historical site is located in the south of Tafresh city, 3 km northeast of Farmahin city.

Coins of Holakokhan (663-654 AH)
The coins discovered from Holako in Zolfabad (Table 1) have the same design and writing. On the coin in decorative Kufic script inside the pearl circular frame is written “The Great Law of Hulagu Ilkhanum al-Mu’azzam”, and in the margin, based on similar samoles, it is written “Haza al-Darham” and contains the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script inside the circular box. The text “La ilaha illa Allah wahada lashrikullah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written on the back of the coin and inside the circular box. On one of the coins, the word “Allah” is added at the beginning of the inscription.

Coins of Abaghakhan (680-663 AH)
Four types of coins were obtained from Abaqan: The first type of coins are the coins on which the titles and names of the governor that is “Khaqanunarbar Abaqa Deld Kogoluxin” meaning “the coin was minted by Abaqa on behalf of the great house”, is written in the Uyghur script and inside a pearl-shaped circular box. On the back and inside the square box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written in Kufic script. And outside the box at the top, mint coin location is written and, on the left, the year and the units digit of the year are given, on the lower part the tens digit and on the right side the hundreds digit of the year is written in Arabic.
The second type are coins on which, in a hexagonal frame with the Gereh design, the words “Qaan al-Adil” are written and the back of the coin is the same as coins type 1.
The third type is such that the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam” is written on the coin and in the center of it inside a circular pearl frame. And in the margin on the coin, based on similar examples, the phrase “Hazal Derham”, the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script are written inside the circular box. On the back of the coin in the center, inside the circle, the phrase “Lel Molk, La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah Sallal lah Alayhe vas alam “ is written and in the margin inside the circular pearl frame a part of verse 26 of Surah Al-Imran is written. 
In the fourth type of coins, based on coin 73-A in the book of Ilkhans, on the coin and inside the circular box of pearls, the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam, rival of Umm Khaldullah Malik Homa” is written. ]n the margin of the coin, the phrase Bismillaha and also, the type of coin, year and the place of minting is mentioned. On the back of the coin, inside the circular box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah ova Wahda Laashrikullahu Salah Allahu alayhi wa sallam.”  Is written, and the verse 33 of Surah Tawbah was in the margin. 

Coins of Sultan Ahmad Takudar (683-680 AH)
Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar in Zolfabad. The titles and name of Ahmad Takudar “Khaqano Narbar Ahmadun Deldekgoluxin” are written in the Uyghur script on the coin. and on the back of the coin, it is like the first type of Abaqa coins, and the date of minting, 681 AH, is engraved on the margin.

Scrap Coins
Five scrap coins were found from the coins discovered in Zolfabad area, of which one belonged to Hulakukhan and the other four pieces could not be read, and they were traded simply by weighing. Scrap coins were used in the past for two reasons: One is the transaction with weight, which is a certain amount to get the exact weight and a coin must be added to it to get the exact weight, and the second is the daily transaction for goods that are worth less than one dinar or dirham (Quchani, 2004: 89).

Conclusion
By conducting archaeological research in Zolfabad, valuable historical and cultural documents, including coins, architecture, and pottery, were obtained, which marked a part of the history of this region in the Ilkhani period. Like most coins of the Ilkhani period, these coins were dirham and made of silver; they were also the type of coins of the first and second periods of the Ilkhani period. In the first period, coins under the influence of pre-patriarchal coins and under the influence of rich Islamic culture used Islamic expressions to mint their coins in Kufic script. In the second period, the effects of Mongolian culture on coins increased. During this period, in addition to using Islamic expressions in Kufic script on the back of the coin, they wrote their titles and names in the official Mongolian language, the Uyghur language, on the coin. Coins show that Zulfabad existed from the beginning of the Ilkhani period and expanded and flourished during this period. The study of discovered coins shows that Zulfabad has been prosperous since the time of the first Ilkhani governor, Holaku, in the early second half of the seventh century AH. Most of the studied coins belong to the reign of Abaqa Khan (663-680 AH), the son of Holako, who are often minted in Tabriz. In addition to the coins, historical texts have also confirmed the presence of Abaqa in the Farahan region. Therefore, Zulfabad was more important in the Abaqa period and later lost its importance. Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar, and no coins were obtained from the governors after Takudar. Discovered coins show important documents related to the prosperity and historical, cultural, economic geography of Zolfaabad. Coins related to Abaghakhan by multiplying the commercial and political importance of Zolfaabad. In the coins related to Abagakhan, by minting in different regions, the importance and commercial and political prestige of Zolfabad in the era of Ilkhans and especially during the government of this governor is shown. According to the studies carried out from this period, the coin of Zulfabadabad has not been mentioned in numismatic sources and books. For this reason, it can be considered that during this period, especially after the Abaqa Khan period, Zolfabad was less important than other cities of this period in which coins were minted and they are mentioned a lot in historical texts, and it has not been as big as big cities.

Abstract
In recent years the Achaemenid sites in the Borazjan area have attracted a great deal of attention and their identification with Elamite Tamukkan/Greek Taocê has been widely accepted. Aside from the architectural interest of these sites, however, their location along what later became an important route linking the Persian Gulf and the Iranian plateau is significant. Whether travelling between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, or the earlier Achaemenid capitals (Pasargadae and Persepolis), Borazjan represents the first stage for travellers moving along this route. This study examines some of the logistical aspects of travel between Borazjan and the highlands, as well as the climatic extremes experienced by travellers during much of the year. The difficulties of traversing the route are illustrated with selections from 19th and early 20th century travellers accounts. The advantages of commencing or ending the journey at Shif, as opposed to Bushehr, are discussed with reference to numerous examples. The importance of mules as pack animals along the route is emphasized. Finally, the implications of the evidence marshaled for the burgeoning field of sensory studies are underscored.

Introduction
R.T. Hallock’s identification of El. Tamukkan with Gr. Taocê1 predated the excavation and initial publication of the monumental architectural complexes near Borazjan (Sang-e Siah, Bardak-e Siah and Charkhab).2 Although Rawlinson suggested that, ‘The Achæmenian Palace of Taoce, mentioned by Strabo, was probably at the modern village of Dalaki, where there is a fine mound of great apparent antiquity,’3 most scholars would today agree that Taocê/Tamukkan should be identified with the Borazjan sites. Due to limited exploration and excavation, the function(s) and chronology of these important sites are still imperfectly understood,4 but iconographic, architectonic and epigraphic data5 suggest building activity and regular use from the reign of Cyrus to that of Darius or Xerxes, and possibly beyond.
Borazjan lies on the principal route linking Bushehr and Shiraz (Fig. 1). As Maclean noted in 1904, ‘The only important route is viâ Borasjun and Kazeroon to Shiraz.’6  For most travellers, Borazjan was either the last stop on the way from the highlands to the Persian Gulf coast, or the first stop heading in the opposite direction. Hence the Borazjan complex would have received visitors during the Achaemenid period who, after sailing either down or up the Persian Gulf by ship and landing on the coast,7 had just completed the first overland stage of their journey to the north; or, moving in the opposite direction, the Borazjan complex would have been where visitors spent their last night before traversing the remaining distance to the coast and boarding a vessel bound for southern Babylonia or points south.
The fact that Bushehr’s Elamite predecessor, Liyan, probably acted as a maritime gateway to the highlands of Anšan8 makes it tempting to think that the Liyan-to-Anšan or Tamukkan-to-Parsa route was always the main thoroughfare from the Persian Gulf to the Iranian plateau. Yet, in some periods, this was demonstrably not the case. During the Safavid period, for example, Bandar ‘Abbas was the principal port of entry on the Persian Gulf for goods destined for the markets of the Iranian Plateau.9 Indeed, when Carsten Niebuhr visited Bushehr in 1765 he remarked that (Fig. 2), until 1735 when Nader Shah decided to make it the headquarters of his much vaunted but never realized navy,10 Bushehr had been an unimportant village.11 Strictly speaking, however, this is not quite correct. Nader Shah’s naval yard was at Reshahr, c. 6 kms. to the south of Bushehr.12 Earlier, Shah ‘Abbas I had kept a squadron of 100 vessels at Reshahr with which to attack vessels bound for Basra.13 
Nevertheless, despite fluctuations in the importance of the Bushehr region and its immediate hinterland through time, scholars appear to be unanimous in recognizing the importance of the Borazjan complex. It is not my intention here to challenge this contention, yet it is interesting to consider what the hydrography, climate and environment of the Borazjan region, and the topographic exigencies of travel between the Iranian plateau and the coast, meant to the region’s transient population, whether bureaucrats and royal visitors passing through, or corvée laborers brought to work on the building projects attested in cuneiform sources, during the Achaemenid period. What follows is intended to initiate a conversation about some often overlooked, critical factors that would have impacted all who frequented Bushehr and its hinterland in antiquity, and followed the route linking this part of the coast with the Iranian plateau.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Borazjan, Elamite, Achaemenid, Tamukkan, Travellers.

Conclusion
This study has sketched out some of the difficulties of travel between Bushehr, Borazjan and the Achaemenid capitals; some of the logistical requirements of travel along that route; and some of the climatic considerations that made travel during much of the year an unpleasant experience, to say the least. These considerations naturally make one consider the Borazjan complex in a new light, not merely as impressive examples of Achaemenid monumental architecture, but as sites that could be difficult of access, uncomfortable and potential graveyards for those not in the upper echelons of society.
In that sense, some of the data presented here may contribute to the growing field of sensory studies in both the recent historical past and more remote antiquity that have become increasingly common in recent years as a means to gaining a deeper understanding of our subjects’ life experiences. Many sensory studies focus on sight — viewsheds, natural illumination and darkness within buildings — and sound — from the noise of battle to the sound of silence on the steppe.103 Others focus on smells, whether pleasant ones produced by frankincense and other aromatics in palaces and sanctuaries,104 or the stench of war, death and the battlefield.105 Sensory discomfort due to extremes of weather and environmental conditions, as well as the influence of these factors on the utilization of a specific ancient site and on its inhabitants, are less commonly treated. Govert van Driel’s study of references to weather in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources, for example, made much of the cold and the importance of seasonality as a consideration in the timing of Assyrian military campaigns, but was curiously silent on the topic of heat.106 In fact, comments on extreme heat tend to be regarded as a literary trope, and the ability to withstand it a form of boasting by those who, despite scorching temperatures, managed to prevail over adverse conditions and defeat an adversary. A vivid illustration of this is provided by the literary account of Nebuchadnezzar I’s (1125-1104 BC) Elamite campaign, launched in July from the eastern Babylonian outpost of Der. ‘With the heat glare scorching like fire, the very roadways were burning like open flame….The finest of the great horses gave out, the legs of the strong man faltered.’107 Yet the unseasonable nature of the campaign also conferred a tactical advantage on Nebuchadnezzar who felt his campaign had been ‘divinely ordained, in the unexpected summer month of Tammuz (June-July). His timing made for a miserable forced march for his army because of the unbearable heat and the dried-up water sources. But this unorthodox timing also afforded Nebuchadnezzar the element of surprise when confronting the Elamite forces.’108 
Another, much later example of almost unbearable heat from the same general area appears in Strabo’s description of Susiana which, he noted, had ‘a hot and scorching atmosphere.’ So intense was the heat at Susa that, ‘when the sun is hottest, at noon, the lizards and the snakes could not cross the streets in the city quickly enough to prevent their being burnt to death in the middle of the streets.’109  Such language may sound hyperbolic, but only to someone who has never visited Khuzestan in the summer. Indeed, with a modern average maximum of 46.4˚ C (115.52˚ F) and average minimum of 32˚ C (89.6˚ F) in July,110 the descriptions of Khuzestan’s summer heat in the accounts of Nebuchadnezzar I and Strabo are no exaggeration.
In the introduction to her classic study of Athens and Persia in the fifth century B.C., Margaret Miller wrote that ‘experience shows that even the wildest imagination cannot step beyond the familiar world of sensory experience.’111 Implying as it does that nothing we have not ourselves experienced in the flesh can be imagined, this assertion, I suggest, needs to be modified. On the contrary, we can and must step outside of our own compendium of sensory experiences if we are ever to have an inkling of what life was like in the past. And while we may not be able to travel on a mule from Shif to Shiraz, or sail in a small craft up and down the Persian Gulf, we can get closer to the experience of those who did these things by scrutinizing the literature of pre-modern, pre-motorized travel for experiential descriptions of places that interest us in antiquity. The many descriptions that survive from the 19th and early 20th century of travel between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, via Borazjan, offer a rich body of data that helps us to better understand the exigencies of life there in the Achaemenid period, whether for corvée laborers or élite Achaemenid travellers. They afford us a fresh perspective, one that looks at the Borazjan complex not as decontextualized monuments or free-floating units of Achaemenid architecture and iconography but as buildings tethered to an environment that could be brutally harsh for most of the year, one in which travellers, whether arriving from Babylon by sea or from Pasargadae and Persepolis by land, sought refuge from an unforgiving climate of scorching sun, suffocating winds or freezing cold.

Abstract
Since the formation of the Silk Road, the route has been the main route between East and West Asia. With the beginning of the age of colonialism, the process of globalization began and so direction-function of communication evolved greatly, which reached its peak in the nineteenth century and the close relationship of Iran-Japan became possible. the question of the present article is which areas or ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used foreign trade, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade. answer is that the products of the Sassanid and Safavid types reflect the political position of Japan and the trade role of other nations rather than a demonstration of the Iran-Japan relationship but in 19th century because of Imperialist pressure and needs of global trade this drastically changed .A historic review of this relationship reveals areas in Japan that were the main centers of state trade, such as the ports of Osaka and Kobe to Kyoto and Nara plains, the port of Nagasaki, and the ports of Kanagawa Bay specially Yokohama, which all of them played a similar & synchronized role in the 19th century to make trade possible from the ports of Bushehr, Lenge and Abbasi in Iran and even because of Opium trade it expanded to Taipei too. So before nineteenth century the trade in question was always influenced by the culture of closeness in Japan, but in the new era due to the pressure of imperialism and the trend of modernism gates were opened and strategic goods such as Opium exported from Iran to Imperial Japan. In order to achieve the above, artifacts and written sources along with the analysis of geographical data by using a socio-historical approach have been used.
Keywords: Japan, Iran, Globalization, Qajar Era, Meiji Era.

Introduction
Since earliest times humans had trade relations to each other and so created trade routes which by developing and increasing of social complexity these routes became longer and connect more and larger societies, one of ancient and maybe first truly international routes known as Silk Road and so colonial powers (such as at first Dutch & USA) same naval routes. In result western countries connected Iran to Japan & those two as a process of modernization opened their doors to globe and started their embassies. our question is which areas/ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used for trade with each other, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade relations. Hypothesis is the same marine areas of Japan, Omura, Osaka & Kanagawa bays along different eras, Same with Bandar Abbas and Bushehr in Iran. Answering to this non-studied socio-historical title matter is very important. plus at least in Iran, because of social situation study of Qajar period always been hard and easily can effected by non-academic believes.

Main
Japan is an archipelago at the east end of Asia which as Nihongi say, made of eight main islands. Such geographic setting makes a special cultural which before anything is barred from outside and there is a self-aware hierarchy which despite shatter nature of geography, make centralize system possible. because of this cultural, Japan closed its borders to foreign relation many times such as in Heian, Kamakura and Edo periods. so despite creation of Silk Road in 119B.C Japan did not benefit it until Jingu invasion of Korea in 3th century, exactly when Sassanid artifacts alongside Korean ones found northern Kyushu & central Honshu. which most of them made in Korea not Iran. The only sources in advent of Islam are Geographer’s mention of Japan as Vaq. In early Colonial era everything changed when Portuguese and Dutch traders came to Safavid Iran and Japan at war. We do know Safavid cloth, salt, rug and even maybe marble exported to Japan by all of it foreign traders to Nagasaki and Osaka ports. By beginning of Sakoku or closed door policy of Edo period almost everything came back to first step. In 19C because of economic pressure of modernization Iran began it global trade, at first by silk and then Opium which make Iran close to eastern Asia and particularly Qing China. At the same time, Japan ended Sakoku and enters Meiji era so by the will of Nasereddin shah two countries began their relation which strengthen by Japanese conquest of Taiwan, where most of Iranian opium exported from ports of southern Iran like Bushehr and it follows by oil and Japanese exports from main ports like Yokohama and Osaka which were used during history because of their fine geography that make grow and trade easier.

Conclusion
With establishment of the Silk Road a great opportunity created for meeting of both civilizations of Japan & Iran but China & specially Korea had their monopoly in trade & relation. So least of acknowledgment and indirect relation was possible for Japan and Iran. In fact, the artifacts are more show of Japanese power & prestige than it economics. Another reason was closeness in Japanese cultural. In early colonial era were another lords of monopoly in foreign trade at least for Japan. Despite these trade happened in the same route and trade areas through history until 19C which because of Imperialist pressures new order began and so both countries began their globalization process and so for the first time direct political, cultural and economic relations were possible. The area of Omura bay and mainly Nagasaki alongside of northern parts of Kyushu to the Shimonoseki since early centuries of AD was main place for trade, the reason other than great gulfs is it nearness to main body of Asia. eastern Osaka area (or Osaka and Kobe) is a great place for establishment of a megapolis trade port and always was in use because of its route to Kyoto and other ancient capitals. We can see the same situation for Bushehr which is very close to Shiraz and other places of power to Tehran. But Kanagawa and Hormozgan areas have way better situation for making cities and ports specially their situation is more attractive for foreign traders. Because of that by modernization those ports roused immensely. Another port which grow because of 19C modernization is Taipei which used for importation of Iranian goods and have physical geography as good as Nagasaki.

Abstract
Archaeological studies on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf are in the early stages. Although such studies have been started in this area for decades, long interruptions have led to a lack of reliable results. This issue is more acute in the prehistoric period. Limited research results publication has also increased this problem. Although archeological surveys have been done well in Bushehr province, unfortunately, the results of those studies have not been published well. Studying on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf is not just a research topic today; it is a research duty. Archaeological studies conducted in this region have shown that at least from seven thousand years ago, people who live on the land of Iran have been settled on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf and had the opportunity to use the sea; although in the early periods this settlement was seasonal; but according to the new evidence of mud-brick architecture at Toll-e Suzo, villages and then permanent cities have been created in this region since the fourth millennium BC, and in the historical and Islamic period, these areas have been completely inhibited. In addition to the food supply, the sea has been playing an important role in trade relations since the Fifth/ fourth millennium BC, which should be considered in archaeological studies of the region. Toll-e Suzo, which is located in Genaveh district, Bushehr Province, is one of the prehistoric sites of the region, which, according to the cultural evidence identified from the excavation in the stratigraphic trench, has been settled from the middle of the fifth millennium to the end of the fourth millennium BC. The inhabitants of this area have been in contact with the interior of the Fars cultural region and southwestern Iran and have also access to marine resources.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Archaeological Excavation, Toll-e Suzo, Middle Bakun Period, Lapuei Period.

Introduction
The first season of archeological excavations in Toll-e Suzo led to the identification of the cultures of the fifth millennium (Middle Bakun) and fourth millennium (Lapuei) BC, 28 km north of the Persian Gulf coast. This season’s excavation goal was determining the buffer and Core zoom of the site and stratigraphical excavation, which was carried out in the winter of 2017. In this excavation, a trench measuring 4 × 4 meters in the center and at the top of the site was excavated. The thickness of the cultural layers that have been excavated in this trench is 5.80 meters. During the excavation of this trench, two cultural periods with possible gaps were identified. It should be noted that 1.5 meters of the surface layers of the top of the site have been destroyed by bulldozers and surface layers/ periods are not excited. The lower layers (contexts 1016-1036) represent the Middle Bakun (late and mid fifth millennium BC) with diagnostic painted pottery from this period. This pottery is quite comparable with the findings of archaeological excavations in the Fars cultural region. Although the dimensions of excavation were small during this period, the establishment of this period in Toll-e Suzo can be considered as belonging to semi-monogamous communities that, according to the climatic conditions, were established in this area in suitable seasons. The Middle Bakun period is the culmination of several thousand years of pre-historical cultural development in the Fars region.
Research Methods: Archaeological field activity and library have been used in this research. In this way, during one season of field excavation, cultural evidence and archaeological documents were collected, and then by studying published references and library sources and archival reports, the background research of the region was studied and comparative examples were collected.
Research Questions: 1- The oldest settlement evidence of Toll-e Suzo is related to what periods? 2- What is the chorological sequence of Toll-e Suzo? 3- Is there evidence of Fars prehistoric cultures on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf? 4- Did the people of Toll-e Suzo have the possibility to exploit the marine resources?
Research Hypothesis: 1- The oldest cultural evidence of settlement in Toll-e Suzo dates back to the fifth millennium BC. 2- Toll-e Suzo has been identified according to the material evidence and the thickness of the settlement layers has two cultural periods; Bakun and Lepoi. 3- Fars prehistoric cultures were completely prevalent on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf in Bushehr province. 4- The animal bone evidence of the Toll-e Suzo excavations shows that the inhabitants of this area used marine resources.

Conclusion
During this period, despite regional differences, a large part of southern Iran reached uniformity in terms of material culture (Week et al, 2010). Regarding the distribution of Bakun pottery in such a wide area from the Persian Gulf in the south to the Bakhtiari Mountains in the north and from the eastern borders of Khuzestan in the west to the western borders of Kerman in the east, the hypothesis of traveling potters is raised. They were moving, due to different spatial situations, while preserving the main and standard features of this period, they have also designed various local motifs on pottery (Askari et al, 2008: 38; Weeks et al, 2010). Another hypothesis is based on the fact that there was a tradition of extramarital relations between local villagers of this period and other areas, which by transferring women to some kind of technical knowledge, vocabulary, and grammar of the decorative patterns of Bakun pottery (Alizadeh, 2004). : 48-49). Also, the phenomenon of nomadic tribes has played a major role in the transportation and exchange of goods produced by the villagers (Alizadeh, 2004; Alizadeh, 2003). Today, Bushehr province and the northern coast of the Persian Gulf are the winter quarters of the Qashqai tribe, so in the so-called winter, these tribes are scattered in all areas of Bushehr province and in the summer in Fars province (Afshar Sistani, 1362: 432). Suzo archaeological evidence also confirms this.
Another cultural period identified in this excavation is Lepuei (contexts 1000-1015). The proposed date for this period is the mid-fourth millennium BC. The diagnostic pottery of this period is simple polished and patterned red vessels, which in some cases are decorated with scarlet motifs. In addition to this type, simple buff ware, gray ware and two samples of Poro Elamite pottery also have been recognized in the fourth-millennium pottery collection of this period. Remains of the mud-brick and right-angled architecture were also encountered under the surface layers, which, due to the small dimensions of the excavation, is not possible to provide a specific function for this structure. According to the architectural evidence, unlike the previous period, it seems that the establishment in this period was permanent and relations with the interior areas of Fars and Khuzestan (according to the samples of the nose-handed jar vessels which are identified on this level) were established. The chronology presented in this paper is only based on comparable and relative studies, but the presentation of absolute dating is inevitable due to the lack of archaeological studies in the prehistoric period in this area, which is hoped to be possible in the future.

Abstract
The customs buildings complex at the Persian Gulf in Bushehr Province was built at the end of the Qajar era and the beginning of the Pahlavi era. These buildings are very similar. All these buildings are architecturally built in the same way. All these buildings have two floors and match each other. The architecture of these buildings is derived from the architectural style of the second half of the 18th century and 19th century of the West. This style entered Iran’s architecture as a symbol of modernity and strongly influenced Iranian architecture. It has to be mentioned that this influence was much greater in the last years of the Qajar era compared to its first years. By using the historical research method and library studies, it is tried to collect the necessary data about the research subject and obtain adequate understanding of the customs and telegraph offices in Bushehr Province. 
Keywords: Telegraph Offices, Customs, Bushehr Province, Qajar Era.

Introduction
Bushehr was considered one of the important commercial and cultural centers since ancient times, which would connect the Elamites with the Mesopotamia on one hand and the Melos in present-day India with Oman and the Mesopotamia on the other hand, and this is emphasized in linguistic sources apart from archaeological data. (Hesari et al., 2011; 247) There are some ruins of an Elamite port that are found in a place called Reyshahr, near Bushehr, where an inscription of Šutruk-Nahhunte was discovered and read. This city is probably Liyan Elamite, and it seems that until the 15th century BC, it was under the control of the Elamites and it was a city dependent on Anshan, rather than Khuzestan. Even its name has an Elamite root, and the word NIM is placed in front of the name of this city. Based on the texts of Ur III, Steinkeller has dated Liyan to Bushehr of the late 3rd and 2nd millennium BC and has suggested that Anshan had a direct route to Mesopotamia through this port (Steinkeller, 1982: 252). The new history of trades in Bushehr began with the kingdom of Nader Shah Afshar, which has played a special role in the last two centuries of Iran. By the order of Nader Shah, the main boundary of Bushehr was built by Sheykh Naser Abu Mehiri. (Hamidi, 2010: 50), but the overall structure of Bushehr today was formed in the Qajar era (Ranjabr et al., 2010: 24). In the 18th century, Bushehr was considered as the most important commercial port of Iran in open waters. (Dashti, 2001: 117). The presence of customs in Bushehr Province during the Qajar era caused most of the major countries of the world, including England, Russia, Germany, France, etc., to have a political representative office in this city. This city became the southern gate of Iran for the exchange of political ideas and cultural relations. During the Qajar era, the English telegraph line extended from London to India. This line in Bushehr Province extended to Fars Province, and the line was transmitted from different countries, including Iran, either on land or sea cables. 

Research Introduction 
The main objective of this research is to study the reason for the exitance of customs in Bushehr and the telegraph houses and studying their architecture. The research question is: why are there several customs and telegraph houses in Bushehr? And what are their architectural characteristics? 

Bushehr Custom Building 
The first modern custom building of Bushehr Province, known as Chehar Borj (Four-Tower) is in Bushehr City. This custom was built and established during Naser al-Din Shah Qajar era, by Mo’in-O-Tojjar-e Bushehri at his expense with the plans of the Belgians. This mansion was known as Four-Tower at the time of its building and it was the center of the governance of Persian Gulf ports and islands during the Qajar era. Whenever the governer of Bushehr would come to Bushehr City for the governance of the city from Tehran or Shiraz, they would settle in this place. This building was designed by Joseph Naus, known as Belgian Monsieur Naus. (Fig. 1-8)

Bulkheyr Custom 
This building is a two-floor building facing the sea. The eastern and western façades of the building are similar. The two floors match each other and share the same façade. There are three rooms on each floor and all three rooms are connected to each other. There is a small room on the north side which might have been a pantry. There are stairwells on the northern and southern sides of the building. (Fig. 9-14)

Dayer Custom 
This building is a two-floor building facing the sea. The eastern and western façades of the building are similar. The two floors match each other and share the same façade. There are three rooms on each floor and all three rooms are connected to each other. There is a small room on the north side which might have been a pantry. There are stairwells on the northern and southern sides of the building. (Fig. 15-19)
Kangan Custom 
This building has two stories and both stories are similar and they both match each other. The balcony with its beautiful round columns has led to prominence of the building. There has been a stair well in the south part of the building that would connect the second floor to the roof. There is an office, a lobby and a kitchen on each floor. There are squares on the top of each door that were used for lighting. (Fig. 20)

Mohammad ‘Ameri Custom
The unique feature of this building is its shape and design, which was built uniformly on the entire coast of the Persian Gulf. This building is one of the buildings of the Qajar customs whose remains are left, and it was used in the early Pahlavi era. (Fig. 21) 

Lavar-e Saheli Custom 
This building is built in two floors and has an entrance that opens to the west. The two floors are built in the same shape and match each other. There has been a staircase in the south of the building that connected the upper floor and the roof. (Fig. 22) 

Bushehr Telegraph Office 
The telegraph office was initially in Jabri neighborhood and then it is moved to Haft Bangleh in Bahmani neighborhood. The marine transmission cable line extended from Haft Bangle to Karachi in India. The last telegraph and post office in that time was located in Kuti neighborhood near British Consulate behind Shahdokht school, that is ruined now. During Naser al-Din Shah era, telegraph offices were only established by the British and they were managed by British presidents and Iranian employees. 

Conclusion 
Undeniably, architecture changes during any era according to the lifestyle of people in any country. From the middle of the Qajar era, with the change of intellectual resources and thoughts ruling the society, as well as the awareness of the progress, different needs were felt compared to the past. They saw meeting these needs and the solutions in following the Western methods. The establishment of Dār ul-Funun, sending students to Europe, hiring foreign teachers and publishing newspapers, triggered a change in social and political attitudes during the Qajar era. The atmosphere ruling the architecture of Qajar era also followed the same attitude. From the middle of Naser al-Din Shah era, the confrontation between tradition and modernity gradually led to the victory of modernity, and architecture lost its old forms and found on a western form. It seems that the frequent trips of the Qajar kings to Europe left a significant impact in the field of architecture. The kings and princes wanted to implement the western architectural design in their land. Western examples also quickly became popular among the people and all over Iran. This architecture is characterized by the protruding and columned main entrance and grand ceremonial stairs, and the rooms are built in two wings on the first and second floors. The customs buildings in Bushehr Province were built at the end of the Qajar era and the beginning of the Pahlavi era, and they were among the first buildings in Bushehr Province that appeared with a different architecture, and their design is not derived from the architecture of that period, but it is influenced by the architecture of the West, and due to extensive connections of Bushehr with other countries, the role of foreign architects has been prominent in this province. Care should be taken in order to preserve valuable buildings such as these customs building which were studied in this article, so that they are not destructed.

Abstract
A large part of Iran is located in dry areas, for this reason, various measures have been taken for water management, especially surface water. Dry weather, lack of rainfall, seasonality of river water and gradual drying of rivers, created the idea of water storage in the form of dams, aqueducts and cisterns in the human mind. The cisterns have different designs depending on the climatic and social conditions of each region. Also, the architecture of such buildings in different regions has been influenced by local architecture. Optimum management of low rainfall in a few days of the year in an area that due to the geological texture of the underground water table is insignificant and salty was a sign of the genius of the inhabitants of the Iranian plateau for water storage. With the progress of this tradition, especially during Islamic periods, the number of settlements in the region increased. One of the water storage structures is the cisterns, which were built along the flood path so that the surface water is directed to them after the rain and used for various purposes.  The question is, considering the scarcity of water in the region, is it possible to restore this structure in a modern way by reviving the past techniques? Due to the low but heavy rainfall in the south of the country, the ponds, in addition to providing an important part of the residents’ water, also act as floodgates, and with one rain at the end of the summer season and a few rains in the winter season, all the thousands of ponds in the south of the country are filled. But with the dependence of these areas on the water of the dams, in addition to the pressure on the country’s water resources, this historical tradition is gradually being forgotten. However, from the results of this research, based on the statistics, it seems that the restoration of the ponds -with government support and with a modern design based on historical patterns- will provide the possibility of water supply for the residents of the region.
Keywords: Barka, Ab-Anbar, Islamic Period, Fars, Hormozgan.

Introduction
The relationship between water and the world of existence can be defined from two perspectives: one is quantitative and experimental sciences and the other is spiritual issues of life and knowledge. Iran is considered one of the dry tropical regions of the world due to its special geographical position and very scattered unevenness’s and the influence of other factors. With this description, being located in the dry and water-scarce regions of the world, water has always had a high value and dignity in Iran, and for this reason, many advances and innovations have emerged in the field of water extraction and transportation. Among the most important of these developments, we can mention aqueducts, reservoirs, dams and weirs, as well as other types of structures and management operations that have been used. Therefore, the creative solutions of human connection with water have played a remarkable role in alleviating harsh natural conditions and in the meantime, the construction of water reservoirs has become popular in the extremes of Iran and water reservoirs have been built in many cities. Reservoirs with their interesting architecture are usually built in arid, desert and semi-arid areas to store rainwater more than in other places.
Iran’s governments in Islamic eras, with emphasis on issues related to hygiene and purity, built water reservoirs as an essential element in the lives of Muslims in or near mosques. And they became more common near them, with the evolution, development of agriculture and trade in this era, the construction of water reservoirs in villages led to the development of village, and as a result, the increase in population along the caravan roads led to the expansion of roads. It became commercial and accordingly it became commercial. At the same time with the development of Islam in different countries and the expansion of cultural exchanges, thanks to the blessing of the religion and the unified central government, construction techniques developed a lot. Construction of cylindrical-shaped tanks became common in Iran during this period due to the relatively low cost of construction and the greater resistance of its body against water pressure. Perhaps the method of making spherical or conical domes appeared in Iranian architecture from this period and for this reason. During this period, with the emergence of new cities and neighborhoods, reservoirs were placed next to mosques, schools, markets and government palaces like centralizing elements, and therefore it seems that reservoirs were a place for various social interactions. One of the prominent features of the city in Islamic era was the facilities such as mosques, bazaars, reservoirs, aqueducts, etc. The reservoir in the center of the neighborhood or city, in addition to providing water, is an excellent sign of There was a need for urban social life, for this reason, these buildings were sometimes built as a complex, such as a caravanserai complex, a reservoir, a guard house, a watchtower, and a refrigerator. The main passages or alleys sometimes branch off and lead to one or more houses. In addition to the possibility of reaching the neighborhood centers and the city center, the crossings also provide the possibility of quick and easy access to water reservoirs.

Conclusion
The lifestyle of Iranians, especially with the end of the Qajar period, became different from the past, one of which is fresh water piping. At the same time, the management of water resources in local ways caused the economic prosperity of the country based on the existing surface resources and underground water tables and the lack of pressure on them. Water cisterns have been a historical investment from the distant past, which, in addition to drinking, have also been used for industrial and agricultural purposes. Considering that currently one of the management problems is still the supply of drinking water in different regions of the country, it is suggested to provide part of the water problems of arid and semi-arid areas by restoring water reservoirs and creating examples of them in larger dimensions. Since the biggest management problem of water is its production, the past taught us that even in places where the underground water table is salty and there is no permanent river on the surface of the earth, fresh and pleasant water can be produced with some measures, and these methods will bring prosperity to the population and Roads have been expanded and the population has increased. Today, the experiences and techniques of the past should be used with today’s science to develop country and prevent consequences of dehydration and drought. Therefore, this article is a proposal in which the Ministry of Energy;  Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts; Ministry of Agriculture; Ministry of Roads and City Planning; Iran Water and Power Resources Development Company; Country Water and Wastewater Engineering Company; Iran Water Resources Management Company;  Organization of forests, pastures and watershed management of country; And, of course, local communities play a significant role in maintaining and building water reservoirs as water storage tanks.

Abstract
Pottery can perhaps be considered one of the most important data found in archaeological excavations in order to help clarify the unknowns of any ancient site and answer questions. This data shows one important part of human interactions in the past. By examining this data, various approaches are available to archaeologists, the prerequisite of which is to be purposeful and act correctly in pottery typology. By studying the pottery of the Parthian period of the and the spread of its types in the Persian Gulf, one of the hand, the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the south of Iran an on the other hand due to its geographical expansion in the south of the Persian Gulf, the seafaring of the Parthians in the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. The purpose of writing this article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements  in the north and south of the Persian Gulf , then to present a picture of seafaring in the Persian Gulf and the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the Arabian Peninsula. In this article, the Parthian pottery types of the Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question in this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron, then we are looking for the question that the cultural development of the Parthian period based on the findings of the Tom-Maron was formed under what factors? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making the color of the body and the paste, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified in Tom-Maron. The species identified with the sites of the coasts and islands of the northern Persian Gulf, such as Qeshm Island, Makran regions, and also the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, such as the Maliha site, form a cultural domain. 
Keywords: Pottery of the Parthian, Rodan Plain, Tom-Maron, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Investigating the cultural materials of different cultural periods in the areas along the Persian Gulf, as a historical and strategic waterway, has always been of interest to rulers near and far, and has been the place of passage for ships of culture and civilizations of the East and the West for thousands of years. In the meantime, due to its location on the banks and back banks of the Persian Gulf and its vital and strategic waterways, namely the Strait of Hormuz, throughout history, the Rodan plain has a very important position from a historical-cultural, political-social, and of course, economic point of view. (Hessari, 2018).
The purpose of writing the article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements in the north and south of Persian Gulf. In this framework, cultural interactions will be discussed in this period in order to pottery a suitable picture of the relations between the two coasts of the Persian Gulf, which showed the cultural expansion of the Parthians through seafaring in the Persian Gulf. In this article, the pottery types of the Parthian period of Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question of this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron can the distribution of these types be a sign of cultural interactions on both sides of the Persian Gulf? Then the cultural development of the Parthian period was formed under what factors based on the findings of the Tom-Maron? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making, the color of the body and the paste in the Tom-Maron, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified. About 10 samples of Parthian period pottery were found in this area (Table 1). Among the prominent examples of the Parthian period, we can mention Namord and Lando (Figure 8) was found in prominent sites in the north of the Persian Gulf, such as Reyshahr (Whitechouse & Williamson, 1973). Dambkouh (Basafa, 2008: 24, PL), (row 9, table 1). Regarding the chronology of this type of pottery, Potts has classified them into two old Parthian periods, the first and second centuries AD, and the new type in the early Sassanian period (Potts, 1998: 211).
Single yellow glazed pottery (Fig 6), turquoise monochrome (Fig 7) and pottery with gray paste (Fig 5) are also examples of Parthian pottery from this area in the northern regions of the Persian Gulf , especially in the Qeshm region (Khosrowzadeh , 1392) has been obtained (rows 4,5&6 of Table 1). Other types of pottery with pea-colored paste (Fig 3) and brown brick- like paste (Fig 2) have also been introduced as pottery of this period due to their placement in the layers of the Parthian period , in terms of the comparative of these pottery with the sites of northeastern Iran, such as the Ismail Abad Neishabour site (Davari et al, 2017). In this context, it can be said that one of the most important types of pottery found in this area is Namord pottery. Considering the widespread distribution of Namord pottery in the southeast of Iran and the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, this type of pottery was probably exchanged in the Persian Gulf as a commodity in a limited and local trade between the northern and southern areas of the Persian Gulf. Although Williamson has proposed the Rodan plain and Minab region as the production area of this type of pottery (Williamson. 1972), the Namord type pottery of Tom-Maron area is also similar in terms of identifying comparable samples in areas such as Kush (Kennet 6.fig :2002). Maliha was obtained on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf.

Conclusion
The connection of the Persian Gulf of Iran is not limited to its geographical proximity, but this sea along with its islands and coasts has been a part of Iran’s territory and culture in different historical periods and is a symbol of the manifestations and works of Iranian culture. In this research, according to the distribution and typology of Parthian period pottery in the Tom-Maron area, the relationship of this area with the areas of the same period was investigated. Based on the present research, 10 types of Parthian period pottery were identified. The results of the typological comparisons show that the similarities between the Parthian pottery of the Rodan region and the neighboring regions, as well as their differences with the distant regions, indicate a wide connection between these regions. Based on the characteristics and typology of the pottery of Tom-Maron site and the remains of pottery kilns, it can be concluded that this site was one of the main centers of Parthian pottery production on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf. The pottery of the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf, Kerman, northeastern Iran, and the southern coastal areas of Persian Gulf have the most similarities with the pottery of Tom-Maron. Also, based on the archaeological excavations of Tom-Maron and the evidence and data obtained, it seems that the Parthian period sites in Rodan plain follow a homogeneous cultural pattern with other sites on the same horizon in the cultural area of the Persian Gulf. The examples of Parthian pottery in the southern countries of the Persian Gulf also apply due to areas from the northern Persian Gulf and its extensive production in those settlements.

Abstract
One of the key issues of the Paleolithic archaeology is pathways and expansion routes of Pleistocene human populations into Asia. Recent discovered Paleolithic sites in the southern coasts and hinterlands of Iran, indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. The 1977 joint French-Iranian geological survey carried out by Thibault, Dufaure, Mercier and Kadjar, gave rise to one of the important contributions to Paleolithic knowledge on the northern coastline of the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea in pre-revolutionary years. During this survey, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected above a sequence of successive pediment surface, but unfortunately, the final report of Paleolithic finds, was never published. The lithic collections kept at the Paleolithic Department of National Museum of Iran. In this paper, the techno-typological characteristics of this collection is presented. The most prominent feature of this collection is the core-flake industry of the Lower Paleolithic; although we are not sure about the Acheulian evidence. The Middle Paleolithic artifacts in the collections are defined by Levallois debitages, discoid/semi-centripetal cores, and scrapers on flakes, especially transverse and oblique scrapers; however, it is not enough to attribute these finds to the Mousterian culture. The low frequencies of the blades and the lack of bladelets make it difficult to draw conclusions about the Upper/Epipaleolithic industries. The small number of blades and the presence of single platform blade/bladelet core, as well as a truncated blade, are possible evidence of Upper/Epipaleolithic presence in these assemblages. These assemblages can be considered as a new insight into technological behavior of Pleistocene hunter-gatherers in this poorly known part of the Iranian plateau. They show the high capacity of northern shores and littoral of the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea for Pleistocene archaeological studies, and a notable place to test hypotheses such as Out-of-Africa and coastal expansions.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Oman Sea, Pleistocene Archaeology, Paleolithic, Lithic industries, Coastal Dispersal.

Introduction
An important aspect of Paleolithic archeology relates to pathways and routes taken by Pleistocene human groups in Asia. Discovered Paleolithic sites along the northern coasts and hinterlands of the Persian Gulf, Strait of Hormuz and Oman Sea (Thibault, 1977; Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980; Sarlak et al. 2004; Dashtizadeh, 2009, 2010, 2012a, 2012b; Ali Talesh, 2012; Biglari et al. 2012; Barfi et al. 2013; Zarei & Ravaei 2013; Anjomrooz, 2019; Rahmati & Dashtizadeh, 2019; Zarei, 2021) indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. One of these region that produced a substantial body of evidence is the northeastern shores of the Strait of Hormuz in the Hormozgan Province.
The first Paleolithic material discovered along the southern coast of Iran was by Vita-Finzi during his 1974 and 1975 fieldwork along the Makran coast. It constituted a surface collection with Middle Paleolithic characteristics, including the use of the Levallois method (Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980). After that, the French-Iranian joint team with the supervision of Claude Thibault and Mohammad Hassan Kadjar surveyed this region during April and May 1977. During this mission, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected on the surface of a succession of pediment surfaces (Thibault, 1977; Dufaure, 1978). Unfortunately, the final report of this survey was never published due to the untimely death of Thibault (Thibault, 1977; Amirlou, 1986; Biglari & Shidrang 2006). The lithic assemblages kept in the Paleolithic Department of the National Museum of Iran, has been studied by the author for a Master thesis (Zarei, 2015). A small part of the survey finds was taken to Bordeaux University by Thibault for further analysis and therefore were excluded from this study (F. Biglari, personal communication, Jan 2014). In this paper, I present the techno-typological characteristic of this lithic collection.

The 1977 Joint French-Iranian Geological Mission
The French-Iranian joint field mission included the following: C. Thibault as Quaternary geologist and Paleolithic archeologist; Jean-Jacques Dufaure as geomorphologist and Jacques Mercier and M. H. Kadjar, both structural and regional geologists, all arrived together in April 1977 with base camp in Minab. On the very first day of field work along the Hassan Langi to Roudan road section, Thibault began picking up lithics material left behind on a pediment surface superposed on a magnificently exposed reverse fault. Unfortunately, with the untimely death of Thibault in a car accident during an archeological mission in Algeria, a final publication concerning these Paleolithic finds was no longer possible but accompanied with a preliminary field report (Thibault, 1977). Dufaure, also wrote a detailed review and synthesis of his observations (Dufaure, 1978). After two decades, a new French team came back to the Minab area to set up a GPS network for Neotectonic studies. Regard and colleagues also measured in situ produced 10Be in quartz boulders exposed on the top surfaces of Late Quaternary sequences (Regard et al. 2005).
With the initial establishment of Center for Paleolithic Research (later Paleolithic Department) in 2000 and officially starting this center, all lithics were taken out from warehouses of museum and organized at this center. Meanwhile, Thibault’s collection was obtained and transferred to the Paleolithic Department and the was briefly studied by Biglari and Shidrang (2006). Initially, the assemblages which consists of 430 lithics, were divided into 6 general categories based on the locations in the tags which include: Minab-Roudan Road, Minab, Sadich, Hassan Langi, and two untitled locations. These locations contain 22 sampling points based on the combination code of the tags. Due to the presence of geofacts in the initial observation, the geofacts and lithic artifacts were separated, which resulted in the identification of 160 lithics (37.2%) and 270 geofacts (62.8%).

Conclusion
Paleolithic research in Southern Iranian coasts, began in 1974-77 following the geological studies of east Hormozgan. During the geological survey of French-Iranian joint mission by Thibault and Kadjar in 1977, a significant lithic assemblage was collected. The typo-technological characteristics of Lower Paleolithic core-flake in these assemblages shares some similarities with Baluchistan region and Arabian Peninsula. In addition, possible artifacts attributed to Acheulian culture are comparable to the Arabian Peninsula; however, such evidence has not been reported in more northern regions such as Kerman, Fars, and Southern Zagros. On the other hand, the use of Levallois method along with some scrapers in the Middle Paleolithic period is comparable to the examples of Arabian Peninsula, Southern Zagros, Fars, and Kerman. However, these assemblages do not provide sufficient information to identify the Upper Paleolithic/Epipaleolithic culture on the southern coasts of Iran and its comparison with the neighboring regions.
The surface of the Persian Gulf has been affected by changes in the mean sea level and these changes caused the Gulf to pull back to follow the Strait of Hormuz during the Middle and Upper Pleistocene and in several phases dried completely (Rose & Petraglia, 2009; Rose, 2010; Armitage et al., 2011). According to the recent finds, it is possible that Pleistocene human groups entered the northern shores of the Persian Gulf after passing the Arabian Peninsula and crossing the dry Strait of Hormuz. However, the route of distribution from Southern Zagros to the northern shores of the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman is also worth considering and must be tested. To gain more concise details regarding the Pleistocene human distribution in this region, intensive and systematic survey, excavation of in situ deposits, absolute datings and more accurate knowledge of the typo-technological characteristics are needed, that should be expected in the near future.
 

Abstract
Cultural Iran according to historical evidences, archaeological remains and cultural features such as language, ceremonies and customs, it covers a wide range from Central Asia to parts of the Indian subcontinent to the Caucasus and Asia Minor and throughout the Middle East and parts of the north of Africa. Throughout the history of the governments that ruled the Iranian plateau, at certain points in time have dominated a large part of the ancient world that, while political domination, have left their cultural influence directly and indirectly in various aspects in these realms and areas. These effects on the mentioned areas are so deep that they can be considered as part of the cultural Iran. Material evidence of this influence and cultural influences can be found in the material remains left in the form of cities, as well as the character of buildings, ancient hills and historical sites and  their dependent effects related to them, including the formation and patterns of pottery, architectural decorations, as well as cultural influences such as language, clothing, customs, and mythology. In this regard, trade and exchange in the form of transfer of artificial products from Iran to other lands also has a particular importance. In this regard, some pieces of tile decorations in Qalhat site were obtained during the archeological survey of the Iranian mission, which are clear examples in this field. The ancient port of Qalhat in Oman is one of the lands that owes part of its history to the presence of the Iranian element there; According to evidences, the presence began at the beginning of the historical period of Iran, ie the Achaemenid period, and has continued for centuries. In this article, we are going to introduction this ancient port to answer the question that tile decorations obtained from the archeological survey of the Iranian mission how confirm the trade and cultural exchange between Iran and this port ? Another question is: from which center or tile production center in Iran have been these tiles traded? This research is descriptive historical type and seeks to answer the research question with an archaeological approach based on evidences and remains from survery and library studies, including refering to historical texts and other sources.
Keywords: Qalhat Island, Bibimarim, Zarinfam Tile, Iranian Archaeological Board, Kashan.

Introduction
The ancient port of Qalhat is located 15 km north of the port and industrial city of Sur in the eastern province of Oman. Qalhat is one of the most important ports in Islamic lands along with other ports such as Sohar and Nazwa in Oman and Siraf in Iran, which has been of special importance throughout its history due to their location. This port is located in a triangle area where the natural and geographical features including mountains and sea have formed. The city covers an area of around 60 hectares from the west to the heights of Jabal Al-Hijr, from the north to the alluvial valley of Wadi Al-Helm, and from the east to the sea, and from the south to the city fence wall. Cultural exchanges of 
The results of the study program showed that the first period of settlement in this place reaches the third millennium BC (Bronze Age of Oman). Also, historical information confirms the continuation of the activity of the inhabitants of this place in the Iron Age, and periods of Parthian, Sassanid, early Islamic, Islamic Middle Ages - Seljuk period - until the sunset of the peaks in the seventeenth century AD. Accordingly, we are witnessing a period of about four thousand five hundred years of residence and prosperity in this port city.

Description
At the end of its life, this port was occupied by the Portuguese during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid. The Portuguese at this time in order to expand their colonies and dominate on the Persian Gulf, the Sea of Oman, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean and control the lucrative trade of these parts and compete with the Dutchs and the Britishs who at this time realized these lucrative areas, Sent warships and units of their navy to these areas and occupied important areas including several islands and ports, which can be mentione areas such as Gambron port - Bandar Abbas - Hormoz and Qishm islands in Iran and ports of Qalhat, Ras al-Hadd, Sohar, Nazwa and Qoryat in Oman. In 1639, following the revolt of the inhabitants of the people of Qalhat against the occupiers and the recapture of the city, the defeated Portuguese retreated using explosives placed in the city on one side and with the cannons of their ships on the other targeted the city with severe attacks and completely destroyed it , so that except for the tomb of Bibi Maryam and the water reservoir of the city that was adjacent to it, all urban structures were destroyed. Some have attributed the non-destruction of the tomb to the Portuguese respect for Maryam’s name. In any case, this destruction was so widespread that it led to the destruction and abandonment of the people, and thus this important port disappeared for ever.
Following the conclusion of an agreement between the Cultural Heritage Research Organization of Iran and the Ministry of Archeology and Culture of the Oman, Two research programs were conducted in the Qalhat area under the supervision of the author. During the first season in the winter of 2007, this area was archaeologically surveyed and all its architectural remains were mapped and documented. In this regard, the important places of the port, including the areas around Bibi Maryam’s tomb and Qalhat Mosque, were surveyed with more focus.  In the second season, in the winter of 2008, based on the knowledge obtained from the archaeological survey conducted in the previous season, a place was selected for excavation, which resulted a building with the use of a khan or travelers’ residence.

Conclusion
One of the sites surveyed by the Iranian archaeologists is the remains of the ruined Mosque of Qalhat, which is located in the southeastern part of the city and overlooks the sea. This mosque has a square plan and was constructed with materials including rubble and light coral stones, like other buildings in the city, and from the surface artifacts, it can be seen that it was decorated with a lot of decorative elements related to architecture. The tiles used in this building are of the star and cross type in turquoise and green colors.
The most important building in this city is the tomb of Bibi Maryam, which has a quadrangular building with a crypt tomb; A building that, as mentioned, has survived the pervasive destruction of the city by the Portuguese. Bibi Maryam, the wife of “Ayaz”, the ruler of the Ilkhanid period, was in Hormoz, who sat on the throne for 2 years after the death of her husband around 696 and 697 AH.  According to the available evidence, parts of the inside and outside of the tomb were covered with tiles. Except for a few pieces, none of the tile decorations are left on this building, at now, but existed evidences on walls indicate that many parts of the building are covered with different types of tiles.  The study indicated that, pieces of several types of tiles were used as ornament for the tomb. In this article, we have introduce the tiles obtained from the study and discussed how to transfer these cultural materials in the form of trade and compare and them with similar examples in Iran. 

Abstract
Sasanian Silver Bowl at the National Museum of Iran, known as the “dancer-musicians scene”, has been one of the museum’s most archaeological works for the past sixty years. According to Ali Sami, this bowl was purchased in 1334 (1955); it is attributed to the north of Iran (Kelardasht of Mazandaran). The palm-shaped head of this bowl shows four dancer-musician-singers with four different well-known musical instruments as well as a figure of a pheasant in the center. In all previous scholarly works, as well as in the many exhibitions in which this bowl has been displayed, this work has been referred to as the motif of the “female dancers-musicians”. However, doubtful interpretations of musical instruments of the motif can be found in the same scholarly works. Obviously Iranian scholars to the internally held exhibitions have followed previously mentioned works. The author will first challenge the “femininity” of these four dancer-musician-singers and will testify the view that three of them are only masculine. Secondly, I will present a new proposal to the readers with a different interpretation of these Iranian music instruments. Also, the author considers this bowl to probably be a heritage from the Persian Gulf (southern, not northern Iran). Furthermore, I will also focus on the identity of these dancer-musicians in such a musical group scene as “Indian gypsies” or at least inspired by such a musical style. The author will also refer to two other lesser-known similar bowls of the Museum. Meanwhile, the author will present a new perspective on the date of this silver object which is based on its motif details and two more Silver Works at the National Museum of Iran. In this comparative study, I will draw a line between the three motifs (of the bowls, especially two of them) based on the two seasons of “winter and spring (or summer)”!
Keywords: Sasanian Silver Bowl, National Museum of Iran, Musician-dancers Scene, Kelardasht, India Gypsy, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Much has been said and written about the Persian Gulf. Since more than 500 years ago until now, about cultural landscapes, art, music, clothing, food styles to different harbors and etc. through foreign travelogues and Iranian documents can be attributed to colorful valuable data on the Persian Gulf. Archaeology has also testified a large tangible data about Iranian identity over the Persian Gulf. Pre-historic objects to the valuable inscription of Darius the Great obtained from the Suez Canal to other archeological finds from Bushehr, Siraf, Kharg, Qeshm, Hormoz, etc., are proof of this claim. Zoroastrianism legacy in Saudi Arabia and especially Yemen to recent Sasanian coins from the United Arab Emirates, Sasanian fortresses in Oman (cf. Potts, 2012: online)... can be proof of our historical ownership of the Persian Gulf.
Nevertheless, the article stresses on a review of a Sasanian magnificent artistic relic in the National Museum of Iran. This masterpiece frequently has been referred for at least the lasxty years. This significant object has been displayed in most of exhibitions from the inside to the abroad. This Sasanian heritage has been published in most of the catalogs of the National Museum of Iran and international exhibitions. This very beautiful Sasanian work, “silver bowl” known as the “scene of dancer-musicians” with registry number 1332, weight 575.7, diameter 22.55 cm, and height 7 cm, obtained from Kelardasht (?), Mazandaran.

ConclusionUndoubtedly, the Sasanian silver bowl at the National Museum of Iran can be studied from a new perspective. This view can challenge all previous scholarly works from two different aspects.
First, the musical instruments portrayed on this work can testify to its interrelationship with the shores of the Persian Gulf. For example, Castanet or Sinj is a typical instrument. There is a golden shipwreck’s photo (with eight musicians-singers), has some similarities with the silver bowls of the National Museum of Iran, on the website of Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore.6 According to the website, the work has been discovered from a Persian Gulf bound ship drowned near Indonesia. However, the author has doubts about authenticity of this report! 
Although there are few written archaic texts but these instruments have been valid from generation to generation in Iran as endorsed by sources in Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, oral history as well as archeological documents until they have reached our time. 
Most Post-Sasanian sources have preserved valuable information about Arghanun, sorena, lute (barbat) and even chime.7 Although Zoroastrian texts do not help on such a topic but the story of Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak (Oryan, 2004: 58) mentioned some of the best musicians: “harp-players, lute-players, wan players,8 tambour players, and reed players.” 
Chime (cf. Ibn Sina)9 is one of the oldest musical instruments in southern Iran. The Haft-Joush (seven parts) chime was also one of the most common of these musical instruments; the Indian type of which (made of bronze) had a special reputation in Bushehr (Darvishi, 2004: 540,32). Type of the short handled and tied to the fingers have been (and still are) the most common chimes in southern Iran (for the same instrument, see: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 191).
Another important fact is that the production and control of the melody with these four instruments were very difficult for females (women); three of them (bowl) still considered male instruments. In Taq Bostan too, sorena and a kind of arghanun (or bagpipe, maybe nay-e anban) are played by men where females are depicted as tambourine and harp players (farmer, 1964: 96). Both of these latter instruments have always been depicted and described in this way (female).
So, the gender of the musicians will be the second key point of this object. It is as if the previous works did not pay attention to the connection between the “type of instrument and the type of gender” which, according to the tradition, they were at least skilled players. 
The story of “ Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak “ (Oryan, 2004: 96) describes “a sweet-singing-dancer and a beauty with big breasts, wasp waist, black and long hair ...”. Here are two questions:
1. Whether the female musician-dancer figures on the Sasanian silver legacy, with big breasts, slim waist and charming disheveled hair (National Museum of Iran, cf. fig. 6) cannot be a seal of endorsing the above-mentioned Pahlavi text? If that is the case, which I believe it is:
2. Isn’t this (description) contrary to the motif of the musicians of the silver bowl at the National Museum?
This issue of course according to the type of make-up and body shape confirms that three of them are males. Therefore, in the dance-music scene of other objects, the shawl on the breast (or part of it such as Bishapur mosaic), from behind (such as the silver decanter at the National Museum) or above the head like a sunshade (fig. 9) can be seen. Here, the shawl is skillfully placed on privy parts (low body) by the craftsman in order to have observed Iranian ethics (of course with partial rotation of the body). If in other objects, the shawl plays a role in covering the breasts of women, here it covers probably their low bodies.  This is not very compatible with Roman art!
In the Sasanian silver decanter at the National Museum, despite a kind of decorated forehead, the hair of the musician is hung from both sides towards the shoulders but here typical long-braided hair can remind us of Indian style which impacted the Persian Gulf coasts. However, no trace of the hair of the above mentioned musicians can be seen here, and they wear a head-gear (with two different logos on the forehead in pairs) that is fastened with a bandage under the throat (it is unlikely to be a hair strand). On this bowl, the whole body (with details) is portrayed in front and the head is turned to another side (profile), something that does not occur much with other works. The highly balanced and professional limbs of these dancer-musician-singers indicate their affiliation with a professional group. The beautiful and balanced body as well as the “hairless face” of these three male musicians plus one female, is thought to be one of the reasons for calling these four dancers females.
Furthermore, a theme rarely seen in Sasanian art is a “harmonious music group”  (male and female) scene. Even in the royal hunting scene of Taq Bostan, less resemblance (coordinated group) can be found to this bowl.  The musicians of Taq Bostan cannot be called a scene of a group performance.
Another similar silver bowl (fig. 10) with the same motif (four dancer-musicians from Kelardasht) at the National Museum of Iran published by S. Ayazi (2005: 92-93) already. These two bowls differentiate each other by some significant details which have never been studied. In the second bowl, the relatively “thick cover” of the musicians along with the figures of the “birds” is very significant. It seems, to me, that the first one reflects summer or spring season but the second one clearly recalls the winter season. Figures of different birds (which can be discovered in the spring season) is a part of the claim (the second one). There is also a third bowl with the same scene, in the National Museum, which I will write about in more detail in the future.
The author believes that the motifs of these three bowls are merely radiant of a “simple secular feast” (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 55; also: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 200). Obviously, the Sasanian heritages can never have been recorded without religious traces, which subconsciously ruled the artist’s mind. Hence, the meaningful name of the owner of the first bowl  (Farrokh-hormozd not windad-hormozd) to the design of the black “ten” leaves of the palm branch, the pearl ring around the pheasant in the middle of the object, the number of pearls of the pearl ring, two ribbons and also the three branches in the beak (Glory, triple social casts  or the doctrine of the Zoroastrianism) are part of this claim.
 Although the existence of motif of birds and animals in Sasanian art (rock, art, bullae, etc...) is a normal subject, but the figure of a pheasant (center of the bowl) can remind us of the “Khorasan Art School” that goes as far as China (Akbarzadeh, 2020: 267). 
The author believes that there is no connection between this scene and the one from Roman legacy of Dionysian or the goddess Anahita (Catalog of Wien, 2003: 233; Gunter and Jett, 1992: 27), as mentioned in all previous works. The following reasons can support me to challenge the previous works: “the typical oriental type of dance of these dancer-musicians, which is evident from their body shape, the pheasant figure most unrelated to the Zoroastrian goddess, the partial nudity dancers, which is not compatible with the officially known Sasanian art (but they are covered on the second bowl), their instruments, the absence of any bold religious symbols etc... supposedly for their body shape (type of dance), type of head-bands, shawl pattern, typical southern chime (with base, like pliers), dancer-musicians in group scene ...” Also, the author points the finger at India, not the Roman heritage for such a coordinated group performance that Sasanian art lacked (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 60). 
The Indians have always been known as female-males dancer-musicians in group form (unlike individual Sasanian dancer-singers). Also, the figure of the peacock (bowls 2-3) can support this claim. Moreover, the presence of Indian musicians-dancers in the Sasanian period is a well-known issue. It is obvious that Bahram V (Gur), after treating the mental condition of the Iranian society, ordered many musicians from India to come to Iran and play in public. These musicians are known as “gypsies” in the history of Iran.10 In fact, the author evaluates this group of naked (and partly-covered) dancer-musicians (with a completely different body shape) on these Sasanian bowls as Indian gypsies. Their half-nakedness cannot be an Iranian tradition in dance. In a work, about such instruments, attributed to Ibn Khordadbeh (Mallah, 1963: 28; Sami, 1970: 49) narrates that: “Iranians usually played the lute with the flute and the tambourine and the sorna with the dohol (drum) and mastaj (chime) and the senj.” 
The author also believes that due to the to the accuracy in construction and high technic of these valuable bowls and the processing of artistic symbols, especially such a dancer-musicians in group scene, its attribution to the eighth century AD., Post-Sasanian period (given the socio-political situation of Iran), is questionable. If this bowl(s) was made in the geographical boundary of Sasanian Fars province (including parts from Khuzestan to Fars and the whole of present-day Bushehr province) (which is strongly believed to be the case), the eighth century AD. was the most difficult period of this part of the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, the artistic details of these objects are never less, if not more beautiful than the objects of the sixth century AD. (cf. Lawergren, 2009: online). The skill in the inscribed needle-shaped of the owner’s religious name, the exact size of the body of the musicians, the branches of the grape, colored lace and other details indicate that the creation of this work can be even brighter than the eighth century AD. 
Despite this, a fundamental problem will remain and that is the type of cover of the dancers on these three bowls. This coverage can mean a “seasonal difference”, that is likely to be the case. Based on this one, we should focus on the eighth century AD. The author suggests that the second bowl (covered dancers) can be a reminder of Mihragan Festival at the beginning of winter and the first one (naked) can be reminiscent of Nowruz Festival (or a summer fest). This six-month gap (between two seasons) is the least reason why the two group of the two objects can be considered the same. If we cannot opine about the time of Mihragan Festival, but the time of Nowruz Fest was not fixed at the beginning of spring in the Sasanian calendar. This event is related to the early Islamic periods and this one does not contradict the eighth century. In short, that discovery of this bowl (for whatever reason) from northern Iran will never be an excuse to consider its origin as northern, and of course this is not surprising in archeology.

Abstract
The native and traditional architecture of each region has been derived from the climate and geography of that region, and mosques as the most important permanent building of Islam in different cities and climates have developed and survived over time by maintaining their unique characteristics in accordance with the climate of each region. The survival of the structure of the historical mosques of Hamedan has also been influenced by the climatic indicators of the region and the climate has guaranteed the structure of the mosques for many years and has provided the possibility of peaceful coexistence of architecture with the environment and its integration. On this basis, this question can be asked that to what extent did climatic characteristics influence the process of forming mosques? In other words, to what extent have climatic factors been effective in creating similar shapes and forms in the building of Hamedan mosques? Its purpose is to recognize Hamedan’s climatic indicators in the structure of mosques by relying on study sources and field surveys to provide a basis for answering the mentioned questions .Considering that the quality of the structural model and the materials used in the mosques of Hamadan city have many similarities with each other due to the high foothill climate of the region ,and the design matching the climate in most of the mosques of this region is similar to other cities of the high foothill climate and mountainous has been observed, as a result, by studying and comparing architecture and climate, the degree of adherence to climate in the architecture of these valuable structures can be obtained. In order to understand the architecture of the historical mosques of Hamadan city, all the documentary, library and field data have been reviewed in a comprehensive way to reveal the effects of climate on the architectural structure of the mosques.
Keywords: Mountainous Region, Hamedan, Architecture, Mosques.

Introduction
In most of the historical and geographical sources of the Islamic era, the life and position of the city and its landmark works such as mosques, especially the Grand Mosque, have been talked about, and it has always had many study attractions for archeology, history and art researchers. In terms of urban identity, Jame Mosque of Hamadan has an old structure from the early Islamic era. However, the majority of neighborhood mosques were built in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period, and a number of mosques, which are related to the Islamic Middle Ages, were revived during this era and the Qajar era. The plan of these mosques is square-rectangular and they follow the pillared nave pattern, without minarets and garlands. The majority of these mosques are built along the bazaar or on the side of the main roads of the city and play an important role in the formation of the design systems and public image of the city. Despite such a key position in the context of the city, investigation and research on the structure of mosques has often been scattered and focused only on the expression of architectural features. Therefore, the role of some influential factors such as climatic indicators in the structure of mosques, which are adapted to the climate of each region as much as possible, has been less noticed. Based on the main objectives of the article, the author aims to examine the architectural structure of the mosques of Hamedan city based on the climate of the region in the time frame of the Islamic era .Based on the mentioned approach, the review of historical and contemporary written sources, archeological data, excavation documents, and field surveys can provide researchers with a comprehensive and complete analysis of the exact location of mosques in the urban context and their architectural analysis based on the region’s climate.

Introduction
The mosques of Hamedan city, as one of the prestigious cities of many centuries of Islam, are very important in the civilization of the Islamic era from various aspects of study and research. In most of the historical and geographical sources of the Islamic era, the life and position of the city and its landmark works such as mosques, especially the Grand Mosque, have been talked about, and it has always had many study attractions for archeology, history and art researchers. In terms of urban identity, Jame Mosque of Hamadan has an old structure from the early Islamic era, which has been repaired and restored in different periods and additions have been added to it. Investigations and evidence show that the majority of neighborhood mosques were built in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period, and a number of mosques, which are related to the Islamic Middle Ages, were revived during this period and the Qajar era. There is a mosque in each neighborhood of Hamadan city, among these mosques, we can mention Nazarbeg, Shalbafan, Chaman-Chopanha, Prophet, Imamzadeh Yahya, Gazran, Mirzataqi, Kalpa, Kebabian, Haji, Haj Kalbali and Alavian mosques. The plan of these mosques is square-rectangular and they follow the columned nave pattern, without minarets and garlands. Considering the importance of a significant number of mosques that are scattered in the city of Hamadan, each one is located on the path of one of the main neighborhoods of the city in the old context. The majority of these mosques are built along the bazaar or on the side of the main roads of the city and play an important role in the formation of the design systems and public image of the city. Despite such a key position in the context of the city, the investigation and research about the structure of mosques has often been scattered and focused only on the expression of architectural features. Therefore, the role of some influential factors such as climatic indicators in the structure of mosques, which are adapted to the climate of each region as much as possible, has been less noticed. Based on the main objectives of the article, the author aims to examine the architectural structure of the mosques of Hamedan city based on the climate of the region in the time frame of the Islamic era. Undoubtedly, this method of investigation and analysis can solve the study gaps regarding the architectural structures of mosques and climatic effects in them to a great extent. Based on the mentioned approach, the review of historical and contemporary written sources, archeological data, excavation documents, and field investigations can provide a comprehensive and complete analysis of the exact location of mosques in the urban context and the architectural analysis of mosques in Hamadan city. To provide researchers with the climate of the region.

Discussion
Although the historical mosques of Hamedan follow the general principles of mosque building, they have used methods to adapt to the cold climate of the region. The presence of courtyards in Hamedan mosques is often shown in three ways. Due to the unevenness of the city fabric in all areas, in sloping lands, part of the body of mosques is sunk into the ground. In addition to the external structure of mosques, often the internal parts are also designed under the influence of climatic conditions. Often, the roof of the mosques in this area is not dome or flat due to weather conditions and the amount of snow and rain. Comprehensive mosques are excluded from the general rule due to their centrality in the urban context of each region and often have a dome cover. Except for comprehensive mosques, keeping the balance in the ambient temperature as one of the design priorities has led the majority of mosques in this region to have flat or smooth roofs.
In some mosques of this region, there is only one nave with the characteristics of winter naves, and in other mosques, due to the more appropriate use of the nave space in different seasons, dual spaces have been considered for winter naves and summer naves. The axis of placement of the winter and summer Shabestan in the design of the mosque depends on the climatic pattern of the region. The number and dimensions of the openings in the mosque building imply maintaining the internal temperature, for this reason, in most mosques, the number and size of the openings and skylights of the external walls of the mosque are reduced to the minimum possible to control the heat exchange. The cold weather in the cold seasons of the year in the mountainous climate requires materials such as stone, brick and clay in the structure of buildings, especially mosques.

Conclusion
In the four regions of Iran, the body of mosques has been adapted as much as possible to the climate of each region so that in addition to meeting religious or political needs, human comfort needs are also provided in the space inside the mosque. Climatic factors are visible as influential factors in the structure of mosques in Hamadan city. The quality of the structural model and the materials used in Hamadan mosques have many similarities with each other due to the climate of Hamadan. In the review of 16 prominent mosques in the urban context of Hamadan, it can be clearly stated that the overall structure of the mosques does not have significant differences from each other. The plan of most mosques is often compact and square or rectangular. Most of the mosques, except Jame Mosque, Haj Kalbali Mosque and Sheverin Mosque, have a central tabernacle, and the materials used in all mosques are generally the same. Heavy materials such as brick and stone are prioritized due to their high thermal mass. All mosques have flat roofs, which causes snow to accumulate on the roof, and the only dome-shaped mosque in the city is Jame Mosque as the main mosque. The height of most of the mosques in this area is relatively short, except for the Grand Mosque. The dimensions of the openings and windows in the mosques of this area are few. The importance of the courtyard in other regions is not seen in such mosques. The layout of mosques is mostly integrated with the surrounding context such as alleys, streets, residential houses and markets, and the mosques are connected to the adjacent buildings, which is effective in maintaining the heat inside the mosques as well as the adjacent buildings.

Abstract
One of the most critical found objects from the site of Shahr-i Sokhta are lapis lazuli stones and beads, which were used as stone jewelry and ornaments. One of the site’s most significant archaeological and archaeometry topics is the way of manufacturing and types of stone structures into these objects. The Shahr-i Sokhta’s lapis lazuli beads manufactured with flint borers are in the forms of lens, lozenge, circle, etc., and were used as jewelry and ornaments such as bracelets, anklets, necklaces, etc. The main discussion in this research is recognizing the structure and studying the mineralogy of lapis lazuli beads discovered from Shahr-i Sokhta. Hence, by using laboratory-device methods such as petrography of thin sections, X-ray energy diffraction microanalysis, Raman Spectroscopy analysis, and gemology methods, this research studies the structures of three samples of lapis lazuli beads and stones of Shahr-i Sokhta. The results of laboratory studies show that Shahr-i Sokhta’s structure of lapis lazuli stone consists of lazurite minerals with a high percentage of calcite mineral impurities, which causes a reduction of transparency and purity of the lapis lazuli stones; also, elemental studies represent the presence of lazurite minerals. Raman structural and gemological studies show the structure, the amount of absorption coefficient, and its specific weight in the main structure of lapis lazuli stone. Chemical and structural studies indicate that the stones are similar in terms of composition.
Keywords: Stone Jewelries, Lapis Lazuli, Archeaometry,  Shahr-i Sokhta in Sistan, South-east of the Iranian Plateau.

Introduction
Shahr-i Sokhta is one of the most important and key sites among Bronz-age sites in southeast Iran’s archaeology (Biscione et al., 1974; Tosi, 1968, 1969, 1973; 1976; Tosi and Piperno, 1975; Savatori & Vidale, 1997; Piperno & Salvatori, 2007). Through excavations during different years up to now, a vast majority of semiprecious Stones and jewelry have been discovered; some of them are healthy beads in the form of necklaces, bracelets, and anklets, while others are half-worked beads as well as raw stone and blocks (Foglini, 1998). The jewelry is lapis lazuli, agate, chlorite, turquoise, limestone, flint, jasper, marble (calcite and aragonite), quartz, green tuff, and chert; that one of the most significant of them is lapis lazuli which was brought to Shahr-i Sokhta as a result of the trade from other regions. lapis lazuli stone in various forms and shapes is the most discovered abundant cultural material in Shahr-i Sokhta (Sajjadi, 2005, 2007). The discovered lapis lazuli are healthy and semi-worked, as well as raw and discarded material. The archaeological studies have demonstrated that the raw lapis lazuli blocks were imported into Shahr-i Sokhta, and then they were changed into various artifacts by artisans (Farzin et al., 2019). Hence, recognizing the structure and method of manufacturing the discovered lapis lazuli beads from Shahr-i Sokhta could be one of the most important topics for archaeologists. The archaeo-gemological study is a field of archaeometry that investigates and recognizes the structure and method of manufacturing and polishing these semiprecious Stone ornaments and jewelry. Archaeo-gemological studies examine minerals, gem materials, and jewelry, which were used as ornaments, decorative objects, jewelry materials, etc., in particular eras and places of the ancient world (Hatipoglu & Guney, 2013; Rapp, 2009; Dominguez-Bella, 2012). Therefore, this research based on Archaeo-gemological studies investigates the preliminary lapis lazuli stone jewelry produced in Shahr-i Sokhta.

Material and Methods (Samples)
The selected samples in this research include three pieces of lapis lazuli discovered from the archaeological survey of Shahr-i Sokhta. One of the samples is a raw material with a small incision that had been discarded as waste (SH-L1). The other one is a rectangular object with grooves in its width, which was broken during use (SH-L2), and the last one is a tiny bead; all three are studied in this research (SH-L3).

Methods
Microscopic thin section petrography (OPM) is administered to examine the samples under a polarizing microscope. The device model used in this research is James Swift, made in England.
The elemental Micro-analysis EDX method is applied to recognize samples chemical combinations. This examination is conducted through EDX devise coupled with a field emission electron microscope (FESEM) manufactured by Tasken company, model MIRA3TESCAN-XMU.
For structural investigation of the samples, this research uses Raman spectroscopy examination through (Takram) P50C0R10 model device, Taskan company in Raman laboratory. This device has a laser wavelength of 532nm (Nd: YAG Laser), and the range of Raman shift RS is 100-4600.
Moreover, this study uses gemological methods such as specific weight and refractive index to identify the samples.

Results
Petrography
According to the petrographic studies of the lapis lazuli samples under a polarizing microscope, blue lazurite minerals are seen with white calcite.
 
Raman Spectroscopy
The obtained spectra from this chart are compared with the reference spectrum at http://www.rruff.info This comparison indicates the existing lazurite in the stone structure of Na3Ca(Si3Al3)O12S. There is a Raman spectrum in the range of 546 cm-1, 1092 cm-1, and 254 cm-1, and the intensified spectrum is high in the range of 546 cm-1, considered the main spectrum.

EDX
Micro-analysis (EDX) Obtained spectra in the formula of these stones represent the amount of silicon (19/61 and 19/11), aluminum (7/14 and 7/21), magnesium (7/98 and 6/73), calcium (4/98 and 4/94), and sodium (3/46 and 3/13) elements with the highest abundance.

Gemological Analysis
This part investigates these lapis lazuli’s mineralogical features through two refractometer methods and the determination of specific weight. 

Refractometer
Among Shahr-i Sokhta’s studied samples, this research has selected three lapis lazuli samples to study. For investigating, first, one drop of special liquid (REFRACTOMETER LIQUID-Nd 1.81) is poured into the location of the samples; second, the flat sides of the gems locates on the oil. Then, by turning on the device lamp and closing the deflectometer cap, one could obtain each sample’s refractive coefficient measure by reading the refractive coefficient. The type of the studied sample has been identified by measuring the refractive coefficient of the samples and comparing obtained numbers with the standard table of gems (GIA- GEM PROPERTY CHART). The refractive coefficient of 1.50 is related to lapis lazuli stone.

Determination of Specific Weight
One of the quick identifying ways of the gems is the determination of their specific weight, which causes no damage to the gems. To obtain the particular weight of each mineral or gem, first, they are weighted in the air and then in the water. Next, by using a formula, the amount of specific weight is calculated. The particular weight of the discovered lapis lazuli samples of Shahr-i Sokhta is 2.1-3.3. 

Conclusion
Microscopic investigations based on the thin section petrography show that the structure of studied lapis lazuli is lazurite mineral type with calcite minerals. In microscopic images, Lazurite minerals clearly are blue, calcite minerals in the stone texture are white, and pyrite minerals rarely can be seen in the studied stone texture. Identifying the existence of a significant amount of calcite and a poor amount of pyrite in the lapis lazuli structure represents the amount of impurities in these stones. Furthermore, elemental analysis of the three lapis lazuli indicates that there are other elements with the highest frequency; these elements are silicon (20/95 and 20/67), aluminum (7/80 and 7/63), magnesium (7/28 and 8/52), calcium (4/94 and 5/33), sodium (3/34 and 3/74) and sulfur (0/66 and 1/09). In fact, lapis lazurite is a blue stone whose chemical composition is variable, and its basic composition is mineral lazurite consisting of aluminum, calcium, and sodium silicates. Lapis lazuli consists of several different minerals, such as sodalite, hauynolith, calcite, pyrite, and lazurite, which are lapis lazuli’s main components. Fewer white calcite spots and more yellow pyrite in the lapis lazuli indicate the best quality of the lapis lazuli. In table 3, silicon element (29.87%) and calcium element (12.26%) are the most amounts of compounds in the Shahr-i Sokhta lapis lazuli structures. The identified chemical compositions of the lapis lazuli in Shahr-i Sokhta are a high amount of calcium and a low amount of iron, which indicates the lapis lazuli structure of this site has a high calcium impurity and low pyrite impurity; this issue could be confirmed through petrography studies. Finally, this analysis represents the correct recognition of the composition and type of used stones in manufacturing ornament objects of Shahr-i Sokhta.
The element percentage of obtained spectra is clearly determined, indicating the main composition of lapis lazuli. The elements represent the chemical structure of a lapis lazuli, a lazulite mineral type with a high calcite impurity percentage. In addition, this study examines the three pieces of lapis lazuli samples through Raman spectroscopy; two samples represent almost similar peaks in the range of 546 cm-1 and 1092 cm-1, and only one sample shows a peak in the range of 546 cm-1. The investigations represent that based on the lapis lazuli studies using the Raman, the lapis lazuli in the mentioned ranges shows an almost significant peak. The number of elements and obtained spectra in these two spectra are almost similar.

Acknowledgments
This work has been supported by the “Investigation and study of Shahr-i Sokhta semi-precious stones” project funded by the Research Center for Conservation of Cultural Relics (RCCCR). The authors are thankful to Center for Conservation of Cultural Relics. The authors want to National Museum of Iran, Southeast Regional Museum of Zahedan, and Shahr-i Sokhta World Heritage Site for their supporting.

Abstract
One of the most important and controversial prehistoric cultural periods is Proto Elamite period, which can be considered as a revolution in the development, growth and development of communication and interaction of the people of that period, in the period of 3300 to 3000 B.C Many changes took place in this golden age, which itself is due to the existence of political and social complexities. During this period, livestock unions were formed, which had an Proto Elamite  writting on the inscriptions of this period. The union’s livelihood was based on animal husbandry. The economies of monogamous and farming communities are fully integrated with the livestock nomadic economy, and farmers are therefore the direct economic dependents of nomadic unions. Of course, it goes without saying that nomadic ranchers also need farmers, but this was not always the case. Farmers provided some of the farmers’ grains, but the farmers continued to cultivate. They usually had rainfed agriculture. But in general, the most important livestock economy is herding, and farmers needed to migrate to find forage, and on the other hand, the very hot weather in the area of Susa was not tolerable for livestock, and farmers had to migrate to colder areas. The inscriptions are very important in this cultural period. Inscriptions changed from counting mode to scrolls for managing office and animal documents that were thought-provoking. One of the most significant areas of the fourth millennium BC is the area of Susa, which in this period has a lot of livestock inscriptions. In this article, the authors try to analyze the type and number of livestock inscriptions, the existence of a nomadic union, and subsequently the bipolarity of the Susa community in the early Elamite period.
Keywords: Fourth Millennium BC, Proto Elamite, Susa, Animal Husbandry, Inscription.

Introduction
Proto Elamaite refers to a period in history that chronologically shows 14 carbon samples obtained from millions of times between 3300 and 3000 BC.( Dahl et al, 2013: 358). But the end of this cultural period is not very clear yet (Pats, 1396: 99). Today, there are various sites from this period in Iran, some of which have been excavated, but according to the excavated sites, it covers a large part of the Iranian plateau, and so far 8 of its sites have been identified with an integrated writing standard.some of them like 1. Susa (Vallat, 1971) 2. Sialk (Ghrishman, 1938: XXXI) 3. Tal Geser (Alizadeh, 2014). Proto Elamite writing has an integrated structure in terms of form, writing and in terms of illustrating the ideas of the drawings. For example, in the field of animal texts, all of them have used a series of common or close signs, and in most cases, all of them have shown the difference between male and female goats, male and female sheep, and lambs with a single sign .Also, the same collection counting system is used.
Objective: To study the duality of the population of Susa (monogamous and nomadic) in the fourth millennium BC is based on the inscriptions of Proto Elamaite period, based on which it can be seen that Susa in Proto Elamate period is a bipolar society. Indigenous and probably in the same language, the Mesopotamian family is in the south of the Acropolis hill of Susa and a farming and pastoral community in the north of the Acropolis hill. Each nation provided the economic market for the other.
Research Questions: Has a union of animal husbandry communities been formed in Iran during Proto Elamaite period? Was Susa a community, farmer and cattle breeder in the Proto Elamite period?? What cultural connections have there been between livestock and monogamous communities?
Hypothesis: Considering the similarity of the structure and texts of Proto Elamite in the Iranian plateau, it can be seen that there was a connection between these areas and since the most consistency in the signs as well as the areas found in the herd. Early Elamite writings are related to animal texts, it can be seen that the livestock community may have played a role in this collection. These livestock communities in southwestern Iran were in close contact with Susa to meet their material needs, and probably half of Susa communities were forced to migrate to the highlands due to the large number of livestock in the warmer months of the year.
Research Method: In this research, the aim is to reconstruct the herdsman community living in the Susa area in the second half of the 4th millennium BC, which according to the statistical analysis of the number of livestock tablets compared to other Proto Elamite texts, shows that the most Note that these tablets have livestock provisions. In fact, it is possible to understand the type of livelihood of the Sush community in the Proto Elamite period from reading the tables, which is that the people of Sush were cattle breeders in the north of the hill and farmers in the south of the hill. The tablets obtained, which are mentioned in the research proposal, how to discover and decipher them, are very effective in achieving the goal of this research.

Proto Elamite inscriptions obtained from Susa
Proto Elamite inscriptions were first found in the excavations of Susa in 1900. (De Morgan, 1900: 130) Inscriptions are flattened clay fragments made by hand. They have formed. And are cooked at low heat or not cooked at all. In their study, the authors divided the Elamite inscriptions from Susa into two categories. One is the texts obtained from MDP.17, most of which were found from the north of Susa hill, and the other is the rest of the Susa inscriptions, which are generally obtained from the south of Susa hill. Demorgan’s large trench in MDP.6 had less than 10 percent of the animal texts But MDP.17 has the highest percentage of livestock statistics

Animal Texts of Susa
The content of all Elamite texts is administrative and related to the production, storage and distribution of the product (Dahl, 2015). In Proto Elamite texts, various signs are used for animals and livestock, but among them, only the sign of sheep and goat can be recognized with complete certainty due to the similarity with the example of the beginning of cuneiform can be distinguished from other animal signs. All livestock and domestic animal signs used in the herd are shown with abstract signs. Also, one of the most important factors related to livestock communities is the use of signs of livestock products.

Conclusion
Today, in the southwest of Iran, there are nomadic communities that have land in summer and winter, and apart from animal husbandry, whose main occupation is seasonal and rainfed agriculture, which does not meet the consumption of the whole year. And trade in livestock products and grains with the surrounding farming communities, and since the life of nomads depends on climate and environment, and since the end of the fourth millennium BC, major changes in water conditions and the weather in southwestern Iran has not happened. It is possible that the life of the nomads in Proto Elamite period was the same as now. By examining Proto Elamite tablets of Susa, it can be found that a significant part of them (nearly one third of the texts) are concepts related to wages, payment and in the field of livestock activity or collection and audit of livestock, and Attention is also regular with agricultural activity or payment of wages. By classifying the tablets and also according to the statistical concepts and percentages, it is determined that more than 32% of Proto Elamite texts obtained from Trench I of Domkenam in the north of the Acropolis hill are directly related to the counting and trading of livestock and may be part of the payment inscriptions whose goods Not specified, also related to livestock. According to Domkanem’s explanation, part of the inscriptions of the Great Trench of Damurgan is probably related to the texts of grain, storage and payment of labor wages, and at the time of publication, it was merged with a part of the tablets of the Great Trench in other Sush collections such as the book MDP.17 It has been reported that if they are separated, the number of livestock in the north of Shush Hill will probably reach a much higher number than %32. which in general can be understood the livelihood and life of the people of Susa in Proto Elamite period.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
Despite the importance, position and high role of the city of Hamadan in the political, economic, social and cultural developments of Iran during the Qajar era, targeted studies that determine the spatial organization and social structure of this city during that period have not been carried out, and there are many questions regarding the nature of the changes in the context. Its history remains unanswered. The current research seeks to answer questions about the transformation and development of the spatial structure of Hamedan city during the Qajar era by relying on written sources, architectural works and archaeological evidence. In order to achieve this goal, while using all the written sources related to this city in the mentioned period, the changes of the urban context and the structural characteristics of its spaces were determined and the factors affecting the growth and development of the city were determined during this period. The result of the research made it clear that due to its ancient background, special geographical location, benefiting from suitable environmental capabilities such as abundant water resources, and also due to its location on the path of important trade-pilgrimage routes in the Qajar period, Hamedan was one of the cities with social and economic importance and status. It has gained merit and accommodates a relatively large population and has attracted the attention of various social groups, especially merchants. Thus, suitable conditions have been created for the construction and discovery of numerous architectural works and monuments with different functions (defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, squares and plazas, markets and caravanserais, mosques, schools, baths, churches, etc.) and the urban space, especially in aspects The south and southeast have developed and expanded significantly.
Keywords: Iranian Cities, Qajar Era Cities, Historical Context of Hamadan, Spatial Structure, Written Sources.

Introduction
Cities are one of the main centers of the emergence of civilization and valuable cultural treasures, without knowing them, it is not possible to study the history of various developments in human life. For this purpose, the study of the cities left from the past plays a significant role in understanding the political, administrative, social, economic and cultural structure of the societies that created them (Krimian, 2014: 121-111) and can provide clear horizons in recognizing the physical, social and cultural structures And reopen the past civilizations to researchers (Krimian and Seyedin, 2009: 69). The study of the ancient living spaces of Iran and the historical contexts of the cities is a necessity that has allocated a part of the scientific activities of archaeologists. Although the historical fabric of Hamedan has suffered a lot of damage due to various reasons, including indiscriminate and irregular constructions, but a number of its historical and valuable buildings have survived the ravages of various times and manipulations. Recovered and recognized to a great extent. Hamadan is one of the few historical and ancient cities in the country that has survived historical developments with strength and has preserved its historical context to some extent. Undoubtedly, Hamedan’s location on the path of communication routes in different eras, as well as its special geographical location and the benefit of environmental capabilities are the main reasons for the continuity of this city throughout history. Fortunately, valuable elements of the architecture of the Qajar era have survived in this city, and by studying them, it is possible to analyze and restore the spatial structure of Hamadan city to a great extent.
The purpose of the Research: The main purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to find out how the physical structure and spatial organization of Hamadan was created, developed and transformed by relying on architectural works, archaeological evidence, written sources and visual documents left from the Qajar period.
Research Questions: In this study, we have attempted to answer questions about space structure, different types of architectural works, scope and physical realm, as well as the extent to which different social groups have been influenced by the space organization and architectural works of Hamadan in the Qajar era.
Research Method: The study presented in this article is historical -analytical in nature and content, and has been conducted in both field and library methods.
The original text of the previous article consists of several different sections. In the discussion of the research background, the most important studies on the historical context of Hamadan have been emphasized with the emphasis on the Qajar era. In the context of the structural characteristics of the Iranian cities in the Qajar era, the main characteristics and components of the identity of Iranian cities in the Qajar period as well as how the structural characteristics of Iranian cities from the Safavid era to Qajar has been discussed. The next section of the article is analyzed and explained by the Qajar Space Organization in the Qajar era based on written sources. Travelogues and historical texts from the Qajar era have formed the most important study sources in this section. In the other section, the urban spaces of Hamadan during the Qajar period are discussed. In this section, relying on written sources and existing architectural evidence, some of the most important physical and historical spaces recovered by the Qajar era of Hamadan, including defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, inter -and -outskirts, squares and squares, commercial spaces and markets And the disposal of sewage, mosques, baths, churches, and so on. It was also known that marketers and traders were more involved in the phenomenon of the city’s architectural works in the Qajar era than other social groups.

Conclusion
In the present article, it was attempted to find out what the space structure of Hamadan had in the Qajar period by relying on the written sources and existing architectural works. With what was done, it turned out that the city was forming from three internal (city center), middle (urban areas and neighborhoods) and exterior (fence and suburbs). Hamadan Space Agency is also influenced by the pattern of Islamic cities of Iran, has a citadel (government, bureaucratic and administrative headquarters), Jame Mosque (Religious Center) and Market (Economic Heart) and other urban elements (schools, blessed shrines, intra city caravans, baths And ...) Somehow they were related to these three. Relying on written documents, it can be said that areas outside the city’s defense walls were exploited for agriculture and horticulture. During the Qajar period of Hamedan, with the center of the mosque and the bazaar in the south and southeast direction, it expanded and some new neighborhoods, along with urban elements such as mosques, baths, etc., are being constructed in this area. Most of the reasons for the expansion of the city’s texture in this area can be considered as the proper slope of the land and the lack of natural effects that could have been a barrier to construction. Due to the flow of the four rivers inside and outside the city during the Qajar period and their annual floods that occur as a result of heavy and long -term rainfall, as well as the slope of the city in the south -north, as a result of the flooding of the northern parts, as well as the natural complication. The so -called Mosalla hill in the eastern part, which prevented the development of the city’s physical structure, was the best way to develop it, southern and southeast side, along the rivers in the inner -city rivers of al -Wawsger and Davin. According to written and illustrated documents as well as existing architectural works and archaeological evidence, it can be said that the city of Hamedan in the Qajar period from the north to the Goulan Heights, Nazarbaig and Shalabafan, from the east to the neighborhoods of Imamzadeh Yahya and Zandis, from the West to the Bonehbazar and Sabadbafan neighborhoods were confined to the Kolapa, Doroudabad and Doguran neighborhoods from the south. Also, the result of studies on the role and influence of different social groups and classes in the formation of Qajar architectural works of Hamadan indicated that the traders and marketers of the marketers top the list of builders and sponsors of various buildings (religious, commercial, residential and public).

Abstract
Qal’eh Dokhtar, as one of the important historical sites on the eastern outskirts of Kerman, has been described in historical texts with different names such as Qal’eh Kooh and Qal’eh Kohan, as a place of political and social events. One of the important features of this castle is its special location in Kerman plain, as well as the extent of its architectural structures and type of materials. The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature, function, and chronology of Qal’eh Dokhtar. This study was done based on the results of an archaeological survey, sounding, and archaeological excavation in 2019 in this site. This study can explain the role and position of Qal’eh Dokhtar in the social and political developments of Kerman during the Islamic era. Data collection was done by documentary and field methods and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The questions are: When were the foundations and renovations of Qal’eh Dokhtar made and what were the functions of this complex? For this purpose, the data of previous archaeological research and recent field activities of the authors were studied and reviewed, and while studying the historical geography of the region, a correct idea of the nature, formation, and function of this building in relation to cultural developments, Political and social of this area in the different period were presented. The study of cultural materials along with the study of historical sources shows that this site is probably almost continuously inhabited from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the tenth century AH. The results show that this structure has played a decisive role in the political and social developments in the region. It seems that Qal’eh Dokhtar was probably constructed and reconstructed from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the Safavid era for establishing a military and defense base, as a place to hold political prisoners, a treasury, a safe haven for sit-ins and the rulers and their families.
Keywords: Qal’eh Dokhtar in Kerman, Qal’eh Kooh, Qal’eh Kohan, Historical Castles, Islamic Architecture.

Introduction
Based on historical evidence, Kerman city was founded due to an economic-military necessity. The necessity that required the important branch of the Khorasan arterial road, that is, the spice route of India and the coasts of the Oman Sea, passes through the deserts of Kerman and Baluchistan and connects to the Khorasan arterial road. The Kerman region was located in the center of the intersection of the mentioned roads (Zarei and Heydari, 2013: 202). Because of this special situation, Kerman was also subject to internal and external attacks since historical times (Bastani Parizi, 2016: 40). Therefore, large castles were built for military and defensive purposes to prevent damage and protect lives and property from enemy attacks. Qal’eh Dokhtar is one of the important castles that was founded in response to such needs. In its ups and downs history, this castle has been one of the most famous and eventful castles, especially during the Islamic era, compared to other historical castles in the southeast. Based on the historical sources, political events in the history of Kerman in different periods are connected with this castle (see: Afzal al-Din Kermani, 2016: 124; Vaziri, 2016: 102; Monshi Kermani, 2018: 62; Sykes, 2016: 80).
Despite this, none of the above studies gives a detailed understanding of the nature, function, and chronology of this monument in connection with the social and political developments of Kerman. Historical sources also show a number of contradictions about the date of construction and function of Qal’eh Dokhtar. Most of these contradictions have been caused by the lack of detailed and comprehensive investigation or the ignorance of historians. Considering that the previous researches related to Qal’eh Dokhtar were only descriptive, the importance of the research is that it studied the nature and use of this castle with an analytical approach.
Materials and Method: In this research, by studying historical texts and architectural structures and cultural data (including the remains of pottery from the archaeological excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar), an attempt was made to create a clear understanding of the history of construction, the process, and stages of renovations, its functions based on the developments. Data collection in this research has been done by field and documentary methods. Based on this, the study and analysis of the findings of the authors’ excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar has been done to explain the construction chronology, the process and stages of renovations, and the functions of the castle. Also, the historical texts related to this work have been analyzed in the “content analysis” method, and by matching the data from these documents with the archaeological findings, new analyzes have been tried to be presented about this work.

Data
Qal’eh Dokhtar is built on a high rock overlooking the landscape of Kerman plain. This high rock is stretched lengthwise from east to west and its length is more than 720 meters. The architecture of Qal’eh Dokhtar follows the topography of this rock. Some of the architectural spaces of Qal’eh Dokhtar were formed on large stone slabs, and in some others, space was provided for construction by carving the mountain rocks, and buildings were formed with mud-brick, crushed stone, Sarooj, plaster, and lime. In the eastern part of the complex, architectural evidence of two and three stories has been left. In the northernmost part of the middle section, the architectural structures of this section were probably the ruling buildings. In the northwest of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there is a wide and half-ruined gate, a small pedestrian gate, and a high and solid tower. In the south of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there are remains of a brick water basin.

Discussion
Analyzing the content of historical sources provides information about the functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar during the Islamic era. For example, the first function of Qal’eh Dokhtar as a “place for opponents of the government” can be mentioned (Monshi Kermani, 1328: 23; Hafez Abro, 1375: 53-52). The second function of Qal’eh Dokhtar was based on the analysis of the content of historical texts, “a place to store government treasures” (Katabi, 1985: 100; Hafez Abro, 1996: 157). The third function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can also be considered as “the residence of rulers and their families” in some periods (Afzal al-Din Kermani, 1977: 124). The last function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can be seen as a shelter for besiegers (Khabisi, 1994: 187). In addition to these, we can also mention the role of Qal’eh Dokhtar in keeping political prisoners, which is hidden in historical sources (Monshi Kermani, 1949: 15; Hafez Abro, 1996: 20). Based on this, Qal’eh Dokhtar has had different functions in different eras and as a part of the spatial organization of Kerman city, it has played a special role in the political and social developments of this city in the Islamic era.

Conclusion
Qal’eh Dokhtar in the east of Kerman city was one of the important castles that was founded in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic period due to the need to deal with the threat of invading tribes on the south and southeast highway of the country, and it became the throne of the rulers of Kerman in different periods. For two reasons, Qal’eh Dokhtar played a role as a military and defense structure along with other castles in Kerman in providing security to the east of Kerman and the highways of the region. The First reason is “its location on top of the natural elevation and dominates the Kerman plain”, and the Second is “the important position of the city of Kerman from a military point of view during the Sassanid era”. However, the analysis of the content of Islamic written sources and the study of archaeological evidence, including pottery and architectural structures, show a basic reconstruction phase in the 4th century AH, a deliberate destruction phase in the late 6th century AH, two phases of reconstruction in the early and at the end of the 7th century A.H. and a stage of reconstruction took place in the second half of the 8th century A.H. in Qal’eh Dokhtar. Along with these developments and renovations, other functions were added to the security and defense functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar. As it has functioned as a place to keep political prisoners, in other times as a place to keep government treasures, sometimes as a safe haven for the opposition and in other periods as a residence of rulers and their families.

Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to Dr. Asadullah Jodaki Azizi for his advice.

Abstract
Miankouh Area is contractually known as a district of southern part of the Central Zagros in the southwest of Iran. Despite its small area (680 km2), due to its location between highlands there are two distinct micro ecozones with natural resources and an abundance of plant and animal species and has been suitable for the vertical seasonal movements throughout the year in order to access to various resources in the subsistence from the Pleistocene to the present. Our knowledge of its Mousterian cultures is derived from three-season field surveys between 2009 and 2011 years in both Low Altitude (LAZ) and High Altitude Zones (HAZ) with an average altitude of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l). This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ? Totally, 1454 stone artifacts were collected from the Middle Paleolithic Open-air sites of both zones. Preliminary results show that the MP hunter-gatherers of Miankouh exploited both zones with relatively a homogeneous tool kit influenced by the permanent rivers in LAZ and pool resources available in HAZ within the daily radius of movement at a distance of 5 to 20 km, which had often been turned into flakes and various tools using several techniques. They also used the type of tools that are commonly recognizable in the stone industries of other MP cultures of Zagros.
Keywords: Zagros, Bakhtiari Highlands, Stone Industries, Mousterian.

Introduction
One of the largest bodies of research on montane adaptation comes from the Zagros Mountains of Iran and Iraq. Most of the Palaeolithic archaeological researches of Zagros have focused on, north, south (Azadi, 2017; Dashtizadeh & Hosseini, 2008; Conard et al., 2006; Rosenberg, 1985) as well as the north parts of Central Zagros (see Abdi, 1999; Adams, 1954; Biglari & Abdi, 1999; Coon, 1951; Dibble, 1984; Jaubert et al., 2009; Trinkaus & Biglari, 2006; Young & Smith, 1966; Roustaei et al., 2002; Roustaei et al., 2004). Broadly, it can be declared that there is no comprehensive evidence about conditions of the Palaeolithic sites in the Bakhtiari region in Southern part of the central Zagros.
This paper presents an analysis of a group of MP lithic assemblages collected from a set of open-air localities during field surveys conducted in both Lower Altitude (LAZ) and Higher Altitude Zones (HAZ) of Miankouh District with an area of approximately 680 km2 and an average elevation of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l) in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (ChB) Province, Iran (Khosrowzadeh, 2011, 2010a, 2009).
For the aims, these assemblages provide insights into mobility, landscape-use, and lithic technological decision-making in high-altitude environments by the MP hunter-gatherers in the Zagros Mountains and beyond.
These data presented in the current paper originates from the area of the Miankouh highlands (Bahraminia et al., 2022) from where MP evidence can help further elucidate the issues identified with the Zagros Mousterian as an explanatory framework for MP seasonal mobility and land-use patterns in the Zagros Mountains (Lindly, 1997; Skinner, 1965).
This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ?

Materials and Methods
To record the surface findings, as soon as the first artefact was found, a radius of 200 meters around the point of this find was evaluated in different directions by a group of five people. By focusing on the MP period, 177 MPO locales in the form of points with XY coordinates incorporating 1454 stone artefact were analyzed. In order to assess the techno-typological aspects of the lithic assemblages in the region we used advanced analytical tools (SPSS tool boxes) at the local landscape level. 

Results
From the surface of both ecozones a low density of lithic artefacts ranging from 1 to 36 pieces was identified for the MP each identified here as a specific “locale”. The area under study provided a large number of cultural materials including lithic artefacts from MP UP and EP as well as a considerable amount of potteries from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic as well as the Late Islamic period. For the purpose of this paper, we only examined stone assemblage of the MP period. 
A total of 1454 lithic artefacts (whole and fragmented) were collected during the Miankouh survey, with 874 pieces from 113 MPO locales coming from LAZ, and 580 pieces from 63 MPO locales from HAZ. We identified four main groups including core, tool, unretouched flake, and debris.
In terms of lithic technology, preferential and recurrent Levallois methods are clearly used in the production of flakes. Recurrent methods of unipolar, bipolar, and centripetal were used to knap the flakes. Moreover, the dorsal scar patterns among the cores, tools and unretouched flakes indicate non-Levallois semi-pyramidal and discoidal methods are other debitage techniques in the MP stone industry of Miankouh.
For 970 artefacts which were categorized as tool, scrapers and blades represent highest frequency of tool types in assemblage which were followed by retouched flakes, points, notch/denticulates, borer/burins, and hand axes. In process of tool-making have generally been used the Plain/flat and faceted platforms more than other types. Points of both LAZ and HAZ are the end products in this group because about 82 % of them do not have any cortex on their dorsal face. Also, 50.88 % of total unretouched whole flakes have cortex on the dorsal face. Geneste has already classified such samples in the early stages of the reduction system in the tool production cycle (Geneste, 1985). 

Conclusion
The use of Levallois technique was initially reported not to be present in the Mousterian Zagros assemblages (Skinner, 1965). Its widespread use within Zagros Middle Palaeolithic assemblages was however eventually confirmed by Dibble (1984) (Bahraminia et al., 2022) (and papers in Olszewski and Dibble, 1993). That the utilization of Levallois technique in the region cannot however be expected to be universal has recently been established through excavations at Qaleh Bozi close to the Miankouh field survey area, where a relative absence of Levallois technique was reported (Biglari et al., 2009).
Unfortunately, we do not have reliable metric core data and other lithic artefacts from other MP sites of the Zagros in order to support our results. In order to better understand the effects of elevation on size and weight as well as its effect on the quality and quantity of MP toolkits, we need to measure metric values of lithic assemblages from other sites/locales within the Zagros Mountains at different elevations from a ‘landscape-oriented’ or ‘siteless’ approach.
The overall composition of the Miankouh lithic assemblage from a techno-typological point of view includes relatively short flakes. Retouched pieces on flake are other features of this collection. A glance at all cores from Miankouh reveal that in LAZ usually larger stone cobbles have been used as cores in comparison with HAZ. The mean weight of those from LAZ is 56.66 grams while in HAZ it is 41.98. In the case of core reduction strategies, the high frequency of cortical flakes, unretouched flakes, irregular retouched flakes, and typical tools suggest that the knapping processes were accomplished at some of localities of LAZ. It seems that the production of tools on cortical flakes (for example notch/denticulates) has been a common tool making tradition in the study area. The presence of short flakes in the Miankouh lithic assemblage may reflect the fact that the use of short flakes had been a common tradition at the MP sites in high-altitude environments. It can be raised that some Mousterian debitage strategies for the production of flakes and tools were commonly presented in Miankouh where stone raw material in the form of river pebbles and chert nodules of limestone outcrops were available in this mountainous region.

Abstract
Inscriptions in the decorations of building of the Islamic period have been noticed by artists since the early Islamic centuries. Overtime, inscriptions are damaged by various factors and need to be restored. Considering that every year in the country, a large amount of restoration operations are carried out on damaged historical monuments, including inscriptions. It was seen through the investigation that in most cases the restorations are tasteful and sometimes incorrect. In order to find the most important causes of incorrect restoration in written inscriptions, the qualitative method was used, and the grounded theory method was used to analyze the data. This research is practical in terms of purpose. The data was collected through field observations and interviews with 12 people related to the restoration of inscriptions and by purposeful sampling, and the data continued until theoretical saturation was reached. The results of the research showed that in addition to the lack of criteria that agree with the theoretical foundations of restorations, due to the prominence of the calligraphy and category, factors such as self-centered empiricism, the variety of viewpoints, knowledge and awareness of the traditional master craftsman and the rules of restoration and the lack of the artistic perspective of the traditional master craftsman. For various reasons, inscriptions have led to incorrect restorations, and of course, the lack of training courses by the institutions in charge of restoration has also been involved. Also, the variety of approaches in the restoration of inscriptions and lack of attention to the rules governing the art of inscriptions are considered as the most important consequences of the restoration of inscriptions. 
Keywords: Written Inscription, Incorrect Restoration, Foundation Data Theory, Architecture of The Islamic Period of Iran.

Introduction
With the beginning of the Islamic era and the restoration of human and animal depictions, the use of inscriptions with religious, literary and historical themes reached its peak with various calligraphy methods and styles. This enduring art that is inscription is still performed by artists to this day. Inscription like other historical works, suffer from various physical, chemical, biological and human damages, and from various perspectives of value, aesthetics, originality, legibility, unity and integrity they suffer serious damage. Therefore, despite the important characteristics mentioned about this category of written works, the need to pay attention to this category of work is revealed in restoration operations. The importance of paying attention to the issue among other valuable historical and cultural work is important in the sense that there is a lake of criteria in accordance with the theoretical foundations of restoration, for the restoration of areas lacking in this category of valuable written works. Although in most cases, the restoration of this category of works is often done under the supervision of restoration experts, the approach and methods of doing the work in different examples are not subject to scientific principles and are mostly tasteful and sometimes incorrect and without regard to the ruling principles, they are restored on the art of calligraphy and inscriptions and it has caused distortion and sometimes loss of the of the inscription, its values and message.
According to examples of the restoration of written inscriptions ,when the restoration of a written inscription is done incorrectly , in fact, readability , integrity and beauty ( Beauty is in  harmony , balance, proportion , even beauty in observing the rules and recognizing the values and materials have been used (Qutbi, 1352, 31) the inscription is distorted and the audience , when viewing an inscription that has been incorrectly restored , gets the visual pleasure of seeing the harmony and connection between the words in an inscription will bs deprived. In fact, carrying out the restoration operation should reduce the inconsistency caused by the lack of space and help to read the work better.

Method Research
The upcoming research is applied research in terms of its purpose, because the researcher seek to obtain information that can be used in practical situations or solve a problems by means of them and obtain a solution to a problem. This research is a qualitative research in terms of method and in terms of data collection, it is based on field studies, interviews, observation and collection of documents and texts within the framework of the grounded theory method. The interview was conducted with the purposeful sampling method and until the theoretical saturation was reached 12 people were interviewed among the restoration experts, inscription artists and master traditional craftsmen. Grounded theory and systematic coding were used to analyze the interviews.

Research Background
Although restoration of inscriptions has always been one of the concerns of restorers, it seems that a comprehensive, coherent and effective study has not been done in this field. For example, the following can be mentioned: the Scientifics specialized and professional restoration community has not restoration of inscriptions of mosaic tiles in Iran (Soleimani et al., 2014), researchers have criticized the methods of restoration of mosaic tiles but there is no mention of the causes of its correct restoration. Also, sources such as Quchani (1365: 51), Bler (1394: 30) and Qader (1391: 86 &103) mention the non-original restorations of the reason for that has not been discussed. By checking the databases related to non-Persian theses, unfortunately, no example similar to the subject of this research was found. In line with above investigations, Persian sources were also carefully checked. 

Conclusion
Inscriptions are one of the most important and valuable works of the Islamic period and they are a living document from different perspectives such as historical, artistic etc. Restoration of inscription has always been one of the concerns of restorers. But the results of the interview and data showed that the main factor in the variety of approaches in the restoration of inscriptions and the lack of attention to the rules and regulations of inscriptions in the process of restoration operations is self-centered empiricism. Among the traditional craftsmen and even the scribes who are somehow related to the restoration process of the inscriptions, ignorance of the restoration rules or even ignorance of the different aspects of the inscriptions can be seen. Also, looking at the conducted interviews, it can be pointed out that the role of the custodian institutions in relation to the restoration of inscription is weak, unfortunately, in this field , training courses are not held for the inscription writers and traditional masters, and it seems that by holding training courses and obliging inscription writers and traditional masters to participate in these classes, recognizing the values of the works and observing various aspects in the matter of restoration are institutionalized. Even though in most cases, restoration operations are carried out under the supervision of restoration experts unfortunately, due to the lake of standards in the restoration of inscriptions shortage areas, diversity of approaches in the restoration of inscriptions and even incorrect restorations can be seen, also, it seems that one of the challenges in the field of protection and restoration of written inscriptions is the theoretical issues related.
To the restoration of this category of valuable written works: because the theoretical reliance of the theoretical discussions of conservation and restoration is often focused on Western theorists and their studies and theories, which have been explained from the viewpoint of a group of researchers and following the statements of summits, charters and such. Especially, when these theoretical rules are put forward in a general way and without considering the spatial, temporal and cultural background, they usually face constructions. In order to correct and solve these problems, attention should be paid to the local knowledge, which can be a way forward in view of the existing knowledge in the field of Iranian architecture and the rules governing the art of inscriptions, and in order to add new concepts and foundations to the field of conservation knowledge and restoration can be considered. 

Abstract
Cultural Heritage is the historical existence of a nation. Cultural heritage has internal, national and international functions and has intrinsic value. Among the most important values is “symbolic hegemony”. The symbolic value of cultural heritage and its transformation into cultural assets in the destination countries has made the superpowers think of acquiring the cultural assets of the countries, especially in the countries with rich cultural heritage, and has formed the “cultural assets conflict”. Cultural heritage is the symbol and manifestation of collective efforts of a nation in the context of time and storage of knowledge and ability of past generations. Therefore, cultural property and its diverse forms are like living beings that can always be restored/reconstructed and protected and have diverse and numerous uses for countries on a continuous basis; Superpowers by taking the cultural property and emptying these countries of cultural heritage; In fact, they drain the symbolic power of countries. Superpowers by taking the cultural property and emptying these countries of cultural heritage; in fact, they drain the symbolic power of countries. . The purpose of this article is to explain the values, especially the value of “symbolic hegemony” of cultural heritage. The theory of “symbolic hegemony and conflict of cultural assets” is a reflection of the story and cultural narrative of imperialism that has taken place around the country of Iran and countries with geo-cultural value. Considering cultural heritage as cultural assets and its geo-cultural values for a land; it is a special narrative type of cultural heritage that does not have much place in Iran’s cultural heritage literature.
Keywords: Cultural Asset, Hegemony, Symbol, Objectivity, Conflict.

Introduction
Today, the history of countries and nations is written based on cultural heritage. Cultural heritage includes a wide collection of tangible and intangible/movable and immovable property that include many places, events, oral and written history, and the lifestyle of people from the past to the present day. Cultural heritage and its diverse forms are the objective manifestation of the geo culture of a land that must always be restored and protected, and due to the possibility of communicating with the masses of people, they have the ability to be displayed and exposed in various places, such as museums or exhibitions, etc. The competition to gain the sphere of influence in the countries with cultural value is realized in different ways and with different means. Geopolitical competitions and the display of power are not achieved only through war and the destruction of modern facilities of a land; Rather, the destruction of the tangible manifestations of the cultural heritage of a land is one of the things that hegemonic countries always do to destroy the geographical values of lands with geopolitical and geo cultural value. Discrediting the cultural background of the target countries and destroying or downplaying the value of geo culture is done at a lower cost, which can be considered as one of the examples of “soft war”. This type of war provides the ground for the expansion of the hegemonic countries in the regions with geo-economic values by destroying the geo-cultural values. This type of approach and paradigm of colonial countries to destroy the geo cultural values that are manifested in cultural heritage can be put forward in the framework of the theory of “Symbolic hegemony and conflict of cultural heritage assets”.

Methodology
In fact, the present research presents a theory “symbolic hegemony and conflict of cultural assets” that, based on this; cultural heritage has been considered as cultural property, which can play a significant role in economic and geopolitical decisions of the country. Initially, it is compiled through library studies of the required information and then adapted to the cases that have been considered in the theory, first with information about the cultural heritage and values, and then in The case of countries that have been destroyed or extinct by American imperialism and the terrorist group of ISIL are cited, and then the theory of is explained.

Discussion
Globalization, emerging phenomena and social developments have increased the importance of cultural assets and day by day the protected of the cultural heritage of the countries in order to sustainable preservation for useable and different goals. The Theory” Symbolic hegemony and conflict of cultural heritage assets” which includes the basis of this article, Based on the conflict, some views have been presented; Destruction of cultural heritage in the Middle East and its protection and diversification in developed countries.  The number and abundance of objects and elements of cultural heritage is a sign of the continuity of civilization in a geographic area and territory, which the abundance of cultural assets is also a proof and objectivity of the spiritual heritage of a nation or country, including; Intelligence, genius and language are rich and... It has been proven today that nations with a strong language have been more civilized throughout history; because the multiplicity of cultural objects also expresses the richness of art and techniques. “Language” is also more complex in places where the number and frequency of cultural heritage elements are greater. For example, where they have lived a pastoral life, they have a simpler language. Every skill is an action. In places with a richer cultural heritage, the verb “to build” is used. Continuity in professions, especially economic professions, has led to skills, and skills have created treasures and knowledge. The location of the museum is the most significant example that can explain the above sentences. What do we see in museums? We actually see various goods of past times in museums. These diverse goods have a geographical origin and production; By the way, you have to think about their places of production. In the next step, the process of their production and the thoughts that designed and made them should be studied. Greece seems to have followed such a path. In Greece, when archaeological evidence, property of art and architecture were discovered, in addition to thinking about several objects and how to keep them; rather, a higher step was also taken, and that thought was about the thought of ancient Greece. A fundamental thought was done about the ancient Greek thought so that the postmodern philosophy was founded on the ancient Greek philosophy. Do archaeologists and cultural heritage custodians think about the places they discover? Is such an approach basically relevant in Iranian archeology literature? Unfortunately, Iranian archeology has not entered into these discussions based on the available written evidence; while basically the benefits of archeology lie in these kinds of discussions. Cultural heritage elements can produce method, technique and philosophy. The importance of the conflict over the acquisition of cultural assets lies in this point, this conflict started with the cover of some wars such as the war of “ISIS” in the region, and in the future, the “acquisition of the cultural assets of nations” will be a source of conflict between the powers.

Conclusion
The cultural heritage of each country is one of the most fundamental pillars of identity consolidation, creativity and national self-confidence. National identity is one of the dimensions of national power. National identity has many social, historical, geographical, cultural and political indicators. The cultural heritage as a symbolic hegemony, which if damaged or destroyed for any reason, That country or nation will lose its real power and there will be no concrete examples and objections to rebuild. Cultural heritage values are not due to their physical existence, but because of the thinking of their creators. The hidden and invisible values of the cultural heritage have pushed the superpowers into wars in the Middle East and probably brought the cultural property of the war-torn countries to the some museums. The cultural heritage is the objective crystallization of human thought that is of today’s contemporary use to society. Western superpowers have good learned to use the cultural heritage as assets. Consequently, wars were launched in the Middle East and sought to plunder the cultural heritage of war-torn countries According to the evidence and documentation, this paper presents the theory of “hegemony and the conflict of cultural property”. It is recommended “Cultural self-awareness” based on cultural heritage should be strengthened at the national and international levels. The powers to acquire the cultural heritage of nations, in addition to having economic and ideological goals in mind; Rather, they empty the nations that own cultural assets from symbolic rhetoric; Just like what ISIS did in Iraq and Syria, they destroyed the cultural heritage of these countries. Superpowers have targeted the existence of cultural heritage. If the “objectivity” of cultural heritage does not exist; Nations will not be able to have an authentic and ontological interpretation of life. Cultural assets, as the cultural wealth of nations and countries, reveal the inner and essential interpretation of nations in the context of time. If the elements of cultural heritage are not available, in addition to the fact that the people of the countries will not be able to interpret the technology and the rational and ontological interpretation and find the path of life in interaction with nature, they will also lose the knowledge and ability of the past.