Abstract
Due to the existence of fertile alluvial soil and more than one hundred aqueducts (Qanats), agriculture and horticulture were prosperous in the Borkhar plain, north of Isfahan during the Qajar period. Furthermore, its location on the Isfahan highway to the capital of government made it easy to export products to other regions. Accordingly, livelihood in the Borkhar plain was affected by agriculture and horticulture. The questions are: how was the exploitation and management of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar? Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Based on the archaeological data such as gardens with the irregular plan and vast gardens with the designed and regular plan, it can be concluded that the type of agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar plain was subsistence agriculture and agribusiness. In the early Qajar era, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore, the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture in this plain, such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.
Keywords: Strategies of Livelihood, Agriculture During Qajar Period, Architecture of Qajar Period, Borkhar in Isfahan, Khan’s Gardens.

Introduction
Livelihood means human assets, behaviors, and activities that determine the standard of living of an individual, family, or community (Ellis, 2000: 10). According to Chambers and Conway, livelihood also means the capabilities and necessary activities to survive and determine lifestyle (Chambers and Conway, 1992: I-II). The strategies of livelihood were developed in different communities to increase social welfare and public health (Gaillard et al., 2009: 120). These strategies were included agricultural and horticultural livelihood, animal husbandry, fisheries, industrial activities, road services, and trade. In this article, the architectural features of gardens and buildings related to agriculture in the Borkhar plain were explained. Then, the strategies of livelihood in this plain during the Qajar period were analyzed.
As the entrance passage of Isfahan from the north, Borkhar plain was a strategic area on the north-south communication route of the country. This plain was considered an agricultural and horticultural area on the periphery of Isfahan.
The questions are how was the exploitation of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar?
The importance of this research is that it recognizes the systems of management and exploitation of natural resources in the past, especially with an emphasis on the methods of achieving sustainable livelihoods based on the capabilities of the region. While today, some cities and villages in the region are facing serious risks in terms of conservation of natural resources and livelihood, due to incorrect policies in local and regional development and lack of attention to local capabilities.
Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Analyzes were performed by “content analysis” of historical sources and “spatial analysis” of architectural monuments related to horticulture and agriculture.

Exploitation and Resource Management in Borkhar 
Geologically, the Borkhar plain is an alluvial plain and its settlements were developed in these alluviums (Shafaqi, 2002: 97). These alluvial soils cause fertility in this plain. The fertility of the Borkhar plain on the one hand, and the rise of the landowners class in the Qajar period on the other, led to the division of ownership of agricultural lands and gardens between lords and large landowners. Accordingly, the number of lords increased and they gained higher social prestige during the Qajar period. In addition to building residential castles on their agricultural lands and gardens, the lords and employers hired several farmers and settled them to increase the production and use of the land (Amirhajloo et al., 2012b: 115). 
Despite the fertile soil, the amount of rainfall in Borkhar plain was low. Therefore, groundwater extraction methods were important and aqueducts were created in the plain for this reason. The remains of “Pang-khaneh” buildings as a place for the distribution of aqueduct water in the Borkhar plain are important. Factors affecting the water distribution of aqueducts in Borkhar plain were: the features of the place, the amount of water of aqueducts, the number of households using water resources, type of cultivation, and laws governing the region. Exceptionally, for private aqueducts located on lord’s farms, all aqueduct water belonged only to the landowner.

The Strategies of Horticulture and Agriculture Livelihood in Borkhar
If we want to analyze the livelihood strategies of horticulture and agriculture in the Borkhar plain, we must pay attention to “subsistence agriculture” and “Agribusiness”. Subsistence agriculture is a type of agriculture that aims to produce as much as the needs of the family, tribe, or village and does not pay attention to foreign markets and earnings (Mosher, 2008: 6). While Agribusiness means specialized cultivation, production over subsistence needs, and product sales in the various markets (Amini, 2016: 549). While from the middle of the Qajar era, especially from the time of Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, “Agribusiness” also became popular (Mansour Bakht, 2009: 123, 147). 
Archaeological evidence of the Qajar era in the Borkhar plain indicates both of the above farming strategies. Archaeological remains show the subsistence agriculture strategy in this period; For example, small enclosed gardens, scattered and irregular gardens with an organic plan on the periphery of the villages of Morchekhort, Gaz, Gorgab, Sin, Dormian, Zaman Abad, Dastgerd, Dolatabad, Dombi, and Margh. While there is other evidence that shows the strategy of Agribusiness in Borkhar in the Qajar era, such as regular lordly gardens with a pre-designed plan and residential spaces for lords and farmers, as well as castles of landlords.
The content analysis of Qajar sources also confirms the existence of the above two livelihood strategies in Borkhar. For example, crops such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, summer vegetables, turmeric, and beets were grown for local consumption. But crops such as melons and cotton were grown commercially and then exported.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological data and historical sources, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain during the early Qajar era. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture of wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets in this plain, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.

Abstract
Obviously Persepolis is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world. Numerous scholarly works have been published about this site since the last century. However, this article stresses on a specific and new topic concerning a tool on shoulders of an Indian among India’s delegation in Apadana Palace of Darius the Great. The portrait of the delegation has been pre-served in the eastern and (damaged) northern staircases. The author, unlike previous works, be-lieves that this tool reflects a bamboo-stick which is known in India.  Indians used accessible bamboo-sticks, as a native plant, to carry their loads. They put a bamboo-stick on the shoulders while tied two containers in its two sides. The bamboo-stick is also widely used in ritual cere-monies (Hinduism). Clearly, to transfer the holy water of Ganges River to Shiva temples, pil-grims use a bamboo-stick tied to two containers. The bamboo-stick has been a significant tool in Kanwar Cult or Kanwar-yatra in India. Furthermore, Krishna’s Flute is made of a bamboo wood! In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar, this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. Flexible bamboo-stick does not hurt the shoulders, it is easier to control with both hands and it is less likely to break. For this reason, these flexible sticks - un-like scales - do not need handles in the middle and fastenings at the two ends with their bas-kets! In fact, the Indian bamboo-stick carrier arrived at Darius the Great court with a pure Indi-an traditional manner. So, the author relying on the special standing of bamboo stick in Indian culture ranging from ritual ceremonies to the life style challenges previous scholarly works on this subject.
Keywords: CPersepolis, Apadana, India, Bamboo-Stick.

Introduction
Obviously, Persepolis is one of the most important archeological sites in the world. Many sci-entific works have been published about the site since one hundred years ago. Persepolis is lo-cated 60 km northeast of Shiraz in the Marvdasht plain. Around it, the glorious heritage of the Achaemenid to the Sasanian Empire can be seen on the mountains and valleys. The oldest de-scription of Persepolis, according to Diodorus Siculus (Herzfeld, 1941: 230), is based on ac-counts of Alexander’s appearance in the East. Nevertheless, Iranian geographers of the first Is-lamic centuries such as Mas’udi, Ibn Balkhi and Moqadasi ... have also pointed to this area in-tertwined with King Jamshid (cf. Akbarzadeh, 2014: 36). This magnificent national historical site was registered in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1979.
From the late Qajar period, western scholars began exploring and studying ancient sites and Persepolis was one of them. Shapur Shahbazi (2009: online) has referred to a list of these peo-ple. Among them, I should refer to the masters like Schmidt (1953, 1957, 1970; Herzfeld,1941; Stronack, 1961-1963; Behnam, 1939, Mostafavi, 1951, Shahbazi, 1976) and etc.

Topic of the Article
However, the subject of this article is a new research on the portrait of a tax-paying Indian del-egation on the eastern (also damaged northern) stairs of Darius the Great’s Apadana.
An Indian (of the delegation) is carrying something like a scale (according to previous work i.e Schmidt, 1953-1970; Root, 1979, Callieri, 2004: online; Briant is silent; Briant, 2002: 268). Meanwhile, the main question is that: Can this tool be a scale?
This tool, which is the main topic of this article, will be discussed according to a photo about the delegation (Persepolis). To challenge the previous works, I will refer to Indic texts where I will describe some old significant Indian rites.
In the photo, a long carrying stick all over the man’s shoulder (with protrusions on both sides), two cheek baskets that hang from the end of each piece of wood, without any fasteners is clear-ly visible. Moreover, the man’s hands are the most important factor in maintaining this flexible wood attached to heavy baskets on both sides. The powerful Achaemenid craftsman accurately displayed the flexibility of the wood.

Discussion
A look at the scale’s forms in the ancient world from the Hellenic borders to Egypt and Iran (Buttner & Renn, 2016: 757) as well as text studies (see next) clearly diminishes belief in that the Indian man is carrying a scale!
However, to answer the main question: I should note that this tool can never be a scale as all western and Iranian scholars have been convinced. I would explain it as a bamboo-stick, the fa-mous native plant of the country (India). This plant can be seen all over India, especially along rivers and valleys. The Indians have widely used (even today in villages) flexible bamboo wood to carry light cargo.
In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar (Balasokulam, 2005: no. E32), this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. “Once upon a time, when king Dashrath ruled, there lived a boy named Shravan Kumar. His parents were old and blind. He had to do all the works for them, since they couldn’t see. One day, Shravan Kumar’s parents expressed their de-sire to go on pilgrimage. As an obedient son, he wanted to fulfill their wish; but how would he do that? He couldn’t afford any transportation since he did not have money. He found another way. He took a strong bamboo-stick, tied baskets at its two ends and placed his parents in those baskets…” 
Furthermore, the bamboo-stick is mingled with the Hindu beliefs. Krishna normally appears with a flout which is made of bamboo! Sacred Ganga water carries by bamboo-stick (Kanwar) to Shiva Shrines.  In fact, Kanwar (Kanwar-yatra-) is a genre of religious performances where participants ritually carry water from a holy source in containers suspended on either side of the pole (cf. Singh: 2017, 46). 

Conclusion
The author believes that the portrait of that Indian tribute/gift bearer in Persepolis is only a re-flection of an Indian tradition in which Indians carried their goods in this way. It is strongly be-lieved that the two baskets at the two ends of the stick are the least reason why some scholars have confused it with the scales. In fact, this Indian man, according to his tradition, has brought a gift to the king! The multifunctional bamboo-stick of Persepolis (Skt. Vaina-, Hindi. Behngi and Kanwar (Bihar), probably Sogd. wn-, wn’kh (Apte, 2006: 27; Gharib, 2004: 408) were strongly supported by Indic texts and religious rites. In the story of Sravan Kumar, the loyal child took his parents to the pilgrimage by a bamboo-stick tied to two baskets! Also, Kanwar rite is one of the most important Hinduism beliefs where the bamboo-stick plays a significant role.
A part of religious aspect, flexible bamboo-stick was controllable by hands and it was accessi-ble and none-costly in all parts of the country.  Also, Indians were skilled to bring things by such bamboo-sticks. 
So, the craftsman recorded a detailed Indic tradition in the court of the Achaemenid king, Dari-us the Great, where this Indian man arrived with a bamboo-stick and nothing more. The author thinks that the bamboo-stick’s flexibility is a reason that some scholars mistakenly supposed some heavy things like gold stones (cf. Shahbazi, 2002, 268) can be referred in the boxes (of the baskets). 

Abstract
Ganjali Khan School (Caravanserai) in Kerman is one of the prominent buildings in Kerman from the Safavid period. Valuable gypsum arrays with different techniques have been implemented in this building. Among these arrays there are the Boumsab gypsum arrays that are executed in the royal room on all sides as well as the roof of the building. One of the special features of these arrays is the color of the mortar in the layers of the lower fine coat and the upper fine coat, which can be seen in three colors: red, yellow and gray. It should be noted that in the past, a layer of gypsum plaster has been applied on the surface of gypsum arrays in this building, but fortunately, in recent years, a large part of the additional layer has been peeled off the surface of gypsum arrays. Due to being special of this architectural arrangement and have not been done any detailed scientific study on these works so far, in this article, the structure of the colored mortars of this building has been investigated. Some of the questions of this research are: What is the structure of the colored mortars of Boumsab gypsum arrays in this building? What are the Major and Minor phases of mortar composition? What was the pigment in colored mortars? In this regard, sampling was done and FTIR, EDS, XRD analyzes were performed, which along with field studies, the research questions are answered. The results of the research show that gypsum mortar with the Major phases of gypsum and anhydrite has been used in different layers. Iron oxide (goethite) was also used to color the red and yellow mortars, and ash and lime were used for the gray mortar. Also, organic materials that used to change the quality of mortar were not identified in the structure of the samples.
Keywords: Gypsum Arrays, Colored Mortar, FTIR, EDS, XRD.

Introduction
Boumsab gypsum array is one of the types of low-rise architectural arrays. In this method, abrasion of areas from the fine coat (Intonaco) surface is done in order to create a different texture between the patterns and the background, the abrasion action covers only a part of the thickness of the fine coat layer and does not reach the layers under the fine coat. This method of stucco has been common in Isfahan since the time of Shah Abbas I (Aslani, 1391: 136). Ganjali Khan School (Caravanserai) in Kerman is one of the Monument in which the high quality Boumsab gypsum array has been executed. This Monument was built at the same time as the Ganjali Khan complex in the Safavid period, and one of the most beautiful architectural spaces in terms of architectural layout is the royal room, which is decorated with a gypsum arrangement of Boumsab. One of the features of the Boumsab gypsum array in this building that makes this array one of the other Boumsab gypsum arrays that have been identified as a result of the authors’ field studies (Aliqapoo in Isfahan, Pirnia House in Nain, Aliqapoo in Qazvin, and Kalkhoran Tomb in Ardabil), is the use of colored mortar in the fine coat layers performed in the royal school of Ganjali Khan School in Kerman. In this Monument, three colors of mortar are gray, red and yellow. Due to the fact that two layers of colored substrate are used on all sides as well as the ceiling of the room, at first it seems that gypsum mosaic is of Tokhmedaravari type, but by studying it closely, it can be concluded that Bumsab gypsum array. Another point is that the Boumsab gypsum array with these properties and with three colored mortars in one space, has been studied for the first time in Iran. 

Result and Discussion
FT-IR: In the spectrum of sample R-1 (Figure 5), the index vibrations of the gypsum can be seen in 3543, 1621, 1114, 670 and 600 cm-1 (Knittle et al., 2001: 635). However, there is a noticeable structural difference in this sample compared to the western side samples. In the spectrum of this sample, absorption bands of about 713, 874, 1430, 1800 and 2516 cm-1 are observed, which are related to carbonate vibrations in the calcite structure (Ylmen & Jaglid, 2013: 121). However, in addition to the absorption bands mentioned, bands of about 469, 521 (Fe-O), 795, and about 3650 cm-1 can be seen next to the 3543 cm-1 gypsum band. These absorption bands are generally visible in the red color spectrum of iron oxides. According to the researchers, these absorption bands and their position increase the possibility of using Hormoz bole or Armenian bole in this sample (ulaiuladienė et al., 2018: 249). 
EDS: The results of EDS analysis of the samples are presented in Table 1. For the amount of sulfur obtained from the S-2 sample in this study 13.02, the amount of 16.27% calcium is required for the gypsum composition. As can be seen in Table 2, the amount of calcium is greater than the amount required for the gypsum composition. 1.7% of the excess calcium can be related to the impurity of lime in the sample, which is normal in historical monuments. Examination of samples R-1, R-2 and R-3 show a significant amount of iron. Therefore, the results indicate the possibility of using iron compounds (ochre) as a red pigment in these samples.
XRD: Two samples R-1 and R-2 were examined using XRD, the results of which are presented in Table 3 and Figure 6. The main phases of R-1 are gypsum and anhydrite, and the sub-phases are quartz, kaolinite and goethite. The R-2 sample is similar to the R-1 sample in terms of the obtained phases, except that kaolinite is one of the main phases. Usually the scratch coat (Arriccio) has added soil and sometimes ash. A small amount of goethite seems to be sufficient to create a red color in the gypsum mortar. The study of the constituent phases of the G-1 sample structure was also performed using XRD, of which gypsum and anhydrite are the main phases and quartz and kaolinite are its sub-phases.

Conclusion
In this study, sampling was performed from different layers of colored mortar and specialized studies were performed. As a result of FT-IR, it can be said that the mortar of fine coat layers are made of gypsum with low lime impurity to which some red pigment has been added at the time of curing to make the mortar red. Also, no evidence of organic matter as additives to gypsum mortar was identified. The results of EDS analysis on gypsum mortar showed the presence of a small amount of excess calcium. Also, in the red mortars of the Bottom and top fine coat layers, iron was identified as the coloring agent and the presence of red was recently confirmed. In gray mortar, the presence of ash mixed with lime is a strong possibility. XRD analysis of four selected samples showed that the predominant phase in all four cases was gypsum and anhydrite, and only in one of the samples, kaolinite was identified as the main phase. The identified sub-phases are quartz, kaolinite and goethite. So far, no research has been published on the composition of Boumsab gypsum plaster with colored mortar. It can be imagined that at first, in order to implement the gypsum array for Tokhmehdaravari, Bottom and top fine coat layers were both applied with colored mortar, and for some reason (for which we don’t know) the decision was changed. Finally, the designs are executed only on the surface layer and And has been executed in a Boumsab manner. It is noteworthy that in the same complex (in the royal porch), a Tokhmehdaravari has been executed and can be seen at present.

Abstract
Despite obvious differences which we know on subjects, sights, methods and results of Development Projects and Archaeological Research, It appear that there are evident similarities among them: theoretical debates, field investigations, team-works, order and organization, planning, provisions, supporting, discussions and judgment, governmental beginnings, national rules, foreign patterns, management progresses, specialty approaches, expert obligations and public utilizations. Also, when we add “sustainable” to development our discourse will be extent and we however confront with cultural phenomena. It seems evaluating of distinctions and comparison of similarities between «Development» and «Archaeology» will be background for systemic survey their interactions especially in the counter together time. Establishment of laws and communication of circulars are solutions to problems and reach to coordination among development projects and archaeology. But satisfaction and persuasion are a supplement factors for taking decisions. In this article after a review on meaning, concept and implications of Development and explanation contents and aims of Archaeology we Assess importance and relations them in cultural and developmental realms from intertextually view.
Keywords: Comparative Survey, Archaeology, Sustainable Development, Material Culture, Reductionism, Intertextuality Approach, Hermeneutics.

Introduction
Despite the thematic, approach and strategic differences between “archeology” and “development”, it seems to have a similar basis in terms of the beginning of changing ideas and perspectives and changing methods and traits of “development” in the post-World War II. Also, we can find some temporal-spatial symmetries in the evolution of practices and norms and sometimes consistencies in the context of the dynamics and intellectual challenges of the “archeology” and “development”. 
This article discusses the importance of providing a comprehensive, concise, and effective scenario for arranging plans and directing common scenes between “development” and “archaeology” rather than turning scenes into the meaningful sequences. Thus, interactivity of coherent and effective narratives replaces broken, incoherent, tense, and failed examples.
Most of the views, the most visible scenes, the most controversial encounters, the most newsworthy intersections, the most difficult relations and the most acute conditions between “archeology” and “development” are usually in the “field” and with the beginning and continuation of the various small and large improvement projects. Therefore, to find a way to prevent such unintended events or to reduce the cultural and civilizational damage, one must “cure the incident before it occurs.” According to the author, the most important context, the most effective possibility and the most efficient approach in concluding evaluations of what we have said, is to pay attention to the “theoretical realm” - that is, the precondition of every rational action and the precondition of every thoughtful will - among “archeology” and “development”. In this way, common principles and perspectives can be raise in the framework of comprehensive intertextual and interpretation-oriented strategies.
Method: This article is based on both theoretical and practical experience contexts. Considering the constant confrontation of developmental projects with ancient sites and historical monuments, the author, based on his administrative and experimental backgrounds and his research responsibilities too,   Analytical and explain his analysis and inference from the two areas of “archeology” and “development”. The strategic theme of this paper is the reduction of “archeology” and “development” to their roots and foundations, in-text reviews, and out-of-text comparisons from an intertextual perspective.
Aim: What has been discussed so far from developmental approaches - both “ improvement” and “sustainable” - in the field of cultural heritage issues hadn’t have systematics relations or efficient interpretation between the two and the neglected theme was the processing of “plan” for “action”. Therefore, the present article can be considered as the first example in terms of intertextual and interpretive approaches in the area of “archeology and sustainable development” in Iran

Discussion
Antiquities and historical monuments are one of the challenging areas in development policies and research planning, organized or restoration interventions or orbital protection plans of the Iranian cultural heritage. Archeology in terms of research materials, the focus of topics, the source of discussions, the field of functions and the source of ideas based on static phenomena, in situ remains, in place evidence, closed contexts, suspended systems, elapsed periods and historical moments. Such a context is being elucidated in the light of field research, scientific exploration, technical documentation, comparative evaluations, laboratory research, repeated insights, and rational-empirical discoveries, and gradually the content, its dimensions and aspects become meaningful.
But “development” in content, in form and in its implementation or process is based on views that seek to reconstruct attitudes and approaches, to design actions and patterns, to prepare directions, to build institutions and to establish structures. “Development” is the hope of achieving desires beyond what is possessed, and the pursuit of desires is ahead of what is. “Development” is looking for unintentional intentions and asking for unfulfilled wishes. The output of such an arrangement of features in the field of development is “endeavor” and in a word “dynamic”.
Geographical diversity and ecological capabilities in the land of Iran make the identification and location of each of the natural phenomena and human phenomena in order to develop and provide the most optimal social life a priority in planning and goal setting. Such a basis is the clearest argument for gaining the necessary foresight - or what is called “inquiry” - from geographical areas.

Findings
In general, and in normal circumstances, the three “threat factors”, “danger sign” and “cause of destruction” of ancient sites and historical monuments can be found in the “design, implementation and operation of construction projects”. “Continuation of agricultural activities and increase of cultivated area” and “Illegal excavations and looting of cultural-historical property” were summarized.
Despite some inherent similarities and functional similarities, each of these phenomena in different territories and climates of administrative levels, social issues, legal regulations, legal rules and solutions. Expertise in the prevention, remediation, remediation of injuries, mitigation of damages, preservation and introduction of samples and the presentation of samples and their own reference and practical examples. But in a conceptual interpretation of the above-mentioned three, development projects should be considered the “most inevitable”, agriculture and farming the “most common and continuous”, and looting of historical sites and cultural property “the most unfortunate” phenomenon. - influences on archeological remains.

Conclusion
It seems that the reduction of the body, branch and fruit of the product of both phenomena (archeology and sustainable development) to the foundations and roots, if not from the organic links between them, at least reveals some origins or some similar relationships and transit routes. Visualizing, drawing, and explaining such similarities will show the causes and contexts of the distances, and will make it possible to return to the position or process the interactive scenes.
With such a view, it can be said that “development”, especially in its sustainable form, in the sense of a strategy for the comprehensive provision of human present and future affairs, and “archeology” in the sense of an approach to recognizing and preserving its past are essentially human phenomena. One of the needs, approaches and examples of sustainable development to be aware of the nature of man, to know his identity and to know what his needs is “archeology”. For this reason, actions must be overlapping and methods must be convergent, except by extending the “cognitive” aspect of archeology to issues beyond its body and structure, and including the “sustainability” of development into contexts. And more comprehensive components will not be possible than changing the status quo.

Abstract
The longevity of some local dynasties has led to the formation of significant settlements in different environmental contexts, including mountainous to forested areas of northern Iran. Kohneh Gorab located in North the Amlash This area was one of the inhabited areas during the reign of Al-e Kia in the east of the Gilan Province is one of the notable examples in this field. Recognition and analysis of the ancient location and communication of Kohneh Gorab as one of the settlements under the political-cultural control of the Al-e Kia family in the Gilan has necessitated the forthcoming research. The present study seeks to answer the following question: According to the cultural findings (tiles and pottery) of the ancient site of the Kohneh Gorab of the Amlash from the perspective of relative chronology and concerning related historical texts, what period can be for this site suggested? And how can the intra- and extra-regional connection of the old the Kohneh Gorab site with the surrounding areas be explained? The most important purpose of the study is a chronological explanation as well as the study of intra- and extra-regional cultural relations based on defined cultural data. The method of data collection is field-documentary and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The result is that the most important cultural finds of the Kohneh Gorab area, including pieces of tiles with monochromatic glazes and plant motifs, as well as plain pottery with carvings, Slip-Painted, glazed pottery with the monochromatic glazes, the underglaze engravers, the sprinkled glazes, the blue-white paints, the Sgraffiato paints, undergrowth paintings, indicates a cultural connection with its neighboring areas such as the Panjpiran Tepe of the Lahijan, Islamic city of the Gaskar, the Lisar Qaleh of the Talesh (intra-regional) and also indicates relations with landmarks such as the Amol, the Jorjan, the Neyshabur, the Rey and the Saveh (extra-regional). A comparative and comparative chronology of this area showed that the settlement began at least from the 3rd or 4th century AH and continued until the 8th to 10th centuries, AH, that is, at the same time as the rule of the Al-e Kia dynasty in eastern the Gilan.
Keywords: Kohneh Gorab, Al-e Kia, Islamic Pottery, Tiles.

Introduction
Archaeological studies in the Gilan Province in recent years have led to the identification of large Islamic sites that previously could only be recovered through historical texts. The Kohneh Gorab is one of these intermediate sites that has served as a link between its north and south. Information from historical texts has attributed the settlement in this area to the Al-e Kia family, while recent archaeological studies while confirming this attribution, have linked the settlement in this area to an older period. The main purpose of this research is the chronological study and analysis of the Kohneh Gorab site based on cultural data to identify its regional and supra-regional relationship. Important natural and historical sites, as well as destruction due to development activities, have been the most important necessities for documenting this area.
The questions are as follows: Cultural findings (tiles and pottery) of the ancient site of the Kohneh Gorab of the Amlash in terms of relative chronology and concerning related historical texts, what period can be proposed for this site? And based on cultural findings and comparative studies of pottery species and tile pieces, how can the internal and external relations of the Kohneh Gorab site with the surrounding sites be explained?
In the present study, pottery and tile pieces were collected from surface surveys in and around the historical site of the Kohneh Gorab and also drilled 15 test trench in predetermined places. For comparative studies, citation sources and descriptive-analytical methods were used in the research. The findings of this documentary method were analyzed to present the relative chronology and cultural relations within and outside the region.

The Tiles Sherds from the Kohneh Gorab
Tile pieces obtained from the historical site of the Kohneh Gorab are of high quality. to make these tiles, which are geometric shapes such as squares, rhombuses, triangles, star shapes, as well as star and cross shapes, they used the molding method and prefabricated molds. The surface of all these tiles is covered with monochromatic under turquoise glazes, azure, green, yellow, black, and also plant motifs with a combination of green, black or blue, and white. 
From comparative studies of tiles in Islamic areas in the Gilan, we conclude that small tiles in the shape of pentagons, rhombuses, and triangles in historical buildings in the east and west of the Gilan, such as the Panjpiran tepe, the historic city of the Gaskar, the Qala-e-Rudkhan of the Fooman, which is almost contemporary in time. They are used with the ancient historical site of the KOhneh Gorab (Table 1).

The Pottery of the Kohneh Gorab Site
All pottery obtained from the Kohneh Gorab site can be divided into two general categories based on simple and glazed. Plain pottery is divided into two categories: unglazed and plain pottery and unglazed and patterned pottery. Glazed pottery is also divided into two categories: plain glazed and painted glazed. Glazed and plain pottery was divided into seven types based on the color of the coating: Unglazed and plain pottery in yellowish red, unglazed and plain pottery in reddish-brown, unglazed and plain pottery in bright red, unglazed and plain pottery in reddish yellow, unglazed and plain pottery in brown, unglazed and plain light brown pottery. According to typological studies, this type of pottery was common in many areas of the Gilan Province from the 4th to the 10th century AH (Jahani, 2011; Mirsalehi, 2019; Ramin, 2006). 
Most of the pottery obtained from the Kohneh Gorab site is wheel-made and a small number of them are hand-made. Some dishes have a flat bottom and some have a long, concave base. According to the available evidence; Most of this pottery was used daily. Unglazed and painted pottery of this site can be divided into two categories based on the type of pattern: unglazed pottery with engraving, pottery with the scarred pattern. The abundance of such pottery pieces informally leads to the idea that these two types are probably of local production; However, we have to wait until laboratory studies and definite assurance in this field.

Conclusion
The main data obtained from the field survey of the Kohneh Gorab site include pieces of tiles and pottery. The tile pieces are small in size and geometric shapes (square, rhombus, pentagonal and triangular), star-shaped, covered with monochromatic glazes of blue, green, and yellow. In some of these tiles, plant motifs including arabesque and leaves have been used. Comparatively comparing these tiles with other areas, there are many similarities between them and the tiles discovered from the Panjpiran tepe in the Lahijan related to the Kiai period. From the surviving cases of these tiles and similar ones, we can mention the examples in the religious buildings of the Lahijan and the Langrud. Other data that were abundantly obtained in this site are pottery pieces belonging to the Middle Ages and late Islam. Plain pottery with carved and without patterns has a higher percentage of all pottery. These species are probably locally produced. The next groups have the most abundance of pottery with underglaze, pottery with sprayed glaze, and Sgraffito pottery after plain pottery, respectively. The Sgraffito pottery discovered from the Kohneh Gorab is technically and artistically similar to the Amol tepe. Some of the samples are of higher quality and it is possible that they came to this place from the Amol region, others were produced locally by imitating the Amol species. The black painted under the turquoise glaze and white blue pottery are another part of the cultural data obtained from this site. The better quality and lower frequency of these parts raised the issue of their import unofficially. The results of the study of these data reveal the cultural connections of this site with sites in the Gilan province such as the Panjpiran tepe of the Lahijan, Islamic city of the Gaskar, the Lisar castle, and outside the Gilan province sites such as the Amol, the Jorjan, the Neyshabur, the Rey and the Saveh. Comparative analysis of the findings indicates the settlement between the 3rd to 4th and 8th to 10th centuries AH, in which the site was relatively stable; however, to provide an accurate chronology as well as to identify the extent of the dispersal of cultural deposits, it is necessary to conduct extensive and purposeful excavations.

Abstract
The northeast Iran has been the context of some of the most important events of the Parthian Period, in a way that one can restrict the geography of the Parthians to Pathawa and Hyrcania until before gradual expansion of the territory during Mehrdad the First (138-171 BC).One of the least-known aspects of the Parthian in the northeast region is the potteries assemblages. Pottery is the most abundant of the archaeological finds and is the most important one to understand the cultural specifics of the historical periods. The Parthian pottery is not the same throughout the whole empire and it can be grouped into several categories based on geographic regions. The pottery assemblage under study in this paper, collected from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh in Dargaz, represents part of the Parthian pottery corpus of the northeast region. In current research, the pottery aasemblage of ShahrTappeh has been studied from the typological perspective and it has been tried to put forward specifics of the pottery of Parthian period of the northeast region by comparative studies of the similar assemblages.The most frequent forms amongst the pottery assemblage of ShahrTappeh are jar, pithos, handled jar, pot, caldron, trough, bowl and cup. These forms, which are seen from the early to late phase of the Parthian period, are comparable with specimens from Marv, Nisa, Qumes, Chasada, Shamshir Ghar, Ai Khanom, HasaniMahale, Tol Espid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. In addition, finding of some kiln waste in the second season of excavation at ShahrTappeh suggest that this site was a center for pottery production in the northeast during the Parthian period. Lack of glazed ware, rarity of the painted ware and the prevalence of the plain ware are the most characteristics of the ShahrTappeh pottery assemblage. The latter was used as common ordinary ware during the Parthian period and based on comparative studies they were parts of the pottery tradition of the Parthians. 
Keywords: The Northeast Region of Iran, Dargaz, ShahrTappeh, Pottery, Parthian Period.

Introduction
The site of ShahrTappeh is located near the town of Chapeshlow in the northeast Iran. From several aspects this site has important in archaeology of the Parthian Period: with more than 70 ha, the site of ShahrTappeh is one of the largest sites of this period in the northeast Iran; 2. The site is just 100 km, as crow flies, from the first capital of the Parthians; 3. Archaeological data, including fortifications, acropolis, sharestan (lower town), industrial quarter and cultural materials recovered from the excavations comparable with those from Nisa, suggest that the site was a city in the Parthian period; 4. Based on materials recovered from the surface and excavations, ShahrTappeh was a single-period site of the Parthian period in the northeast region. These items suggest that ShahrTappeh was one of the most important Parthian centers of the northeast region. Regarding the importance of the site of ShahrTappeh in the northeast region we try in this paper to discuss the main pottery characteristics of the site to some extent. In this line, first we have studied the pottery forms of the site and then we have chosen 89 sherd fragments and whole vessels for in-depth studies. We have tried to choose the pottery sample so that it is the representative of the whole assemblage. In the following the pottery assemblage has been divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms, and then each class has been discussed. Finally, we tried to discuss, in a separate part, the common features of the Parthian pottery of the region from this study and at the end we propose a pattern for identification and characterization of the Parthian pottery in the northeast region. 

Typology and General Characteristics of the Study Sample
From the pottery collection recovered from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh, 89 pottery fragments and whole vessels were chosen for study here. At the first stage, these potteries are divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms. The closed forms of the ShahrTappeh assemblage include necked jars and simple jars, pithoi, stoups, caldrons, troughs, a vessel type known as Misagh and base fragments of the vessels. The open forms include bowls and cups. Without considering the various types of forms, the ware has some general characteristics. The pottery collection under study is all plain. No glazed ware is found in ShahrTappeh yet. Some of the sherds have incised, applique or burnished decorations. The sherds usually have mean thickness, but both thick and thin variants are also seen. The color paste covers a spectrum: buff, light orange, orange, red and gray. The color of slip ranges from buff, light buff, dark buff, greenish buff, orange buff, reddish buff, buff orange, light orange, dark orange, reddish orange, red, greenish red, buff brown, gray to greenish gray. All samples are wheel made and the temper agent used is mineral, including sand, silt and white particles. The kiln temperature was enough and all sherds were exposed to proper heat. 

Conclusion
With more than 70 ha in area, ShahrTappeh is one the largest Parthian sites of the northeast region. The important point about this site is that it is a single-period site and discussing about its finds can be pursued from this perspective. One of the most important finds of ShahrTappeh is pottery. Except typological and technical grounds, the Parthian potteries of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the viewpoints of chronology, comparable specimens, imported potteries and local production. The potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh is datable to the early to late Parthian period. This conclusion is based on comparative grounds. On this basis, the ShahrTappeh specimens are comparable with those of eastern Parthian Empire. The early Parthian potteries of the site are comparable with those of Nisa, Marv and Qumes. Some of the specimens are comparable with pottery from Charseda, Shamshir Ghar and Ai Khanomwhich are categorized in the Seleucid-Parthian context. Although the site established in the early Parthian period, it lasted to the end of the era. Among the potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh there are specimens that are comparable with those from Tol Spid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. The pottery types of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the import and local production viewpoints. Amongst the potteries of ShahrTappeh a burnished vessel dated to the 1st to 3rd centuries AD has been found. Existence of this specimen indicates the importation of such vessels from the southeast region to the northeast region including ShahrTappeh. On the other hand, discovery of large amounts of kiln waste suggest that the site was a manufacturing center for pottery vessels. It should be noted that as no deformed specimens were found, we cannot make comments about the local variants. In general, potteries of ShahrTappeh which are comparable with assemblages from the eastern Iran can be dated from the early to the late Parthian period. These pottery types that in which imported specimens and local production can be seen, are representatives of some of the Parthian pottery types of the northeast region. 

Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

Abstract
Among the collection of findings from the archeological excavations of the Iron Age cemetery of Lefour, in Savadkuh, there is an engraved a two-humped camel on a bronze belt buckle, skillfully made through molding method. According to the studies of physical anthropology, in terms of morphology of the skulls, it shows that the excavated dead bodies were different from the previous inhabitants, and the grave goods also indicate they were cattle breeders and nomads. The most prominent object found is a bronze belt buckle with the engraving of a western two-humped camel on it; this animal is definitely not native to the southern region of the Caspian Sea, and may belong to the plains of Central Asia; the southernmost habitat of this type of camel is in the north of Gorgan plain and in the south of Turkmenistan. In the Achaemenid period, two-humped camel is also shown with groups of gift givers who came from Central Asia and the east of the Caspian Sea. In the memorial stone carvings of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyrians, there are also people carrying two-humped camels, along with the inscriptions seem to be belonged to a far distant country in the east. The most important questions in this study are: Were the human remains found in this cemetery are native or migrated from other areas? Whether the obtained grave inputs were made on site or imported, and to what extent were they influenced by the artistic and industrial techniques from near or far areas? And is it possible to reconstruct the migration route of these groups in the fertile and foothill areas of Mazandaran by studying the findings of this research? In this article, in addition to comparing the form and nature of the bronze belt buckle with other findings of Lefour Cemetery, the authors analyze and interpret it regarding historical documents and sources to provide more accurate answer to the questions. The result of the research reveals that this object was produced in another place and entered the region through immigrants.
Keywords: Iron Age, Bronze Belt Buckle, Lefour Cemetery, Savadkuh.

Introduction
The study and interpretation of the cultural characteristics of past societies and the study of the evolution of cultures based on the cultural relics left by these societies constitute the main framework of archaeological studies, the most important evidence in this regard is material and tangible effects. It is complex and difficult to know more accurately the cultural relics of past societies by relying on purely material evidence. The deep connection of religious beliefs with social customs and economic activities is one of the characteristics of past cultures. Therefore, one of the most important sources for understanding the religions, culture and functions of its predecessors is the study of ancient formulations and cultural materials. In this method, researchers usually consider one or more formative features such as objects placed inside the grave, adaptation of the grave or the general plan and location of the cemetery, and then, based on that class or social status of the buried people, adapt to the form, and compare the nature of objects. Despite the importance of accurate and scientific analysis of objects and graves from the Iron Age to explain religious beliefs, no independent research has been done so far. 
Research Question: The most important question that arise as a result of the two chapters of excavation of Lefour Cemetery is that according to anthropological studies  and comparison of ancient date, the graves of the deceased were relatives who migrated to this place from other areas and due to the similarity of form and was the nature of the particular object in question imported? And to what extent has it been industrial practices from near and far?
Research Method: In archaeological research, in addition to printing and disseminating data from field activities of an area, it is possible to analyze and compare the form and nature of an object with the data of regional and supra-regional sites to analyze the origin of a culture. In this article, focusing on the role of the bipedal camel on the bronze belt discovered from data from the Iron Age, Lefour and the similarity of this or that with the role of the western camel of the Persepolis donors, as well as the memorial stone of Shalmanser III it reinforces the hypothesis that it was intended to be imported and that its origin was in east and north of the Gorgan and Turkmenistan plains. 

Belt buckle with the Motiv of Balkhi Camel
The most prominent object of this burial was a unique Bronze belt buckle with the image of a Balkhi bipedal camel, and it is made by casting and embossing method and is reminiscent of desert and arid regions of the east of the Caspian Sea and the steppes of Central Asia

Conclusion
The plain and mountainous regions of the south of the Caspian Sea due to their suitable biological and climatic conditions are very important in studying the settlements of the Bronze and Iron Ages, but unfortunately no independent and complete research has been done on the origin and end of this period. It is done on a case-by-case basis and separately from each other in terms of time and place. Leford Savadkuh Cemetery is no exception. Regarding Leford Cemetery, it should be noted that according to the knowledge of cemeteries and settlements in the center of Mazandaran, it is clear that the cemeteries of nomads in mountainous area, unlike the plains, are often small and limited, and each cemetery probably belonged to a specific group or tribe. The nomads, whose main occupation was herding, spent most of their time in the highlands, migrating animals from one place to another in search of pastures throughout the year and the works obtained also show that in this sense it is economics and small works have on animal husbandry.

Abstract
The special conditions of the Qajar period have made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian rugs took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop, and complete the assets of their rug collections in the best way. Familiarity with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and knowledge of European strategy regarding the acquisition of Iranian carpets in this period are among the important and contemporary issues and concerns of carpet studies and of course museum studies and can complete our knowledge in this field. Accordingly, this article intends to follow the most important methods and strategies of Europeans in acquiring and owning Iranian rugs to identify and introduce the factors affecting their access to these rugs and their storage. In fact, in this research, we want to know what factors were involved in the formation of the process of collecting Qajar rugs by Europeans. For this purpose and to find the answer to this question, in this article, we have used the descriptive-analytical research method. We also collected our data in a library method and used a qualitative method to analyze them. Findings and results of this study indicate that the tradition of offering rugs to ambassadors and European courts on the one hand and the rugs export industry of this period have been the most important traditional factors in collecting valuable Iranian rugs by Europeans. Also, due to the cultural changes and modernization of the Qajar kings, especially Nasser al-Din Shah, and the welcome to participate in the famous international exhibitions of the nineteenth century is also one of the newest methods and facilities of European carpet collecting in this period. 
Keywords: Persian carpets, Qajar period, Carpet Collection, European collections.

Introduction
The special conditions of the Qajar period had made it possible for Europeans to obtain Iranian carpets more than before. During this period, Europeans interested in Iranian carpets took advantage of the unique opportunities available to them to create, develop and complete the assets of their carpet collections. Today, one of the topics of concern and contemporary concerns in carpet studies is getting acquainted with the fields of creating these opportunities on the one hand and becoming aware of the facilities and methods used by Europeans about Iranian carpets on the other hand. Just as the quantity and quality of the presence of Iranian carpets in European collections and museums is important, so are the factors influencing the transfer of these carpets and the manner in which they were taken over by the Europeans.
Therefore, this article intends to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian carpets in the Qajar period to identify and introduce the effective factors in their acquisition and storage of these carpets. In order to achieve this goal, in order to explain this issue in principle, the contents of this article were organized under two general sections. At the beginning and in the first part of the article, the role of the court tradition of donating carpets to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in examining Iranian carpets to European collections, was examined. On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, the contribution of the carpet export industry to the prosperity of European collections was studied and analyzed. Here, the role of Iranian merchants in transporting carpets to Europe was mainly discussed. In the second part of the article, the effect of international exhibitions on increasing popularity and subsequently expanding the desire of Europeans to own Iranian carpets was discussed. International exhibitions are considered a relatively new phenomenon that the holding of these events facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian carpet collections in Europe even more than the previous factor.
This article has been written using descriptive-analytical research method and has collected its data by library method. The statistical population is based on books, articles, catalogs and some related documents that have been analyzed qualitatively.

Discussion
This article tried to follow the most important methods and possibilities of Europeans in acquiring and possessing Iranian rugs in the Qajar period, to identify and introduce the factors influencing their access to and storage of these rugs. To achieve this goal, and to explain the principles of this issue, we have organized the contents of this article under two general sections. First, and in the first part of the article, we examined the role of the court tradition of donating rugs to ambassadors and European courts, which has been common, in finding Iranian rugs to European collections. 
On the other hand, in the continuation of this section, we have studied and analyzed the contribution of the rug export industry to the prosperity of European collections. Here we have mainly dealt with the role of Iranian traders in transporting rugs to Europe. In the second part of the article, we have discussed the effect that international exhibitions have had on increasing popularity and, consequently, expanding Europeans’ desire to own Iranian carpets. International exhibitions are a relatively new phenomenon and are specific to the Qajar period. Holding these events has facilitated and accelerated the development of Iranian rug collections in Europe even more than the previous factor. 

Conclusion
Numerous factors have paved the way for Europeans to embroider carpets during the Qajar period and their access to exquisite Iranian carpets. Items such as the tradition of offering carpets to European ambassadors and courts on the one hand, and the export of carpets by Iranian merchants on the other hand are among the most common and prevalent of these factors. Of course, during this period, in addition to embassies and European courts, their collections were also among the targets of these offerings. Museums such as Victoria and Albert have acquired excellent carpets in this way. Tabriz merchants have also played a special role in warming the Iranian carpet market in Europe. A significant part of Iranian carpet customers in Europe have been wealthy urban consumers. Although the carpets sent to these houses have in some cases been taken from private and public collections, the museum brokers have not neglected the Iranian carpet export markets and have started carpet weaving for their collections directly by purchasing these carpets. During this period, due to the development of exports, in addition to old and worn carpets, which were not originally woven for export purposes, new carpets were introduced that were woven specifically for presentation in European markets.
One of the unique ways of offering Iranian carpets in the Qajar period is attending international exhibitions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this period, exhibitions were held in Vienna, London, Paris and Munich, in which Iranian carpets were also able to participate. Many of the rugs on display at these exhibitions belonged to the Safavid period. These carpets were more popular than the carpets of the Qajar period. Nevertheless, the carpets of both periods have attracted European customers. Many rugs were identified by Europeans by attending these exhibitions and were able to enter European collections and museums.

Abstract
The Iranian house is full of structural units. The cohesion of the units creates more complex patterns, which, as a result of their location in different parts of the building, also form its physical structure and functional and cultural characteristics. Since the combination of these patterns in the home is always a reflection of the customs and lifestyle of residents and local conditions, knowing each of the patterns allows them to be used on a larger scale in the design of new homes. The content of structural patterns and the extent of their impact on Iranian-Islamic residential architecture is the basis of research inquiry. The research intends to take a physical approach to express the structure of the architectural language of the house in the sample buildings of the Qajar period; and in this way provide the basis for restoring the architectural values of the past. The research method is descriptive-historical and the method of finding research is a combination. The basis of observational studies has also been done through the presence of buildings that have a relatively complete architectural composition, and citation of existing maps, images and texts. The abstracted contents with the help of AutoCAD software introduce the basic units in geometric shapes and check their applicability in 50 houses of historical-cultural value. One of the important results of this search is the generalizability of the logical order of the initial units identified in various combinations and the production of more complex spatial units than the initial units of 5040 patterns. The results show that the patterns participate in various proportions from 0.06% to 27.16% and 42 in selected houses. Among these, pattern number 8 has the most (453) presence; while Patterns 12, 33 and 42 have the least (1) applications.
Keywords: Iranian-Islamic Architecture, Architectural Model, Architectural Physical Order, Language of Architecture, Qajar House.

Introduction
Due to the common economic and social prosperity, the residential houses of the Qajar period define a rich language in architecture that can be extended to Iranian-Islamic houses in the contemporary and future periods. Field studies show that there are a variety of patterns in residential homes that are physically part of a sequential structure and order. From the coherence of these initial units, more complex patterns emerge, which, according to their location in different parts of the building, express the physical structure and functional and cultural characteristics of the building. Since the combination of these patterns in the home is always a reflection of the customs and lifestyle of residents and local conditions, knowing each of the patterns allows them to be used in the design of new homes on a larger scale.
Housing construction in the contemporary era of Iranian architecture and urban planning, especially in recent decades, has found significant differences with the previous era. Field studies and observations indicate a significant reduction in physical-cultural values arising from new housing methods. For example, the gradual obsolescence of the middle fabric of cities is an issue that easily causes their instability. 
This study tries to identify the past methods in housing architecture and highlight the points of emphasis in its structures and concepts, and then shaping those features into a new format, introduce the most important effective spatial patterns in order to improve the physical and quantitative structure of modern house.
According to historical background of home architecture in Iran, and the need to review the structure of modern home architecture, research seeks to find answers to these questions: 1- What are the basic spatial units in the architecture of the Iranian-Islamic house? 2. What patterns does the spatial order of the units create? 3- What is the frequency of these patterns in the existing samples?

Survey of Basic Spatial Units
The research has summarized the data using a descriptive-historical method. A review of studies conducted by researchers and experts in Iranian and non-Iranian architecture and urban planning confirms the similar and sometimes different points of view of the linguistic structure of Iranian-Islamic architecture. Each of the statements has somehow emphasized the characteristics of Iranian-Islamic architecture; and they are summarized at the crossroads of the world of meaning and the world of matter and are located in six directions (Falamaki, 2012, 194).
In the Iranian- Islamic culture, it is believed that matter or the material world is opposite to light or the spiritual world (Holy Quran, Esra: 70). In Iranian-Islamic architecture, the spatial arrangement of the body shows that, in its spatial organization, attention is directed from light to matter. In fact, “it is a journey from pure light to the depths of matter” (Holy Quran). Although architecture is shaped by the combination of matter and space, form is created by the domination of space. Therefore, the form depends on the arrangement of the initial units that make up the architecture of the building. These units include a closet, room, living room, hall, porch, Platform, courtyard and basement.
Examination of the frequency of practical application of patterns in sample houses shows that out of a total of 42 patterns used, pattern No.8 has the highest presence among the 42 units; Patterns No. 12, 33, and 42 have the least presence in the composition of houses. Among the most complex patterns, pattern No. 1 with 15 times the company had the least and pattern No. 18 with 40 times had the most use. The results also show that the patterns contribute in various proportions from 0.06% for patterns No. 12, 33 and 42 to 27.16% for pattern No. 8 in the sample houses.

Conclusion
The seven structural foundations of house architecture in Iranian-Islamic, including: basement, room, living room, hall, porch, platform and courtyard are clearly recognizable. Each of these seven primary units is distinct due to its purity and structural simplicity. The reason for the differentiation of the primary units is their placement in a successive series from darkness to light. For this reason, these units are turning points in marking the evolution of syntax and syntactic language of Iranian-Islamic housing architecture, and their location in the series of units generates patterns that allow them to produce a significant variety in housing architecture. In order to accept this theoretical view, field observations on houses of historical-cultural value make the existence of diversity correct. Based on factorial 7 mathematical calculations, there are 5040 possibilities for the logical arrangement of the initial space units and the production of a pattern; while according to field observations, only 42 possibilities have been used in sample houses so far. Primary units, in part or in whole, can communicate with other units in four directions. Studies show that the two directions of north-south and east-west are the most important patterns in terms of complexity and the extent of their use in Qajar period houses. Patterns together create a large, controlled space that joins together in hot conditions to create a larger space; while in cold conditions, these spaces separate from each other and create small and independent single spaces.
The coherence of the patterns in both longitudinal and transverse directions shows that the design language of the Iranian house, based on the flexibility of the constituent patterns in practice, has the ability to create newer examples. The flexibility of the patterns is affected by the integrity of the initial units, which is provided by adding and subtracting some initial units in the form of order.

Abstract
With the foundation of Sasanian dynasty, the first fully anthropomorphic representations of Ohrmazd appeared in ancient Iranian art. He was depicted in eight rock reliefs at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab (2 scenes), Naqsh-i Rustam, Tang-i Chugan (2 scenes) and Taq-i Bustan (2 scenes) while investing a beribboned diadem to the Sasanian king. The iconography of Ohrmazd was not a new one and before Sasanian period in Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd had mainly created by imitating Greek-Roman prototypes. But the iconography of Ohrmazd in Sasanian rock reliefs was different. He was completely depicted in Iranian artistic fashion, and in some scenes, he carried bundles of barsam. Barsam is an implement carry by priests in ceremonial rituals. However, Avesta reveals that barsam was not only use by priests, but also hold by some deities including Ohrmazd. In Aban Yasht, Ahura Mazda (Middle Persian Ohrmazd) praises Aredvi Sura Anahita with the barsam. There are still questions about the figure of Ohrmazd and the sources of his iconography in Sasanian rock reliefs. So it is significant to review Zoroastrian texts again and study whether they affect the iconography of Ohrmazd or not. By analyzing and comparing the characteristics and details of iconographical elements of Sasanian rock reliefs and also regarding Zoroastrian written sources, the authors try to find the origin of these artistic models and the reason why Ohrmazd carries a bundle of Barsam at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab, Naqsh-i Rustam and Taq-i Bustan investiture scenes. The results show that the iconography of Ohrmazd was especially modeled after the royal art and the king himself. Furthermore, Some Zoroastrian texts reveal that Ohrmazd incarnate in Gētīg (material world) as an Ahlaw man or a priest and probably Sasanian artists consciously depicting him while carrying barsam in his hand(s).    
Keywords: Ohrmazd, Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Royal Appearance, Zoroastrian Priest, Zoroastrian Texts.

Introduction
By defeating the last Parthian king, Ardavan V, Artaxerxes I (224-240/1 CE) established an empire which was concentrated on centralization of Iranian state and unification of religion. To unify religion (Zoroastrianism), the iconoclastic movement was formed by Artaxerxes I. According to ancient sources, Artaxerxes I ordered to destroy idols, and instead many fires established throughout the empire; even some pre-Sasanian sacred fires were replaced by new ones. However, it seems such strictness does not prevent creating images of divine beings. There are evidences of iconography of Zoroastrian deities in Sasanian art. An important point is that in the Avesta and the Middle Persian texts, some deities were incarnated in human or animal forms and so the religious texts may be good sources for representations of deities. Interestingly archaeological evidence and written sources revealed different version of Zoroastrian in Armenia and Central Asian and idol-worship customs were prevalent there. In Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd was mostly depicted according to Greek-Roman prototypes. On the contrary, the image of Ohrmazd as the superior Zoroastrian deity in Sasanian art was different and imitated from Iranian models. At Naqsh-i Rustam, the definite image of Ohrmazd contribute identification of him in other Sasanian rock reliefs. Due to the inscription, it was the only certain known evidence of Ohrmazd in Iranian art. At the same time, it is regarded as a significant document of the iconography of Zoroastrian divinities from the early Sasanian period. Despite extensive and diverse studies on Sasanian art and representations of Zoroastrian deities, including Ohrmazd, there are still ambiguities about the iconography of Ohrmazd and the sources of his visual images, the contribution of religious texts, and the influence of other iconographies of Ohrmazd on his representations in Sasanian art.

Discussion
Archaeological evidence and written sources shows that Ohrmazd occupied the highest status in ancient Iranian beliefs. The oldest and most definite references to him traced back on Achaemenian inscriptions (Lecoq, 1997: 176-276) and fortress tablets at Persepolis (Henkelman, 2008: 527-529). Furthermore, some scholars regarded the images of the winged disk with or without a bearded bust on Achaemenian monuments as the very ancient image of Ohrmazd (Lecoq, 1984; Skjærvø, 2014: 179-180). Contemporary with Parthian at about 30 BC, the Commagene king, Antiochus I erected statues of gods at Nemrud Daq (Herzfeld, 1941: 275). According to the inscriptions, one of the statues belongs to Oromasdes who was synchronized with Zeus (Widengren, 1986). Although he dressed in Persian fashion (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1978: 189) and holding barsam, but he was depicted like Zeus. On Kushanian coins, Ohrmazd was depicted again more likely after Greek models (Shenkar, 2014: 61-62), but under the name of Ōoromozdo or the abbreviated name Ōrom (Humbach, 1975: 139-140). For the first time during Sasanian period, Ohrmazd was represented in a fully anthropomorphic figure while investing a diadem to the Sasanian kings. At Naqsh-i Rustam, Ohrmazd synchronized with Zeus (Lukonin, 2005: 307), but he was depicted completely different and he appeared resemble to Sasanian kings probably for legitimization goals. Furthermore, Ohrmazd holding barsam in several reliefs. According to Bundahišn, Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd incarnated as an Ahlaw man or a priest (Zot or Atravan) in Gētīg. He also praised Aredvi-sura-Anahita with barsam (Yš. 5. 17). So it seems that Sasanian artists deliberately depicted barsam in the hand of Ohrmazd to show him in the figure of Zoroastrian priest. As the image of Ohrmazd was not remained similar during Sasanian period, barsam appeared on Artaxerxes I’s rock reliefs and reemerge on Khosrow Parviz’s investiture at Taq-i Bustan.

Conclusion
Before Sasanian period, no definite representation of Ohrmazd is detected in Iran. The only images of the winged disk on Achaemenian and post-Achaemenian monuments in Pars attributed to Ohrmazd by some scholars. Contrary to Parthians, the iconography of deities in Sasanian period is much fewer. Although ancient sources attribute iconoclast movement to Artaxerxes I, but archaeological evidence manifest production of divine images. However it is important to distinguish cultic statues and portrayal of deities in the art. During Sasanian period fire-temples were established all over the kingdom and the cult of fire become the state religion. Erecting cultic statues was prohibited, however the images of deities including Ohrmazd produced in Sasanian art. Investiture ceremonies on rock reliefs show Ohrmazd in the shape of a royal figure while in some cases carrying a barsam like Zoroastrian priests. As Sasanian kings emphasize their legitimate claim during their sovereign, Ohrmazd depicted similar to the king. The representation of Ohrmazd in these monuments was completely in Persian mode and was against the image of him in Commagene or Kushan where he was depicted after Zeus. In the Middle Persian texts, Ohrmazd is invisible even amongst the sacred beings, except for the prophet Zardosht. He can be comprehend through wisdom and the power of comparison. However in the Pahlavi Rivāyat and Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd described with a human appearance. In a passage from Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd is an intangible spirits who appears in Gētīg in the body of the Mard-i Ahlaw (Just man). According to Bundahišn, Ohrmazd appears in the form of Zoroastrian priest in Gētīg. Also, he comes to the world as Zot. He is Atravan. So it is not strange that Ohrmazd depicted as a priest in some reliefs, while carrying a barsam. 

Abstract
In premodern societies, cemeteries were formed next to human settlements. The distribution of graves in these cemeteries depended on the size of the population and the use of these settlements. One of the difficulties in modern archaeological research in identifying cemeteries is determining their core and buffer zones. Due to the dispersion of graves, the density of graves in cemeteries can sometimes vary considerably. Determining the core and buffer zone in these areas is therefore always done with great caution. With the advancement of science and various new methods in archaeological fieldwork, the core and buffer zones of archaeological sites can now be done more precisely. One of the more efficient and effective methods in identifying, and consequently, determining the core and buffer zone of sites, is the geophysical survey. A geophysical survey with the magnetic method in the archeological site of Mehdiabad-e Olia in the cultural landscape of Bam was carried out to determine the distribution of archaeological graves and determine the core zone of this ancient cemetery in 2018.
Keywords: Archaeological Cemetery, Geophysical Survey, Core Zone, Buffer Zone, Mehdiabad-e Olia Cultural Landscape of Bam.

Introduction
Archaeological sites are spaces where physical and material artifacts of past human life entangle. These sites can be investigated by various types of archaeological fieldwork. Archaeologists identify the ancient sites by using remote sensing studies, aerial photography and satellite imagery, and pedestrian surveys. Most of the time, when we move from the center to the outside of the sites, the density of cultural finds such as sherds of pottery, artifacts, stone tools, bones, or architectural remains decreases. Sometimes, around the ancient sites, the topography, geomorphology, and landform, as well as sediments during different periods, cause cultural materials and artifacts to remain under these sediments and be hidden from view. Therefore, archaeologists often need to excavate to determine the presence or absence of materials below the surface. Areas, where the remains of ancient materials are present and can be reached with confidence by survey and excavation, are called the core zones of an archaeological site. From a legal point of view, it is forbidden to do any modern changes in the core zone of an archaeological site. A buffer zone is often added to protect ancient sites. The buffer zone is defined concerning the core zone and depends on the topography, geomorphology, environmental conditions, and elements related to the site. One field where the density of artifacts is very uncertain is the ancient cemeteries, which were generally built next to the settlements. The graves were mostly solitary and sometimes included secondary burial or mass burials.
Sometimes, due to the lack of obvious evidence of these graves, it is difficult and impossible to identify them, and determining their density and dispersion and the core zone of the cemetery. Determining the core zone and suggestion of the buffer zone traditionally is by using archaeological surveys and digging experimental sondages around the ancient site with special methods. Sometimes in ancient cemeteries, determine the core zone is not accurate, because maybe the archaeologist dig the experimental sondages between two graves and he doesn’t identify the graves, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, he doesn’t put this sections in the core zone, and this part should be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, this section not be included in the core zone of the site and will be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site. But by geophysical methods, archaeologists can identify the location of all the graves and determine exactly the core zone of the ancient cemetery.
 

The ancient cemetery of Mehdiabad-e Olia is located 3 km south of the village of Mehdiabad-e Olia. The cemetery expands on both sides of a branch of the seasonal River of Bandenesa, 90 km from the city of Bam. In winter 2016, after a flood event, several pits with ancient pottery fragments were found. Based on a preliminary analysis of the ceramics by the archaeologists of the research center of the citadel of Bam they were able to identify these to be of Achaemenid or Parthian date. Most of the graves are rectangular and they are only about 90 to 120 cm below the surface. The large extent of the site is ideal for geophysical studies to determine the distribution of graves and identify the core zone of this ancient cemetery. A magnetic survey is a fast and efficient method for the first approach of an archaeological site. The principle of the magnetic method is to measure the local variations of the Earth magnetic field due to the presence of iron oxides in the soils and the archeological structures. Surface soil is magnetically stronger than underground soils. Its properties are further enhanced by human activities. This makes identification of different archaeological structures possible: graves, pits, and holes prove a higher magnetic record after they were filled with soil and surface sediments. The difference in the intensity of the magnetic field causes graves and pits can be identified as point anomalies with the surrounding context on magnetic maps.
The magnetic survey on the site was carried out with a cesium gradiometer G858 with a mesh grid of 1 m x 0.10 m interpolated at 0.50 m. Our survey covered an area of 8 hectares and focused on both sides of the road and the river by which several graves had been found. The magnetic map showed several anomalies: linear anomalies and positive and bipolar point anomalies. The strong linear anomaly on the south of the map was linked to the recently made modern canal. Another linear anomaly corresponding to the road in the southwestern part of this area. Other linear anomalies were related to artificial water passages. The majority of point anomalies are related to the graves, however. Our magnetic map identified approximately 800 graves. Some of these point anomalies are located on the surface graves that were found in the flood. 

Conclusion
According to the magnetic map, the density of point anomalies decreases in the east, south, and southeast of the area surveyed. This means that the limit of the cemetery is specified in this section and the core zone line of the site can be well defined here. The highest density of cemetery graves is in the central part of the studied area. The anomalies of graves continue in the north and west of the section, but the density of these anomalies decreases, and the line of the core zone of the cemetery can be identified in this part of the area. Our magnetic survey shows that the core zone of the ancient cemetery is well recognizable without actual excavation. Any excavation and opening of sondages in this region are dangerous and would pave the way for the looting of these sites. A geophysical survey, however, will protect this ancient cemetery. After our survey, an Iranian archaeological mission directed by Shahram Zare found a large Achaemenid building near 650 m west of the cemetery. Archaeological research on this site is continuing.

Abstract
Chehelsotoun Palace has always been a source of traditional and new interventions in the restoration of murals, which indicates the evolution of views on this issue in Iran. This study aims to understand the evolution of conservation and restoration approaches to murals by referring to the tradition of previous repairs and new approaches to conservation and restoration has studied murals in Chehelsotoun Palace and has sought to answer these questions: What were the procedures of the previous repair tradition? What were the new approaches to the conservation and restoration of murals and their fundamentals? What were the differences between the two? Data collection was done by documentary method. First, by adopting a comparative and descriptive method, the previous repairs will be examined. Then, the research, which has a qualitative and interpretive approach, uses an analytical method to explain the issues about the tradition of previous repairs and the fundamentals of new approaches. In the end, the results will be explained with logical reasoning. The research findings indicate that the previous repairs were performed in the form of repainting on the original murals, in the continuation of the life of Iranian Traditional Paintings. Such repainting, while following the visual elements of the original murals, also has different expressions from the artist in charge of the repair, which was rooted in the tradition of previous mural repairs and their contexts. New approaches were based on historical authenticity and aesthetic integrity, and led to the removal of some of the stages of mural development and reintegrated of the lacunas with a distinction from the original murals. The aesthetic and historiographical approaches of the West were the source of the differences between the new interventions and the semantic procedures of traditional repair which always focused on the nature of things. 
Keywords: Repair Tradition, Conservation and Restoration Approaches, Mural, Chehelsotoun, IsMEO Group.

Introduction
In recent years, the need to pay attention to the tradition of indigenous conservation in accordance with the specific cultural, intellectual, religious, historical and social contexts of each land; has been considered by international forums. In Iran, there are still many points about the tradition of heritage protection and repair that need researched and will cause to be known, like Western societies, the origins and evolution of views, procedures and approaches in the field of conservation and restoration in Iran. Chehelsotoun Palace murals have always been the subject of a variety of interventions, from previous repairs to new conservation and restoration approaches that became common in the mid-1940s. Today, only a few traces of the previous procedures of repairing murals in Iran have been left. In particular, the undesirable evaluation of traditional repair procedures has left no opportunity for their recognition. While in international treaties and documents have always been emphasized the importance of indigenous conservation traditions in each region and the role of recognizing these traditions as an intangible aspect of heritage in its preservation has been considered important. On the other hand, despite the continuation of many new approaches to the conservation and restoration of murals those took place in the mid-1940s; their constructive principles and criteria, and how they deal with previous procedures, have not been studied. This study will also explore the tradition of previous repairs to some of Chehelsotoun murals and how they were transformed into new conservation principles.
The aim of the present study is to gain an understanding of the tradition of previous repairs and the foundations of new approaches to conservation and restoration in Chehelsotoun murals, and finally an analytical cognition of how they differ from each other.
In conducting the research, the following questions were considered: What were the procedures of the previous repair tradition? What were the new approaches to the conservation and restoration of murals and their fundamentals? What were the differences between the two? Data collection was done by documentary method. First, by adopting a comparative and descriptive method, the previous repairs will be examined. Then, the research, which has a qualitative and interpretive approach, uses an analytical method to explain the issues about the tradition of previous repairs and the fundamentals of new approaches. In the end, the results will be explained with logical reasoning.

Discussion
In previous procedures, the purpose of the artist in charge of repair was to Continuing the spiritual dimension of the heritage. The artist performed traditional repairs according to the moral, intellectual and spiritual functions that traditional art had given him. Such repairs to the murals in question took the form of repainting performed by the artist directly on the original mural. These repainting, while having visual elements and general similarities with the original murals, also displayed different expressions from the artist in charge of the repair. The traditional repairs in imitation of the original murals, along with different expressions from the artist in charge of the repair, were a kind of mimesis of the original murals, as a representation of the original mural through the wishes, thoughts and ideology of the artist in charge of the repair. Also, the process of traditional repairs of murals had a hierarchy in the tradition of teaching art techniques. Such repairs, in the midst of the prevalence of the eclectic style of Qajar painting and then the abandonment of past traditions and covenants, were a kind of revival of the themes and features of traditional painting in the form of murals.
Restoring the Safavid identity and recovering the older layers of the murals was one of the main approaches of the new currents of conservation and restoration in Chehelsotoun Palace, As the IsMEO group seldom left evidence of traditional repairs on murals. IsMEO also used a system recognizable of distinct restorative additions to older sections in order to avoid misleading restoration operations in addition to establishing aesthetic integrity. Following the emphasis on preserving all the remains of the surviving murals from the Safavid period, the treatment of the murals with strategies resulting from the application of science gained a lot of importance. Thus, the use of new materials to help materials that no longer had the desired function, found a new place in the conservation and restoration of murals in Iran. It should be noted, however, that with the exception of a few experiments, the results of an accurate assessment of the compatibility between such solutions and the main materials of the murals and the traditional methods of their construction have not been published by IsMEO.

Conclusion
The new approaches to the preservation and restoration of the murals discussed at Chehelsotoun were based on an assessment of the aesthetic and historical aspects of the murals. IsMEO’s methods for reintegrating the lacunas of murals were also linked to the two fundamental categories of the historical authenticity and artistic integrity of murals. Aesthetic approaches in the new currents of conservation and restoration, derived from the perspective of art for art and beauty in a pleasant and enjoyable sense. Following this view; Attention to the main intention of the artist, and subjectivity, found a special place in many approaches to conservation and restoration. In contrast, traditional repairs were semantic in nature rather than aesthetic in appearance. Previous procedures were subject to spiritual concepts and also used visual values to express spiritual and epistemological expressions.
Emphasis on the historical authenticity in new currents was another way of distinguishing it from previous procedures. This view arose following the disintegration of Western societies from the past and the formation of historical consciousness, and forbade the process of re-creation and competition with the original artist in restoration. But in contrast to the new approaches focused on the nature of things and their semantic and epistemological aspects, they were independent of the time and place of the phenomena.

Abstract
Gray pottery is one of the most significant and important cultural artifacts discovered from the Bronze Age sites in the southeast of the Iranian plateau. This style of pottery has been obtained in a very large amount from the Chagardak Asr-e-Faraghi site of Chah Hashem Plain in Baluchistan, which has so far been far from the views and studies of archeology, archeology and artistic history of the southeast of the Iranian plateau. The main question of this research is about how to make and decorate these pottery. It seems that pottery making was developed in this area and they had different construction methods. The present research has been done by analytical-experimental method and based on laboratory studies. The studied objects belong to the Museum of Southeastern Iran. Measures such as documenting the condition of objects as well as sampling necessary for laboratory tests have been performed at the restoration workshop of the Museum of Southeastern Regions of Zahedan. Then, using thin section petrographic studies (OM) and instrumental analyzes with SEM-EDX and XRD methods, the data are analyzed in order to achieve the research objectives. In this study, 11 samples of gray pottery related to Chegardak area, which were obtained from emergency excavations in 2018, were performed. All pottery was wheeled and gray in dark to light and with different thicknesses but in the range of thin pottery. Archaeological studies on pottery suggest a similar composition, but show that different production methods were used. The pottery in question was pottery produced in high heat furnaces and advanced methods such that precision in construction, elegance and strength were considered by the potters. The results show that pottery in this area has been a very advanced industry that has used iron and manganese-based minerals to decorate the pottery.
Keywords:  Archeology, Petrography, Bronze Age pottery, Chegardak, SEM-EDX, XRD.

Introduction
Southeastern Iran is one of the most important and prominent regions in terms of human evolution in the Bronze Age. Evidence of this is the dispersion and existence of numerous ancient sites and hills related to the third millennium BC in this area. Significant sites such as Burnt City (Tosi, 1976; Biscione et al., 1977; Piperno & Tosi, 1975; Tosi, 1968) ¬, Bumpur (DeCardi, 1968; Mortazavi, 2004; 2006) 2018), Speedge (Heidary et al., 2019), Khorab (Stein, 1937) and Domain (Tosi, 1970) as well as Chegardak area (Heydari et al, 2015) are prominent and prominent examples in Sistan and Balochistan, all of which have been studied and various archaeological studies to date Chagardak Archaeological Site (27 ° 5’14 ‘’ N; 59 ° 7’8 ‘’ E) is located in Delgan city and Dasht-e Chah Hashem village, 10 km northeast of Chagardak village (200 km west of Iranshahr city). This area takes its name from the nearby village, namely Chagardak. This area is located in a flat and low plain. The ancient site of Chagardak in the plain of Chah Hashem Jazmourian includes a hill and two cemeteries related to the Bronze Age of Balochistan. This area has been in turmoil and damaged in 2005 due to extensive destruction and looting by traders. During the salvage excavations carried out in 1397, the Archaeological Department of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage of Sistan and Baluchestan Province discovered a variety of artifacts, including pottery painted in pea, gray and red. Gray pottery is one of the most important finds from the lesser-known Chagardak site in Balochistan. Therefore, these findings have been analyzed and studied in this pilot study using petrographic, SEM-EDX and XRD methods. In the first stage, petrographic analysis was performed on all pottery. In the study of pottery petrography, a very important issue is the materials added to the pottery paste. All the pottery is wheeled and gray in the range of dark to light and with different thicknesses, but within the fine pottery of this region. Samples were named based on the first letter of the name of the Chagardak site in Latin (CH) and the sample number from 1 to 11. Among these specimens, numbers 1 to 8 are broken and small pieces of pottery obtained in the excavations of this area, and numbers 9 to 11 are pottery that is much more complete and with Ability to perform restoration operations (Table 1). Gray painted pottery is one of the types of pottery that has been obtained in many areas of southeastern Iran. Their designs are taken from the ecology of the region and the culture of the people of that period. Scanning electron microscopy analysis equipped with X-ray fluorescence analysis (SEM-EDX): for microscopic examination of the pottery matrix, identification of minerals as well as melting and vitrification stages of the pottery, as well as identification of the chemical composition of the matrix and minerals. SEM-EDX method was used. The SEM device used is the MIRA3 model made by Tescan, an American product. Also, to identify the composition of pigments used in painting ceramics, the EDX elemental method and the VEGA / TESCAN-XMU model made in the United States, which was coupled to the above SEM machine, have been used. The resolution was 1.5 mm at 15 kV and 4.5 nm at KV1 with BSE detector. Also, the method used in this research is point analysis. The mentioned experiment was performed in Razi Metallurgy Laboratory of Tehran. X-ray diffraction (XRD): X-ray diffraction method has been used to identify crystalline phases and mineralogical studies in the desired pottery. The model of the device used is X’spert Prompd Panytical made in the Netherlands, which has been done in Razi Metallurgical Laboratory of Tehran. The samples were analyzed at 30 Ma current and 40 Kv voltage. Information on the identification of crystal phases based on PDF2 database was reviewed and obtained by Xpert High Score Plus software version 2010. Therefore, how the art of making and recognizing the pottery industry in this region can be one of the most important questions and goals. Therefore, in this research, we have tried to answer some questions such as the following questions by using some common methods of analysis in the archeology of ancient pottery. A) What kind of mineralogical composition does the pottery discovered from Chegardak have? B) Structural and archaeometric studies of ceramics show what kind of process shows in the way of making and baking pottery?

Conclusion
These experiments showed that the pottery has a very dense, hard and non-porous texture, which shows that the prehistoric potters of the Chagardak area five thousand years ago were very precise and skilled in the type of drilling and processing method. So that no emptiness or signs of improper weaving can be found in the pottery. This point should be considered as one of the most important features of gray pottery in this region, especially in the southeast of Iran. On the other hand, the resulting studies show that the soil used in the manufacture and production of pottery paste is very desirable, washed and free of any additives. As their strength is so high after firing that they can not be easily broken, this can be seen well in the type of sintered and semi-glass texture of pottery. Also in XRD phase analysis, the presence of high heat phases was detected. It is very likely that high heat furnaces using regenerative conditions were used in the construction of the pottery. On the other hand, in the archeological excavations and emergency excavations carried out by the archeological group of the area under the supervision of Mohammad Heydari, the architectural remains of a pottery kiln, molten pottery and kiln were discovered, which shows this. This industry has been an art and native production of the people of this area. The last stage of producing a pottery was the methods of polishing and decorating it to produce a magnificent work of art. Elemental studies showed that the prehistoric painter and craftsman of Chagardak used iron-based minerals such as hematite and red recently to record red colors, and a combination of iron-oxide and manganese-based materials to produce black and dark colors.

Abstract
Troglodytic Architecture like other branches of architecture has strong relationship with the culture of the people and their daily lives, which, although at first glance, seems simple and primitive, but in fact were built by people who have used all their intelligence and ability to build them.In Troglodyte part of Ab-Ask village, the people of the past have tried to create various architectural elements in this place to meet their daily needs, each of which plays an important role in the architecture of this part in a specific shape and image. Some of these elements were created inside the Troglodyte (rooms) and some outside the rooms.Indicative environmental elements that affect the plasticity of the village are geography,security,immortality and religion,which geography has the most impact on the form of Troglodyte compared to other factors. However, the influence of other factors cannot be ignored. What has been the present research in order to answer the question of the elements related to the lifestyle of people in these Troglodyte? Using field and descriptive case study method, in Troglodyte section of Ab-Ask village, to introduce and analyze architectural elements and details in these Troglodyte including: porch, stone bench, door, window, ledge and niche, stove, manger, and etc. At the end of this study, it will show that the past people of this region with high skills in interacting with nature have been able to create more than 170 Troglodyte in this place, which were studied in 5 groups. The orientation of the facade in this complex has been done from the south to the northeast, which has been a calculated choice in relation to the winds of the region and the direction of the sun and the chronology of the collection, according to the pottery and historical texts, is probable to the historical-Islamic period. 
Keywords: Troglodyte Architecture, Ab-e-Ask, Architectural Elements and Details, Immortality, Akhyeh.

Introduction
This type of architecture has been created by hand, with the help of tools, in the heart of the soil or in the heart of rocks between dams and precipices. Residents in man-made cave architecture, like living in modern architecture, require the use of elements to meet their needs. They have created the elements of this architecture in the same way in the heart of the rocks and according to their needs, which is diverse. Certainly, the past residents of man-made cave architecture of Ab-Ask village, in order to meet their needs by creating and organizing the available space in the heart of the rock, have created elements and details along with the residential space; that knowing these elements, as indicators related to lifestyle, will lead to familiarity with the pattern and lifestyle of the inhabitants of this man-made cave village.
Man-made cave part of the village, which also has a significant area, has taken on new uses today due to new needs, and due to new uses, new elements have been added to the previous samples.
Objectives and necessity of research: Due to the evidence of many rock architecture in Larijan section of Amol city (due to geographical conditions) and the lack of sufficient research in relation to these works, therefore study of the rock formations of Ab-Ask Village can be used as a prelude to a better understanding of this type of architecture and also, the role of rock architecture in rural tourism planning in Larijan section is very important
Research questions and hypotheses: What were the elements related to the lifestyle of the people in these man-made caves? It seems that the wind direction of the region and the direction of sunlight have had a significant effect on the direction of the entrance of this man-made cave.

Context
Areas of villages in Larijan district in Mazandaran province, among dams and precipices with a length of approximately 45 km, from the summer village of Plour to the village of Punjab, along the Haraz transportation road, have a variety of man-made cave architecture (Mohammadi Nashli and Rostamnejad Nashli , 2013: 2) which in this article we are researching man-made caves of Ab-e-Ask village.
Adjacent to the Haraz River, which has permanent water, at the foot of Damavand Mountain, next to numerous mineral springs and travertine makers, and near the coal mine, more than 170 units of man-made cavities inside hardened volcanic sediments (harder than soil and softer than stone) but dominated the plains and adjacent lands created by the peoples of the past.
These man-made caves are made on the walls of valleys with a height of 30 to 100 meters, all of which have a special door and hole due to the slope and climatic and perhaps religious reasons, which usually warm in winter and cool in summer in choosing the side. In these settlements, the number of openings is generally small and often only one entrance is enough, although in some, man-made caves, in addition to the opening, a hole is installed in the east direction.
Various elements have been used in man-made section of Ab-e-Ask village inside and outside the living space, and here we have tried to introduce and their possible function. Porch, parf, shelter or shelter of wind and cairn from external elements, hall, skylight window, niche, recess, jug, mortar, stove, manger and drinking fountain, room and stake including internal and at the entrance elements, stairs and platform are elements that are seen both outside and inside the space of these man-made caves, are mentioned in this article.

Conclusion
This collection includes more than 170 units of man-made cave that have been studied in five groups: residential structures, livestock-residential structures, guard structures, possibly ritual-burial structures and structures with unknown use. Chronology of the collection According to the evidence in the historical-Islamic period up to the present century, it is possible that during this period, this collection has also expanded. However, 90% of the units in this collection are still used in fodder ponds and warehouses. Pointing out that about 50% of the collection is related to the present century that people have naturally built existing structures to store fodder and keep their livestock and according to the type of rock.
7 units out of total 170 units identified in the collection were debris-removed that the different feature of these 7 units is the presence of a pounded floor with plaster, which has probably been seen in the side walls in addition to the floor. A number of units in this collection are associated with artificial architecture, which is clearly related to the surviving artificial architecture of the contemporary century and some recent years.
Existence of different architectural elements inside and outside the spaces has been a necessity in order to meet the daily needs of the residents, that in this article, a brief introduction to the elements and interior design, which were eventually created simply by working on stone and natural bedding, was obtained.
In this collection, the existing architectural elements as inextricably intertwined with other elements, such as walls, floors, ceilings are parts of the space. Each of these elements is embedded in different sizes and dimensions depending on the location and available space; due to this, we see a great variety in the architectural elements of this collection that the elements of each space are specific to that space. The presence of a natural substrate has made it possible to add new elements to the collection over time. These elements are created in the desired space due to the necessity of daily life, and that is why there is not much multiplicity about these elements.

Abstract
Considering the importance of the Late Chalcolithic Period, especially at the end of the period, we see the emergence of the first cities and early state formation; therefore identifying the types of sites and cultural materials of this period can add important information to our knowledge about it. Among the most noteworthy tendencies of this period are the population growth, the expansion of exchange, and growing craft specialization. Despite our knowledge of different types of cultural materials, especially the pottery traditions of the Late Chalcolithic Period of the Central Zagros region, our knowledge of “Coba” pottery in Iran is limited. which were mass-produced in the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Turkey in different forms during the “Post-Ubaid” and from the LC1 period onwards. So far, there has been little discussion about the presence of this type of vessel in Iran. This study examines Coba bowls in western Iran, especially the Kermanshah plain, and tries to answer the questions by a descriptive andanalytical method, while discussing the technological characteristics and the time span of Coba bowls in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan? Also, what view do these new findings give us in terms of the distribution of these wares? The abundance of these bowls in the excavation of Taq-e Bustan in 2015 and other discovered samples from Kermanshah province and western Iran provide new evidence that this pottery tradition covered a wide area in western Iran. These samples show that we are facing a significant abundance of type 3 and 4 of Coba bowls and the bold presence of these types indicates the spread of this ware to western parts of Iran such as the Central Zagros in the Early Uruk period.
Keywords: Kermanshah, Taq-e Bustan, Late Chalcolithic, Post-Ubaid, Coba Bowls.

Introduction
Given that the fourth millenium B.C coincides with major structural changes, including the emergence of social hierarchy, technological innovations and economic reorganization, and finally the emergence early states and cities, the presence and distribution of Coba bowls, also known as mass-produced, represents a wider range of communication and interaction in the early fourth mill B.C between Mesopotamia and the Central Zagros than previously thought. Here, we aim to answer the two following questions: What are the technological characteristics of the prehistoric Taq-e Bustan place bowls? Which time period does this type of ware cover? Also, what image do these new findings provide of the distributional pattern? Therefore, the authors in this article will try to evaluate the presence of these findings in relation to the origin of this pottery and the main area of its development.
The area of Taq-e Bustan West Park, which is also known as Parthian Cemetery, is located in the northeast of Kermanshah city and the foothills of the mountains and in the west of Taq-e Bustan historical place next to a spring full of water at an altitude of 1395 meters above sea level. During the excavations of this area in 1394, a new collection of finds associated with the fourth millennium BC (traces of the Late Chalcolithic Period settlement beneath the layers containing the Parthian Cemetery) was revealed. During the initial studies, this area was considered to be on the same horizon as the Godin IV3 period.

Discussion
During the classification, typology and comparison of the pottery collection, one of the special types of pottery forms called Coba bowl was revealed in this area. The Coba bowls are the hallmark of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon, which has been present in four different types from the LC1 to LC3, in a wide range, including northern Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e Bustan site are found in large numbers, upside down on the bottom floor and inside the jar. The presence of these bowls along with spherical body bowls (also know as curved bowl) -with simple rim and grooved body-, beaded-rim bowls, bowls similar to Hammerhead bowl, painted pottery comparable to pottery from Godin Tapeh of the VI3 period and other forms of pottery, are important. Based on the comparisons made, and considering the samples with absolute chronology of the Central Plateau, Central Zagros and areas outside the borders of Iran, as well as according to the radiocarbon samples obtained from the Godin period VI1, a date of about 3800 or 3700 (LC2-3) can be suggested for the settlement of Late Chalcolithic period of the Taq-e Bustan and its pottery. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e-Bostan prehistoric place are comparable to Coba bowls, such as Wide-Flower pots, conical, or V-shaped bowls. These bowls, which are considered as a relatively unknown types of this period in Iran, have not been noticed so far, if in addition to the Taq-e Bustan site, they have been obtained from Ja-baq site in Doroud Faraman of Kermanshah, Tepe Kheibar of Rawansar, Tapeh Morad Weis 2 in Sar Pol-e Zahab, Godin Tapeh period VI3, Shahzade Abdollah site in Khorramabad, Garmesi Site in Deh Luran, Tepe Badamyar of Rabat and Qale Nane in Marivan. The presence of this type of pottery in areas far from its already known areas of distribution, especially in the Central Zagros, can provide a new perspective for transregional interactions and further our understanding of the nature of society in the early fourth millennium BC in the Zagros.

Conclusion
Among the cultural finds of this site, the Wide-Flower pots with a relatively rough and uneven surface, straw temper and generally with grey core have a strong presence in the studied assemblage. Its already known sphere of development includes the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia. The Coba bowls are an important feature of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon which lasts until the LC3 period. According to the division that the researchers have considered for Coba bowls, the Coba bowls of the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan are comparable to the third and fourth types of this V-shaped bowl, which are mostly known in the eastern areas such as Keban, Habur and Iraqi Jezira. It is certain that with further excavations and surveys, there is a possibility of changing this zoning/sphere, because examples of these bowls (V shape) are also found in western areas such as Amuq, Cilicia and southern Anatolia. These bowls are generally referred to as mass-produced bowls due to the discovery of large quantities in archaeological contexts, and the function attributed to this type of bowl generally includes household activities. Excavation in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan shows the expansion of the Coba bowl sphere to the western regions of Iran, such as the Kermanshah plain in the Central Zagros. Existence of these bowls along with other comparable pottery forms in different regions within the current borders of Iran and many comparable examples in the Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria and the use of the Flint-scrap Technique on the surface of vessels of these sites, especially the bowls which are one of the features of the Northern Mesopotamian pottery tradition (Chaff faced-ware or Post-Ubaid culture) during the late fifth and early fourth millennium BC, indicate the prevalence and continuity of the presence of Northern Mesopotamian pottery traditions, along with the early Uruk pottery culture in the Central Zagros. This reflects the extensive regional and trans-regional relations between these areas.

Abstract
Fakhr and Madin are the networks inside the fence and religious places that are repeated in the form of grids. Such walls are made with pieces of baked clay in geometric and non-geometric shapes, and because holes have appeared between them, they have tried to make their form beautiful as well. In the Islamic era of Iran, mausoleums and tombs after mosques are among the most important works of architecture and urban planning. The construction of this building began in the fourth century AH and continues with ups and downs until the Safavid era. According to the surviving works, the Ilkhanate period in Iran can be considered as the peak period of the popularity and prosperity of the construction of “Fakhr and Medin” in tomb buildings. In this article, a number of tomb buildings from the Ilkhanid, Timurid and Safavid eras are comparatively studied. The paper follows the main question of what evolution Fakhr and Madin have undergone in the Islamic period with emphasis on the three mentioned periods, and how its application can be explained and traced in comparison? This research is a combination of two types of qualitative and quantitative research methods and descriptive-analytical method based on logical reasoning. Data collection was done through library study and valid historical documents and review of images and documentation centers. In this regard, first, the historical background and theoretical foundations of the topic have been examined. Then, all the types of Fakhr and Madin in the tombs of the three Ilkhanid, Timurid and Safavid periods (a total of 25 case studies) have been analyzed according to the geometric patterns, location and materials used in their construction. The result of a comparative study shows that “Fakhr and Madin” has been compiled in the form of seven physical-semantic indicators. These characteristics include: spirituality, transparency, environmental comfort, security, visual interaction, privacy and beauty, and it was found that in the Ilkhanate period, the characteristics of “spirituality” and “visual interaction”, in the Timurid period, the characteristics of “environmental comfort” and “Visual interaction” and in the Safavid period, the characteristics of “spirituality” and “environmental comfort” have been emphasized.. 
Keywords: Fakhr and Madin, Tomb, Ilkhani, Teymouri, Safavid.
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Introduction
Iranians have always revered their dead throughout history, but this reverence has never been for the deity of beings, either before Islam or after Islam. This attention and respect can be considered as a mixture of theology and fear of death and love and affection for parents and ancestors, which has never reached the stage of worshiping the dead.
In the Islamic era of Iran, the tomb, with the exception of the mosque, has received more public attention than any other type of architecture, so that in few cities there is no share of such buildings. On the other hand, assuming the obvious connection of many architectural and urban works of early Islamic Iran with pre-Islamic heritage, it is worth emphasizing that in pre-Islamic times, with the exception of the magnificent tomb of Cyrus, there are no important signs of tombs that were built independently. 
Tomb buildings from the fourth century AH, after both religious and non-religious in Islamic architecture and urban planning in Iran, have opened their place, with the difference that the buildings are part of the religious group and mostly Shiite tombs and holy shrines have been given special attention in terms of sanctity and have been renovated over the years. But the non-religious tombs, which include the tombs of the rulers, princes and elders of the country, have not been given much importance and most of them have suffered various injuries or changes over time or have changed their nature and have become religious tombs and buildings. In this article, in line with the above, it has been tried to study and explore the architectural-urban works of the Islamic period (tombs and mausoleum) with emphasis on the three periods of Ilkhanids, Timurids and Safavids, and in particular “Fakhr and Madin” in these tombs should be analyzed.

Comparative Study: The position of “Fakhr and Madin” in the Ilkhanid, Timurid and Safavid Periods
This type of bricklaying (Fakhr and Madin) with its lattice module which is composed of regular and sometimes irregular geometric shapes, in the case of gardens, in order to illuminate and clarify the building, play with light and shadow, pay attention to the issue of privacy and prevent the view of the object directly and from the inside, be safe and secure, was actually used. This porosity in the garden fence in addition to creating vision and perspective into the garden and visual interaction with the internal environment, with shadows and stylized space, with the weakening of the light intensity for pedestrians providing a favorable path, causing its lattice body. 
In this section, the tombs of the Islamic period are studied with emphasis on the status of Fakhr and Madin. As mentioned earlier, Fakhr and Madin has been one of the elements of Iranian indigenous architecture, which has a special place in various types of Iranian architecture. Architects have used this technique to create shadows and lights for visual beauty as well as to attract attention to the building. The selection of 25 case studies of the tomb in the three periods of the Ilkhanids, Timurids and Safavids is the basis of a comparative study of this part of the study. The use of Fakhr and Madin dates back to the pre-Ilkhanate period, but due to the small use of this element, their study has been abandoned. At the same time, for example, the Nain Grand Mosque in the Albuyeh period and the Ardestan Grand Mosque in the Seljuk period have benefited from its pride and use. In the first case, Fakhr and Madin have been used as skylights and connectors for air conditioning, as well as in Patio. In the second case, Fakhr and Madin on the ground floor and the first floor, with the aim of visual interaction and shading, air conditioning and light transmission, have been considered.
In order to summarize the discussion and the possibility of comparing the results, Fakhr and Madin indicators (7 indicators) in 25 samples were presented comparatively in the form of a table and separately for the three periods studied.

Conclusion
The result of this comparative study shows that in the Ilkhanate period, Fakhr and Madin were used in different parts, including under the dome of the outer fence of the altar porch and the porch of the tombs. This course includes the most variety in the places used. Of course, the greatest benefit of Fakhr and Madin was identified under the dome and then in the walls around the compound. Therefore, it can be concluded that the most important subject of the Ilkhanate was “spirituality” and then “visual interaction”. This is while in the Timurid period, the most use of Fakhr and Madin was in the outer body and then in the porch, dome and lanai. So in this period, the most important topics are “environmental comfort” and “visual interaction”. In the Safavid period, Fakhr and Madin was used in the dome and the outer wall. In this period, “spirituality” and “environmental comfort” have been the most important characteristics used by Fakhr and Madin. On the other hand, according to the studies done, in the case of different types of tombs, the most use of Fakhr and Madin has been in individual tombs, although a mass tomb was also found during the Ilkhanid and Timurid periods (who used Fakhr and Madin). Also, the most varied form of Fakhr and Madin is under the domes and around the courtyards and fences, almost a fixed form of Fakhr and Madin has been used. As expected from the definitions of Fakhr and Madin, the most used materials were bricks. But other materials such as pottery and wood have also been used in its construction. Finally, the most important indicator used of pride and civility was “transparency” and then “environmental comfort” and in the next category “spirituality”, although it seems that in the collection of tombs, the indicator of “security” was considered and Special emphasis has been placed on it.