Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts. 
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22). 
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

Abstract
Sassanid bullae are indicative of the administrative structure, commerce and other cultural concepts, which usually differ from each other in the sealed figures, size and the number of times they have been stamped. In many cases, these samples are accompanied by symbolic arrays like other cultural data of this period. In order to study of their importance and description and to answer questions about the symbolism mixed with the worldview of Mazdaznan religion and other concepts such as the knowledge of that time, we selected undocumented bullae in the archives of the National Museum. In this regard, semantics, the most frequent arrays, compatibility between these symbols with other symbols this period, relative chronology and their possible origins were investigated. Most of the images stamped on the bullae of this collection include human, animal, and geometric arrays (monograms). Some of the fifty studied bullae studied have lost their value in due to wear and corrosion or breakage. Also, there is no information about how they were discovered. These bullae are assigned to the Sassanid period only based on the writings and arrays. Our research is based on library studies and documentation of bullae of the National Museum archive and conventional methods such as photography and design of flower seals. 
Keywords: Bullae, Sassanid, Symbol, Iconography, Mazdaznan.

Introduction
Our purpose of writing this article is the iconography of bullae attributed to the Sassanid period from the archives of the National Museum. By studying these bullae, their administrative, commercial and ritual use can be understood. In order to better understand these features, symbols and writings (here symbols) have been studied. The Iconography of the archeological data of this period (especially seals and bullae) reveals points such as cultural interaction in the Sassanid Empire, similar to the concepts of the Mazdaist religion or other religions, Animal symbols in the seals of the Moghadam Museum with signs of the Mitra ritual (Dehpahlevan and Ghanavati, 2014, 47-67); or examples with Christian and Jewish symbols from Sassanid empire rituals (Lerner, 1976, 183-187 and Lerner 2009, 653-664). All in all, the symbolic nature (or not) of the arrays on the bullae can be interpreted as follows; Signs (monograms) are single or multi-purpose, human portraits are demonstrative or commanding and sometimes mythological, some of them like hearth are divine and other are mythological representations of quadrupeds or birds (Brunner, 1978, 11). However, each of which has a variety in form and details but it can be safely said that monograms are the most special type among them because it combines other symbols together (figure 1). Bullae in the archives of the National Museum are classified into human, plant, animal, astronomical and geometric types in a symbolic or natural framework. Meanwhile, their animal species is probably from the northern half of Iran in the 6th century AD. The purpose of this research is to deal with the symbolic and ritual concepts of the bullae of the National Museum and their use, classification and relative chronology of them. Their relative chronology is due to their similarity to the most well-known finds of this period, such as the documented flower seals of Takht Sulaiman and Abu Nasr Palace. The questions and assumptions of our research include What are the meanings of the Sasanian bullae symbols? What are the most repeated arrays in this collection and what are their similarities? What is the relationship between our research collection and other archaeological and documented findings? It is believed that the iconography on the seals, despite their mainly commercial or administrative use, shows the prominence of symbols and rituals in all aspects of Sasanian culture. Also, the iconography and inscriptions of some of the seals of the National Museum archive confirm their ownership to administrative and ritual positions. In this regard, we have a historical and analytical approach according to the documentation methods, typology and the review of archaeological reports.

Discussion and Analysis
Symbolism is an integral part of Iranian culture. Undoubtedly, since bullae were representative of the administrative and commercial system throughout the Sassanid Empire. the reflection of well-known and ancient symbols on bullae is also an effort to culturalization and reminding with them. According to the Authors, the common message of the symbols of each category clearly expresses systematic beliefs that are evident in all cultural and political aspects of this era. Just like the deification of all creations, which has been mentioned many times in Sasanian literature and art especially in the fourth century at the same time as Khosrow II Sassanid (Yarshater, 2016, 176-190). Iconography was of interest throughout this period and only the appearance and quantity of some of them, such as the animal examples of the time of Kartir and Bahram II or the symbols of the goddess Anahita during the time of Mobad-e-Mobadan Atorpat Mehraspandan (beginning of the 4th century AD) caused that some researchers consider them as new symbols. Sometimes iconography is a way to know the origin of bullae such as the arrays of camels and winged horses that are the symbol of the fire temple of Azargoshnasp that can show that part of this collection was made there or in the workshops of the northern half of Iran. In this regard the mineralogy of flower beads will also be our answer in belonging to the specific place of preparation of materials, the production and baking of flower beads. In addition, the names of Mad, Pars, Bishapur and Farah (Khora) of Ardashir (Firouzabad) are also mentioned on these seals. However, some names such as Azargashnesab were also used to name places and people (Yamauchi, 1993: 7-46). It is also possible that the flower seals and their iconography are more visible throughout this period, especially during political and social upheavals such as the period of Qabad I (488-496 AD) or Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 AD).  In this regard, the archives of Takht Suleiman’s bullae and the reflection of the well-known early patterns of this period, such as the depiction of the king riding a horse on the bullae, clearly indicate their use and symbols for a long time, especially in the second half of this period.

Conclusion
The celestial and religious or scientific attitude to phenomena can be seen in Sassanid art and culture and before them in Iran. From a conceptual point of view, showing tangible species such as goats and rams, boars, etc. is also a good way to better believe the detailed definitions in a symbolic format. For example, in Iranian mythology, the gods had an iconic form of human, animal, etc., such as Anahita, the goddess of flowing waters, seal (Mitra) of the sun’s ray. All of them are represented in symbols, signs and inscriptions that are rooted in ancient beliefs.
The symbolism of bullae of the National Museum Archive helps us to understand ancient symbols and concepts such as animism and godliness and ideas mixed with the knowledge of the times. The role of symbols on the bullae for which administrative and commercial uses is presumed clearly indicates the value of product or message, the position of the seal holders and sometimes a sign of administrative and ritual base. Therefore, the symbol of the Sasanian seal and bullae, which was used as a medium to keep ancient ideas alive based on the materials and strategies of its time, can be a useful for the sociology of the Sasanian period. Seals and bullae have been most available to the elites in the judiciary, property, shrines, etc., and diverse human profile and different names on the archive of seals is a confirmation of this statement. Other points that can be seen from the symbolism of the bullae in addition to the recreation of symbols with concepts in the style of the millennia BC, the unreasonable interaction of cultures (symbols), especially based on the trade and shrewd attitude and policy of the Sassanid empire in coexistence with neighboring lands. Fleshy artistic style of arrays (especially human and animal species) is also a rare phenomenon in the history of Iranian art, although the geometric style of the Sassanid seals of Devin and Ajmiadzin of Armenia, or Qasrabun Nasr in the museum The New York Metropolitan, can be the result of the influence of individuals, the mass production of seals, the artistic style of seals and sometimes their inseparability from Parthian or pre-Party specimens.

Abstract
Sassanian seals and sealings were used in all levels of society and administrative organizations during historical periods, including the Sassanid era. They have played a significant role in our understanding of various historical aspects of this period. Among the motifs carved on Sasanian seals that reveal the beliefs of their owners, the image of women as an important population of Sassanian society is also engraved on the seals. Seals inscribed with female motifs are considered important sources for analyzing the position of women in this period and reflect society’s attitude towards this group. This article aims to investigate the motif of women on Sassanian seals by introducing a seal from the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan. Through library studies and direct observation of the seal, the Authors discuss the symbolic aspects and interpretation of the inscription on this seal, describing the female motifs present. The question raised is the relationship between the character on the seal and the owner. To what extent does the inscription reflect feminine concepts? Seals engraved with the motif of women were likely owned by women, indicating their individual independence and social status during that period. While women in the Sassanian period were less involved in business and politics than men, the presence of seals with female motifs demonstrates their acceptance and legal position in the administrative and economic affairs of the time.
Keywords: Seal, Sasanian, woman, inscription, Bu-Ali Sina Museum.

Introduction
Seals are considered one of the most significant discoveries in archaeological excavations, shedding light on the mysteries of the past. Seal motifs provide insight into the cultural and civilizational evolution of different historical periods. On pre-Islamic seals, motifs depicting women engaged in daily activities, as well as symbols related to mythology and religion that reflect the social status of women, hold great importance. Alongside these depictions of women, images of animals like dogs or scorpions are sometimes carved, suggesting the religious and mythological significance of women. Women in pre-Islamic times were often associated with the queen or goddess of water, Anahita. The main objective of this article is to explore the significance of the motif of women on Sassanid seals, using a seal from the collection of the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan as an example. By analyzing the motif and inscription on this seal, the article aims to address the connection between the motif and the seal’s owner, as well as how feminine concepts are reflected in the inscription. However, due to the unknown origin of the seal, establishing its exact chronology poses a challenge.

The Motif of women on Sasanian seals
The image of a woman in Sasanian seals is a symbol of the queen or goddess Anahita. Her role in these seals is in the form of a profile, half-length, standing in awe of a woman with a long and fringed dress as a symbol of the waves of the boundless waters, similar to Anahita’s tunic while raising her hand and holding a lotus branch in her hand. In some seals, the image of the queen is engraved next to a man, either the king or the wife of the woman. The queen and the king face each other in profile and look at each other. Sometimes a tree can be seen among them, which is a symbol of the tree of life. (Brunner, 1979: 47). In the motifs left on Sasanian seals, a woman is depicted as giving thanks and to show her marital status, she is either holding a flower that is a symbol of offering to the gods or she is holding a ring that shows her marriage contract. Sometimes the female figure is shown as a person holding a royal crown in the air and dancing (Brunner, 1978: 61). The role of a woman on Sasanian seals is sometimes seen next to a child in sitting or standing positions or while holding the child in her arms. It has been said that these kinds of seals belonged to the Christians of different parts of Iran, in which the role of the woman was the symbol of Mary and the child was the symbol of Christ (Mesbah Ardakani and Dadvar, 2008: 179; Brunner, 1979: 42; Harper, 1978: 145). In most of the Sassanid seals depicted with a female figure, the name of the owner of the seal appears in the inscription around the female figure. (Mohammadifar & Malekan, 2013: 5).
A Sasanian seal with a female motif at the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan
 The seal, with registration number 4635, is made of Soleimani agate and measures 18 mm long and 8 mm wide, weighing 3.3 grams. There is a crack in the right margin of the seal. The image on the seal depicts a standing woman, possibly wearing a cloak, looking to the right. She has long hair and is holding either a flower or a bird in her hand. Below her hand, a ribbon hangs, potentially a belt around her waist. Her dress appears to be shaped like a tank at the bottom, tight on the leg, and flowing to the ground like boundless waters. The motifs of the moon, star, and flower or bird are significant on this seal, along with the motif of women. The seal under study bears an inscription on the margin indicating the owner’s name (Hu-rōy) and family relationship (son of Hu-dēn), suggesting that the seal likely belonged to a woman. Symbols like the star, flower, and dove, associated with the goddess Anahita in Iranian mythology, further support the idea that this seal was owned by a woman in Sassanid society.
Interpreting the seal inscription for research purposes, the text on the right side of the main seal reads from 1 o’clock to about 6 o’clock. The inscription includes the words “Ho Roy” and “Ho Din,” which may be a title or name. The suffix “ān” at the end of the second word indicates a relative connection. Based on the Middle Persian script and seal morphology, scholars suggest that this seal likely dates back to the late Sassanid period.

Conclusion
Seals are crucial sources for understanding the history and culture of ancient Iran. The variety of carved patterns on seals from the Sassanid period provides valuable insights into the religious beliefs of that era. The motif of women on these seals, whether alone or paired with other symbols, highlights their significant social status in Sassanid society. Women, particularly court women, who owned seals were actively involved in commercial and official matters. The presence of feminine motifs on seals challenges the perception of women’s limited roles in business and politics during that time. The motif of a woman alongside a child emphasizes family values in Sassanid society. Additionally, attributing certain female motifs on Sasanian seals to the goddess Anahita underscores her importance in religious themes of that period.

Abstract
Qal’eh Bandar is situated on top of the mountain on the northern edge of the Shiraz plain. It overlooks a gorge which, along with Allah Akbar Gorge, was one of the few access routes from the Shiraz plain to the northern plains and the Marvdasht plain. The remains of this castle, including its towers and its three intriguing deep stone wells, are overlooking the street that leads to Saadi Tomb. According to historical and archaeological evidence, before the construction of the new city of Shiraz Qal’eh Bandar, alongside other fortifications such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and possibly Pol-i Fasa Qal’eh, controlled the Shiraz plain during Sasanian and early Islamic periods. There are limited archaeological investigations of this fort, however the authors attempt to reconstruct the history, periods of occupation, and abandonment of this significant castle in the Shiraz plain by gathering and analyzing historical documents and archaeological findings. The main question of this research is the history of settlement of Qal’eh Bandar, as well as its connection to the name “Shahmubad Castle,” mentioned in some early Islamic geographical sources. The study results indicate that Qal’eh Bandar was used intermittently and frequently, at least from the Sassanian to the Safavid period, after which it was abandoned. However, there were also periods when the castle was abandoned and possibly unused. Folklore literature and culture reveal interesting similarities between the narratives of Qal’eh Bandar and the stories of the “One Thousand and One Nights,” which have not been previously considered. Additionally, contrary to common belief, “Shāhmubad Castle” does not correspond to Qal’eh Bandar but rather to the ruins of “Qasr-i Abu Nasr.
Keywords: Shiraz Plain, Qal’e Bandar, Pahandar, Shāhmubad, Qasr-i Abu Nasr.

Introduction
Historical evidence suggests that the Shiraz region lacked urban structures prior to the establishment of the new city in the latter half of the first century AH. Ibn Balkhi clearly indicated the absence of any city in this area before the Muslim Arab invasion. He described pre-Islamic Shiraz as a region with strong Castles. Considering the use of names similar to Shiraz and the mention of the Shiraz Castle in the Elamite tablets of Persepolis (Ti-ra-iz-zī-iš / Šir-zī-iš / Ti-ra-zī-iš / Ši-ra-iz-zī-iš), which reflect the Elamite version of the Old Persian name *Dīrāčiš, Richard Frye proposed the hypothesis that during the Achaemenid period, the name Shiraz referred to a region encompassing several villages and Castles. After the Achaemenid era, the name Shiraz reappears in the form of šyrɔcy as part of the Ardashir-Khwarrah district in Sasanian seals discovered at the site known as Qasr Abu Nasr in Shiraz. These pieces of evidence are significant for two main reasons. They help in determining the precise location of Shiraz in Sasanian era. They also provide insights into the political and administrative divisions of that period. It appears that, alongside Qasr Abu Nasr, other Castles were important in controlling and administrating of the Shiraz plain before Islam. Among these castles, Qal’eh Bandar holds great importance. Researchers have often identified it with the Shāhmubad Castle, the most important Castle in Shiraz according to early Islamic sources. However, no clear evidence has been provided to support this identification yet. The present research intents to answer two primary questions. First, is there a historical and geographical connection between Qal’eh Bandar and toponym Shāhmubad castle? Second, based on historical texts and archaeological evidence, when this Castle was inhabited and abandoned? Despite the significant historical and archaeological importance of Qal’eh Bandar, there has been little comprehensive research on the history and archaeology of this castle. By examining and analyzing the historical and geographical sources, and then correlating them with archaeological findings, this article reveals information on the history and periods of settlement and abandonment of Qal’eh Bandar in the Shiraz plain. It also provides a more detailed understanding of the role and significance of Qal’eh Bandar in the context of the broader historical and administrative landscape of Shiraz.

Discussion
Several famous Islamic geographers referred to an ancient castle called “Shāhmubad” in Shiraz. Moreover, Istakhari mentioned a Tasuj called “Shāhmubad/Shāhmarnak” among the thirteen Tasujs of the Shiraz plain. Most modern researchers have considered Shāhmubad castle to be the same as Qal’eh Bandar without any evidence. Moreover, Whitcomb has attempted to define the area of Tasuj Shāhmarnak/Shāhmubad in the Shiraz plain based on Qal’eh Bandar’s location (or Shāhmubad castle, in his opinion and that of other researchers). The authors, however, believe that Shāhmubad’s castle is not actually Qal’eh Bandar but rather the ruins of Qasr-i Abu Nasr. In support of this location, one should consider a bulla discovered at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, which is the most common seal impression in this collection. It bears the Middle Persian inscription šylɔcy mgwx. The legend “mgwx” or “mgwh” referred to the most common administrative position seen in the administrative seal impressions on Sasanian bullae. There has been much discussion about it. Frye suggested that “mgwx” is an abbreviation of /magu-x[wadāy]/ mgwx[wtɔy], meaning chief magu/chief priest. To support this reconstruction, Frye referred to a bulla in the British Museum which bears the full form of the word mgwxwdɔt. 
Since the Middle Persian word xwadāy means Lord, and it was usually translated to Shah in New Persian texts—such as the translation of Khwaday-Namag into Shahnameh—the authors believe that “Shāhmubad” could also be a new translation of magu xwadāy. Furthermore, if a Sasanian and early Islamic castle was named “Shāhmubad” or a similar version of this word, the castle is not Qal’eh Bandar but possibly Qasr-i Abu Nasr, where magu xwadāy or his administrative institution was located.
Based on historical texts, nine phases can be identified in Pahander Castle, including construction, restoration, addition, and destruction:
- Phase 1: Construction, Sasanian period, probably Shapur II’s reign
- Phase 2: Addition, Sasanian period, probably Yazdgird III’s reign
- Phase 3: Destruction, Arab conquests, 1st century AH
- Phase 4: Restoration, Buyid, Imad al-Dawla (327 AH)
- Phase 5: Restoration or addition, Buyid, Aḍud al-Dawla
- Phase 6: Restoration, Buyid, Abu Qanim ibn-i Amaid al-Dawla
- Phase 7: Restoration or addition, Muzaffarids, Shāh Shoja (760 AH)
- Phase 8: Restoration, Timurid, Amir Sunjak (796 AH)
- Phase 9: Final destruction, Safavid, Imam Quli Khan (after 1031 AH)
Moreover, three phases of abandonment can be considered:
- Phase 1: From the late 1st century AH until the Buyid period
- Phase 2: From the middle of the Seljuk period until the Injuids
- Phase 3: From the middle of the Safavid period until the present
The mentioned phases are based only on historical evidence and should be complemented with archaeological surveys and investigations.

Conclusion
Before the construction of the newfound city of Shiraz in the second half of the first century AH, a system of fortifications, including Qal’eh Bandar, Qal’eh Pol-i Fasa, and Qasr-i Abu Nasr as the center, were erected to control the Shiraz plain during pre-Islamic (particularly Sasanian) and early Islamic periods. It remains unclear why previous researchers have identified Qal’eh Bandar as the Shāhmubad castle mentioned in Islamic geographical sources. The present study clarifies that there is not solid evidence to substantiate this claim. In addition, the sigillographic evidence from Qasr-i Abu Nasr indicates that it is very probable that Qasr-i Abu Nasr, rather than Qal’eh Bandar, considered as the Shāhmubad castle. Although Qal’eh Bandar is situated on a rather low mountain, its strategic position allowed to control the Shiraz plain and the adjacent gorge, which was one of the few significant routes providing access from the Shiraz plain to the northern regions and the Marvdasht plain. This location advantage resulted in intermittent occupations at Qal’eh Bandar from its construction during the historical period—probably Sasanians—up to the later Islamic centuries. The significant strategic position of Qal’eh Bandar is evident from its intermittent settlements over the centuries. However, when the adjacent route lacked its importance, and the Safavid sought to reduce government expenditures, Qal’eh Bandar was destroyed by Imam Qoli Khan. Following its destruction, the castle was never rebuilt again. Despite its destruction, Qal’eh Bandar left a rich legacy in the collective memory of the people of Shiraz. This legacy persists in both bitter and sweet memories; Most often bitterly, due to the harsh punishment inflicted on adulteresses by throwing them into the well of the castle, or sometimes sweetly, through the recollection of its rock slide, which has become a part of local folklore.

Abstract
In recent years Archaeologist have taken a special attention at south of Khorasan, especially the Qaen region. Recent archaeological surveys have provided valuable findings for researchers. Specific geographical location and the connection as a natural corridor among central Asia, North of Khorasan, southeast of Iran, and central plateau of Iran, which was made by central desert, can be a great cause in different periods, especially in the early second millennium B.C. The expansion of “GKC” (BMAC) in the Eastern half of Iran is one of the most important developments of the second millennium B.C. New findings show that this culture has spread to parts of South of Khorasan, for example, findings of the Razeh, Gavand and Bekanda previously studied. Sartakhteh Baraz site in Qaen is one of the significant sites in Southern Khorasan in which many evidences of the BMAC have been observed, which is less studied and, in this research, we attempt to introduce this site and identify the expansion of GKC. This site located in a mountainous region in Qaen area in North of Southern Khorasan. This site is much destroyed because it is located near a rural area. The main sources of this research have been chosen from the library sources and survey of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen area in 2016. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Then these findings were analyzed and interpreted in theoretical studies. This paper intends to introduce and describing BMAC at the South of Khorasan of Iran Based on evidence of Sartakhteh Baraz site of Qaen; furthermore, its results can demonstrate different aspects of this culture. It seems this culture has expanded in South of Khorasan in the first half of the second millennium B.C. 
Keywords: South of Khorasan, Qaen, GKC (BMAC), Sartakhteh Baraz Site.

Introduction
South Khorasan is located in the east of Iran from a geographical point of view. This region has received less attention in terms of archaeological studies than other regions of the Iranian Plateau. Although these studies have greatly increased in the last decade and have attracted some attention, they are still far from reaching favorable point. South Khorasan, or the current South Khorasan province, geologically has two deserts and mountainous parts. Qaen region, which includes more the mountainous part of the region, is considered one of the cold and rainy regions of the province, so that the average annual rainfall in the city is 180 mm. The pattern of placement of Qaen region is in the form of sometimes continuous mountain ranges in the direction of northwest to Southeast, where Baraz, shaskouh, Ahangaran and Qaen mountains are among the main mountain ranges in the region. Qaen, together with Sarayan and Ferdows covers the northern half of the province, and archaeologically, it is one of the richest areas of Southern Khorasan. Many important settlements of South Khorasan in different periods are scattered in this areas. Strategically, this region forms a link between North Khorasan and Central Asia with the central Plateau and even the southeast. This factor has made the basic and important issues of archaeology in different periods to be tied with archaeology studies in South Khorasan. The studies of BMAC culture in this area are important in the sense that specializes studies and surveys have not been done for this area, and most of the studies include surveys with the purpose of identification. The purpose of the current research is to identify and introduce new evidences is of BMAC culture and explain the spread of this culture in parts of South Khorasan. This research, by using the descriptive-analytical method as well as using field research based on the findings obtained from the archaeological surveys of the central part of Qaen city, tried to analyze and introduce the new evidences obtained from the BMAC culture in the South of Khorasan.
Research questions and Hypotheses: The most important question raised in this research is how to analyze the spread of Great Khorasan culture in South Khorasan? It seems that by identifying new evidences in South Khorasan region, it is possible to discuss this culture more precisely in this region in such a way that it is very likely that the Great Khorasan culture spread in this region in its final stages.

Discussion
The Great Khorasan culture refers to a collection of settlement sites of the late Bronze Age (simultaneous with the V and VI Bronze age) that was formed in a cultured range beyond political borders. This area includes parts of Southern Turkmenistan, Northern Afghanistan, Northeastern Iran, southwestern Tajikistan and Southern Uzbekistan. Among the prominent features of this culture are the presence of distinctive types of pottery, the abundant use of bronze metal and precious metals such as gold and silver, the presence of a variety of prestigious and everyday goods that are made of imported and local stones, including: turquoise, agate, chlorite and marble. In addition to that, collections of unique and possibly ritual objects such as scepters of power, miniature columns, stone weights, mixed stone figurines of seated women in woolen clothes, marble vessels and collections of silver and gold vessels with special reliefs, all it shows specialized industry and exchange economy in this culture (Vahdati, 2015:42-43). 
  In general, the beginning of archaeological activities in the area of GKC (BMAC) in the central east of Iran in recent years, has led to the identification of new settlements and cemeteries of this culture. The new archaeological data and documents obtained from the settlements in the northeast and east of Iran (Khorasan) show the new areas of expansion and influence of GKC. The site of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen is one of the most important sites in South Khorasan, where the evidences of GKC has been observed. Sartakhteh Baraz site was first identified during archaeological investigation by Gholinezhad (Gholinezhad, 2016). This area includes large mound with an area of approximately 120×300 meters, which, due to agricultural activities, cultural data are removed from the original context and placed on the slopes and lands prepared for agriculture (fig 2). Therefore, the distribution of cultural materials can be seen on a large scale. The surveys conducted show that the data and evidence obtained include pottery (fig 4), dagger (fig 5), and a wand head (fig 6) vessel of kohl with a rod (fig 7). The pottery data in the area includes samples that belong to the third to second millennium BC according to the forms and types of pottery (Anani 1400: 113). Among these, there are 6 pieces related to the BMAC culture except for the two pieces that have pea paste and cover, the other pieces have orange paste and cover (Table 1). Some of these pottery are very similar to examples of the final stages of the BMAC culture such as Bustan and Molali in the first half of the second millennium BC (Ionesov, 2002). Based on this, it can be concluded that the layers of the BMAC culture in this area belong to the final stage of this culture. In addition to these, bronze tools and artifacts have been found in abundance in the graves related to the BMAC culture with we witness in the prominent sites of this culture such as Gonur Depe (Sarianidi, 2007:90-93).

Conclusion
In recent years the expansion of archaeological activities and surveys in South Khorasan has increased the identification of settlements and sites of different periods. However we are still far from the desired point and it is necessary that many areas of South Khorasan be investigated systematically and of course specialized. During the surveys, 4 sites belonging to the Great Khorasan culture have been identified in the South of Khorasan. However, if we consider Gonabad as part of this region regardless of the current political boundaries, the number of sites will increase. The new findings obtained from the Sartakhteh Baraz site in the Qaen region show the importance of this region in the late Bronze Age. As mentioned in this research, these findings belong to a new culture that appears in this region. The Great Khorasan culture has spread over a wide area from Central Asia to the Iranian plateau. In the meantime, South Khorasan has acted as a communication route and passage. In such a way that it connects the north-east and south of Turkmenistan to the south-east and the center of the Iranian plateau. Accordingly, it is obvious that we are facing the remains of this culture in this region. But the important question raised here is why most of the areas obtained in this region are cemeteries? Although the answer to this question is not the goal of the present study, before answering this question, it should be noted that all these sites have been archaeologically investigated and none of them have been stratified. The sites that have been explored have only been speculated and demarcated. However during these speculations, it has been almost determined that some of these areas are cemeteries. In the meantime, considering the difference that Sartakhte Baraz site has with other contemporaneous sites and has evidence from earlier periods, it creates the possibility that we may be facing a settlement here. Accordingly, in order to reach a reasonable answer, it is necessary to carry out a stratigraphy excavation in this area in order to be able to answer this question and of course many questions related to this culture in South Khorasan. Another important point that was mentioned and raised as a hypothesis is that the settlements in South Khorasan probably belong to the final stages (first half of the second millennium BC) of the GKC. of course, this assumption also needs more studies in the entire eastern region of Iran. It is hoped that more ambiguities can be answered in the future.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Abstract
Recent studies in some archaeological sites of the Central Plateau of Iran and Afghanistan show that a style of decorating potteries known as stamped decoration was favorable to the Sassanid artists. Vigol, an archaeological site located in the northern Isfahan province (Aran and Bidgol), is one of those sites with several examples of Stamped motifs. This paper aims to study the patterns and abundance of stamped motifs and their chronology through comparative studies. Thus, our goal is to answer these questions: What are the patterns of stamped motifs in Vigol and how can we provide statistics on their frequency? What similarities do these motifs have with other common motifs in the art of the Sassanid period? Which of the existing samples can be compared with other motifs from Sassanid sites? The research method is descriptive-analytical which mostly relies on field and desk research. The results show that the motifs on the 49 stamped potsherds can be divided into seven categories, including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). The first group of motifs including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, arch-shaped, paisley, and some geometric motifs, are comparable to some artistic aspects of the Sassanid period like stucco design or reliefs and stamped motifs from other Sassanid sites. Chronologically stamped motifs of Vigol are comparable to some sites like Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes Aynak outside of the survey area. Several geometric and abstract motifs seem to be local and similar examples cannot be found.
Keywords: Aran and Bidgol, Vigol, Sassanid Art, Sassanid Pottery, Stamped Motifs. 

Introduction
Vigol is located in the southeast of Aran and Bidgol, nowadays surrounded by dunes deserts, and shrubs that cover most of the site. Based on some early and middle Islamic texts, this site was probably one of the villages around Kashan. In Tarikh-i Qum (History of Qom) written by Hassan ibn Mohammad Qomi, Aran, Haraskan, Noush-Abad, and Halil are mentioned. Some scholars believe that Halil is the same as Vigol, although its name is not mentioned as Vigol in Tarikh-i Qum (Mashhadi Noushabadi, 2017: 36). Nevertheless, what attaches importance to Vigol is the presence of two castles in the east and west of the site, mainly referred to as two separate urban structures of the Sassanid period. Also, a Fire temple unearthed in the vicinity of the western site is a unique example of Sassanid art and architecture that emphasizes singlehandedly the position of Vigol among other sites that belong to this period (Javari, 2015: 87). But we can’t escape the fact the existence of this fire-temple caused other studies, including potteries, to be forgotten. So, there is no comprehensive study focusing on Vigol’s potsherds and their importance in understanding the typology, classification, and chronology of the Sassanid pottery. The only paper available that covers Vigol’s pottery is the one that exclusively studies 98 potsherds of the Sassanid period. Results show that Sassanid pottery includes a simple and unglazed type with shapes of all kinds such as bowls, bins, jars, vats, pots, flats, trays, lids, and handles, which are comparable with other Sassanid sites of the west, northeast, south, and the central plateau of Iran.
But this paper’s focus is on Vigol’s stamped pottery of the Sassanid period. Concerning this issue, we have chosen 49 potsherds with stamped motifs and analyzed them based on their piece and patterns. These potsherds mostly belong to the body of earthen wares, but some rims, necks, shoulders, and bases are also examined. Shapes such as necked jars, closed-mouth jars, bowls, and lids are also decorated with stamped patterns. These potsherds have dough in the buff, red and brown colors, they are wheel-made with a decent firing. The temper includes minerals such as fine and coarse gravel, sand, lime, mica, and quartz and plants such as straw. Considering motifs, we have divided potsherds into seven categories: heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). In general, these motifs form the basis of our current research, thus other measures such as shape have been avoided.

Discussion 
Studying Vigol’s potsherds shows that potters were particularly interested in this type of decoration and used it in all kinds of shapes. Many of the stamp motifs of this site have traces of the Sassanid period and are reminiscent of the religious-ritual beliefs and artistic interests that dominated this historical period. Motifs include heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh), among which the usage and variety of abstract motifs and geometric motifs are more visible. Abstract motifs were used as decorative borders on the lower part of the rim or the body of the vessels. Geometric motifs are also usually borders with incised motifs in horizontal or vertical rows and are even scattered all over a potsherd. Also used in horizontal or vertical rows as a decorative border, are circulars which are among the other diverse motifs. In some cases, these motifs have been used in the frames of incised motifs in the body of an earthenware. Due to the similarity of these motifs to the sun or the lotus flower, they cannot be separated from the religious-ritual beliefs ruling the Sassanid period.
Motifs in small numbers such as heart-shaped, vegetal, arch-shaped, and Boteh, are important considering their content and similarity to other artistic and ritual aspects of the Sassanid period. Despite the common usage of heart-shaped motifs in other forms of art in the Sassanid period such as stucco design, reliefs, and garments, these motifs are among the diverse items of Vigol’s potsherds, and unique when we compare them with other Sassanid sites. These motifs also decorate pots in vertical and horizontal rows and share a similarity of designs with the stucco of well-known Sassanid sites of Barz-Qavale and Ctesiphon. Compared to other motifs, heart-shaped motifs are the only case that evokes the arts of the Sassanid period in such diversity. 
It must be admitted that most of the stamped motifs of Vigol are similar to the potsherds surveyed at other Sassanid sites. Thus, for a more reliable chronology, we have divided Sassanid sites into two categories: Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom located inside the area of survey; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes-Aynak which are located in the outside. 
Some stamped motifs such as circular, vegetal, and several geometric motifs, are comparable to other motifs obtained from known Sassanid. But some other geometric motifs, vertical or horizontal rows of abstract motifs used in the decoration of earthenware, seem to have a local nature. Because a similar example of them has not been found among other common arts of the Sassanid period and sites with stamped motifs.

Conclusion
The Sassanid art is known to be overwhelmed with luxurious aspects and motifs that are represented in Stucco design, Reliefs, metalwork, and, textiles. However, looking into other artistic features of this period indicates a new and unique medium. To comprehend this topic, we need to study the pottery created during the Sassanid period. We should consider its artistic value and how it is affected by the religious and ritual practices of that time. Vigol is one of the Sassanid sites with a fire temple that is a representation of their influence and power. Potsherds related to this period show the importance of pottery and its decoration. Examining these samples shows that most of them are simple and unglazed with stamped decorations, the variety and abundance of which is remarkable. Also, stamped sherds of vigol pottery is inspired by other artistic motifs of this period, such as heart-shaped motifs. According to the available documents and studies, it can be said that pottery has been a more appropriate cultural material for performing roles than other decorative arts. The comparison of motifs found on Stamped samples shows that this type of decoration was not only in Vigol but also in other important Sassanid sites in Mesopotamia, Iran, and Afghanistan. However, in some cases, the decoration of Stamped in Vigol shows a special variety that distinguishes it from other examples in the Sassanid period. Further studies consisting of archaeological surveys and excavations will add to our knowledge regarding the production and variety of motifs of Stamped potteries.

Abstract
The Kur River basin, located in the Northwest of Fars province, is considered one of the main centers of the formation of the Achaemenid Empire. In terms of geographical landscape and climatic characteristics, the mentioned region includes vast intermountain plains (including Marvdasht and Korbal), rivers with deep beds (Kur and Sivand) and semi-arid climate. According to these conditions, the managers of Achaemenid economic-political institutions intelligently used the environmental capabilities of the region by building dams, weirs, Pool, reservoirs/catchments and canals to control surface waters and direct them to the ground. Agriculture and human settlements have paid. The dams and Weirs, while playing the aforementioned role, also prevented the damage to the agricultural lands located downstream by controlling the floods. The method of construction and selection of materials in the construction of structures has been different depending on the environment and their function. Dams and Weirs are mainly formed with an earthen core and a stone wall. The canals are also created in two ways: earthen and stone, or a combination of these two methods. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. The present study tries to introduce the Hydraulic Structures of the Kur River basin, its functional nature and morphological characteristics by using the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the evidences resulting from archaeological excavations and surveys. 
Keywords: Achaemenians, Kur River Basin, Hydraulic Structures, Canal, Agriculture.

Introduction
Central Fars region/Kur basin has a semi-arid climate with a Mediterranean rainfall pattern, most of which occurs in the winter season. New geological research and climate data show that during the Achaemenid period, the weather conditions of the Kur River basin were very similar to today (Djamali et al., 2009; Kehl et al., 2009; Rigot, 2010). Therefore, water control and management in a semi-arid environment with irregular rainfall patterns and rivers with deep beds has been vital and inevitable. According to these conditions, the managers of the political and economic institutions of the region have invested in the construction of structures such as dams, Weirs, reservoirs, and canals, whose works and evidence have been proven as a result of research and investigation. These Structures were built in different areas of the Kur River and with different purposes. The discussed structures in terms of dimensions and size, the amount of work and the materials used show the support and investment of the government. Therefore, the existence of various water structures, conducting targeted research in order to find out the functional nature of the structures, their physical structure and the reasons for assigning them to the Achaemenid period seems necessary. The main and important question of the current research is what was the function and performance of Hydraulic Structures in the Kur River basin during the Achaemenid period? What was the basis of the chronology and assignment of the studied water structures to the Achaemenid period? The structure, the environmental study and the geographical background of the formation of the structures have shown their various functions, such as supplying water to human settlements and agricultural lands, controlling and directing floods. Also, the discussed structures have been dated to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar Structures.

Identified Traces 
As it was mentioned before, as a result of Archaeological investigations and researches, several important Hydraulic structures from the Achaemenid period have been identified and studied in the Kur river basin. In terms of morphological characteristics, the mentioned structures are divided into groups such as Dams, Weirs, Canals and Reservoirs. Among them, we can mention Band-e- Dokhtar, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Rahmat Mountain Canal, Asiyab Dam, Qondashloo Mountain Canal, etc. For the accurate dating of some of these structures (such as the band Dokhtar and the Bard Burideh), there is enough evidence, including the use of carved stone blocks and Dovetail Clamps. But some others can be attributed to the Achaemenid period based on possible evidence, including comparative comparison with similar structures and the connection with the surrounding sites. Band-e- Bas II and identified channels are included in this group. The precision and skill used in the construction of these structures indicate the existence of advanced engineering in the Achaemenid period. The chosen place for the implementation of Hydraulic projects reflects their functional nature. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Hydraulic Structures can be defined in connection with water supply and irrigation projects. The reason for the existence of Channels makes sense in this connection. Band-e- Dokhtar, Band-e- Bas and Asiyab Dam probably had a multifaceted function (irrigation, water supply and flood control). The Persepolis Tablets refer to a large amount of Agricultural and horticultural products in the Kur River basin. According to the texts of Persepolis, the diet of the people of this area in the Achaemenid period was mainly based on Agricultural products (barley and wine). Some of these crops can only be cultivated if irrigated. In addition, the implementation of irrigation projects has made it possible to plant nurseries and fruit gardens (mentioned in the Tablets).

Conclusion 
As the heart of the Achaemenid Empire, the Kur River basin has diverse environmental and geographical capabilities, including vast and fertile plains and permanent rivers. These natural characteristics have prompted the economic policy makers of the Achaemenid Empire to implement the economic programs of the Kur region according to its potential. The use and exploitation of surface water (rivers and springs) for the economic prosperity of the region by building structures such as dams, Weirs, canals and reservoirs is one of these measures. In this context, Band-e- Dokhtar and the canal branching from it, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Koh-e- Rahmat Canal, Koh-e- Qondashloo Canal, Koh-e- Ayyub Canal, Dezhabad-Amir Aqueduct are worth mentioning. The environmental study of the formation of structures and their placement in the landscape of the region shows that the main purpose of creating structures was to supply water to human settlements and Agricultural lands. The Persepolis Archive implicitly indicate the expansion and prosperity of agriculture/Gardening activities and diet based on agricultural products in the Kur river basin. Also, the reference of the Tablets to the cultivation of water crops (cotton, flax and rice) and various fruits can be considered as clear evidence of the role of water supply structures. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding Sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. In terms of size and dimensions, the above structures show the amount of work and materials used for government support and investment.

Abstract
Monumental sculptures are considered significant artistic artifacts, primarily associated with ritualistic and religious contexts, and possess a long historical tradition. The creation of such commemorative and symbolic sculptures often aimed to represent the divine or transcendent status of their subjects. Within the cultural history of Iran, the tradition of sculpting with this approach dates back to the Neolithic period as exemplified by the “Venus of Sarab” and witnessed a substantial increase from the third millennium BCE onwards. This practice reached its height during the Elamite civilization, coinciding with the emergence of multiple deities and rulers. These sculptures were frequently used as votive offerings in temples or as grave goods in the burials of high-status individuals. The commemorative stone statue housed in the Nahavand Museum is one such artifact, yet its origin and precise nature remain unclear due to its non-archaeological discovery. Consequently, numerous ambiguities surround its contextualization. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of this stone sculpture through an iconographic and chronological analysis. It seeks to address key questions regarding its material essence, function, artistic style, and usage, assuming it belongs to the Elamite period within the cultural domain of Simashki. To achieve more accurate contextualization and dating, the research employs comparative analysis with similar contemporaneous examples, aiming to enhance the understanding of Elamite art particularly during the Sukkalmah period in the Central Zagros region. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, utilizing a historical-analytical approach supported by library-based sources. To evaluate the research propositions, references are made to the sculptural styles of the Elamite civilization and comparative Mesopotamian examples. The findings suggest that the Nahavand stone statue, based on its formal and visual characteristics, can be classified as a monumental sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium BCE), and most likely originates from the greater Simashki region.
Keywords: Monumental Sculpture, Nahavand, Elamite, Sukkalmah, Iconography.

Introduction
What emerges more prominently in the archaeological data from western Iran during the Elamite period is not so much the material culture uncovered through excavations, but rather the names recorded in Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions. Just as western Iran particularly Ecbatana served as a political center during the rise of the Medes and Persians, the discovery of this sculpture in Nahavand, alongside the limited number of Early Elamite finds from sites such as Giyan, may indicate the existence of cultural complexity even prior to these later civilizations. Alternatively, it could reflect a syncretic cultural expression influenced by Elamite traditions during the period of Kassite domination, especially considering the stylistic affinities of the sculpture under study. These possibilities warrant deeper examination and reflection. This discussion is situated within that very context: sculpture, as an integral component of cultural heritage, provides a valuable lens through which to understand the shifting cultural and political boundaries between Elam and Mesopotamia. The identification of Elamite-period artifacts particularly from the early Elamite era (Sukkalmah period) in western Iran, such as those associated with the early historical levels of Giyan V and Susa III, offer clues to the southern cultural sphere’s influence in this geography. Given that the sculpture analyzed in this study conforms stylistically to the early Elamite artistic tradition, it may represent a cultural artifact of that historical period and geographical reach within the Central Zagros. Accordingly, this paper aims to present further evidence of cultural contact or homogeneity between the northern parts of the Central Zagros and southern Elamite regions. Such a discovery might suggest the presence of one of the two models of Elamite governance autonomous or centrally controlled in western Iran from the late third millennium B.C. onward. Just as the cemetery seals of Susa reflect religious and ritual activities, this commemorative sculpture may also reveal similar ideological functions (cf. Hole, 1985: 21–24). To date, various artifacts seals, ceramics, figurative art, and paintings have contributed to our understanding of cultural convergence across different regions of Iran. Among these, sculptural objects offer a unique window into such interpretations. Place names such as Karin-Dash (modern Kermanshah), Shushur (in Iraqi Kurdistan), Elipi (Lorestan), Huni-Hur (Bakhtiari Mountains), and Simash (Khorramabad) (Majidzadeh, 1992), reflect the wide territorial reach of the Elamite state in western Iran. Therefore, the identification of this statue in Nahavand invites a reconsideration and deeper exploration of the Elamite presence in the region. To validate and further analyze these claims, the following sections of the study will provide a brief historical overview of Elamite sculpture and its stylistic characteristics, along with comparative examples. Ultimately, the goal is to determine the ritual and religious function of such an object, and to define its precise nature within this historical-cultural framework.

The Nahavand Commemorative Statue
The Nahavand stone idol, carved from limestone, stands approximately 37 centimeters in height and 11 centimeters in width at its base, where two back-to-back seated bulls support the sculpture. The figurine is composed of several components, each potentially bearing symbolic significance. The figure of the goddess, from the tip of her conical, woven headdress to her feet (which rest upon the backs of the two bulls), measures 24 centimeters in height. The statue is carved from a single block of stone but has suffered visible damage, including fractures at the goddess’s neck and feet. The goddess wears a tiered, pleated robe, intricately carved to cover the full length of her body, and a conical headdress woven in relief. The structured, layered nature of the clothing, along with the serene and formal depiction of the face, indicates the symbolic and sacred function of the figure. Her hands are positioned near the abdomen, possibly holding a vessel or an object though due to surface erosion, this remains uncertain. As noted, the goddess is depicted standing frontally atop two bulls, which are positioned in profile but rendered in full-face from the side view. This double-faced sculptural technique is strikingly similar to the posture and composition of the bull capitals used in the Apadana Palace at Susa during the late first millennium B.C. (see: Fig. 20). A hole located behind the bulls’ heads suggests that the statue may have been mounted on a base, suspended, or used in conjunction with a ritual element. A significant aspect of this sculpture is the rendering of the hands, which align with long-standing traditions in Mesopotamian and Elamite sculpture. These gestures are often associated with religious or ritual symbolism, as seen in various comparable examples (see: Figs. 7 and 8). This tradition derives from Sumerian representations of goddesses and priests shown in acts of reverence during religious ceremonies often bearing symbols of fertility and divine favor. Comparable Elamite statues depict deities holding vessels or sacred plants at the level of the torso or chest (see: Figs. 21 and 22). However, due to wear and erosion, it is unclear whether the hands in this statue are simply clasped over the stomach or if they originally held an object, as is evident in other Elamite figures, such as the well-known limestone statue from Susa believed to represent the goddess Napirisha, divine protector of Ontash-Napirisha. The Nahavand figure also closely resembles motifs seen in Elamite Middle Period representations, particularly in warrior or deity helmets. These helmets often portray divinities wearing tiered garments. The gesture of worship is replicated in smaller attendant figures, while the central deity holds a vessel from which two streams symbols of the waters of life flow (see: Fig. 22), (Naeimi Taraei, et al., 2017: 152–153).

Conclusion
Commemorative stone statues are among the artistic artifacts primarily associated with ritual and religious themes. As discussed throughout this study and supported by comparable examples, such representations have a long-standing tradition dating back to the third millennium B.C. and the early Sumerian dynasties. The creators of these monumental works often aimed to confer divine or transcendent status upon the figures depicted. From the third millennium onward, the production of such statues experienced notable growth, culminating during the Elamite civilization with the proliferation of divine and royal figures. These statues were often used as votive offerings in temples or placed in elite burials as funerary objects. The motif of deities overpowering or standing atop powerful beasts such as bulls or lions is a common iconographic tradition in the art of the ancient Near East, especially in Mesopotamia and Elam. Given its frequency and variety, this theme likely originated in Mesopotamia and subsequently permeated into Elamite cultural and artistic expressions throughout the third and second millennia B.C. Among the most significant examples are statues and iconographies from early Babylon and Middle Elamite, to which the Nahavand stone statue also belongs. The primary objective of this research was to analyze the Nahavand stone sculpture through an iconographic lens and to determine its temporal and geographical context. However, the precise origin and nature of this statue remain uncertain due to the lack of a well-documented archaeological context. Thus, this study approached the object cautiously, focusing primarily on its stylistic and iconographic features rather than its exact provenance. Across various mythological traditions from India to Mesopotamia and Iran gods and goddesses are frequently depicted riding or standing upon animals, not merely as mounts but as symbolic extensions of their divine attributes. For instance, Vishnu rides the mythical eagle Garuda; Shiva mounts the sacred bull, Nandi; and Durga stands or rides upon a tiger or lion, symbolizing triumph over evil. Similarly, Mesopotamian deities such as Inanna (Ishtar) and Marduk are shown riding or standing on powerful animals like bulls and lions Inanna, for instance, is sometimes shown standing atop a lion, signifying dominance over nature and primal force. In this context, the Elamite goddess depicted in the Nahavand statue, standing upon two bulls, appears to draw upon similar iconographic conventions shared among neighboring eastern and western civilizations. The findings of this study suggest that, based on its visual and stylistic attributes, the Nahavand stone statue should be classified as a commemorative sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium B.C.). Geographically, it is likely associated with the broader territory of Simashki. Given the presence of major Elamite sites such as Tepe Giyan in the region, it is plausible to trace the northern extent of Elamite cultural influence into the area of Nahavand.

Abstract
Excavations at Gird-iAshoan, An Archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, provided remarkable insights into cultural traditions characterizing the region in the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwest Iran, Caucasia, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. of the total of four architectural phases presently known from the Chalcolithic deposits of Gird-i Ashoan, the two upper phases were recorded in the first season. Phase 1 consisted of dry-laid stone walls in the northern quadrant of the trench,while Phase 2 was represented by perpendicular mudbrick walls beginning from -3.43m and ending at -3.62m. The recovered mudbricks measured 40 × 60 cm. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the cultural relations of the Zab basin with other regions by presenting a detailed stratigraphy, and an analysis of the recovered architectural remains. To conclude, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the fourth millennium, the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would eventually be replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. In this article, we will introduce the Architecture remains and the methods. With its thick deposit of 8.65 m, Gird-i Ashoan in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.
Keywords: North-West Iran, Pisdeli, Late Chalcolithic Period, Mud-brick Architecture, Chaff-Tempered (CFW).

Introduction
The opening of the 5th millennium BC coincided with the arrival of the Dalma cultural tradition, which extended over vast territories (Hamlin 1975; Henrickson 1983; Henrickson and Vitali 1987). It was to be superseded in the mid-5th millennium or somehow later by the Pisdeli tradition (Dyson 1968; Dyson and Young, 1960: 20). The Pisdeli horizon, designated as Hasanlu Period VIII, was dated between 4300‒ 4500 BC (Voigt and Dyson 1992), which is also corroborated by radiocarbon dates (Danti et al., 2004). It was eventually replaced by the cultural tradition of the Late Chalcolithic in the region. An outstanding question about the period in northwest Iran concerns the little-known phases of Late Chalcolithic III‒II. The time-span is of particular import for the regional archaeology as it has a bearing on the phenomenon of social complexity and the beginning of the urbanization. Unfortunately, ambiguities remain about the chronology of the period due to the lack of regular excavations. Although recent discoveries have provided new information in this regard, the absence of serious excavations of the Chalcolithic deposits deprives us of the attributes of the coeval culture. Mellaart regards the Ubaid as a Late Chalcolithic culture (1966). Helwing splits it into three sub-periods, with the earliest being the Pisdeli (LCh I) (Helwing, 2012: 204) and the Chaff-Faced Ware (CFW) typifying the subsequent LCh III ‒II (Helwing, 2005). In Iran, related material is currently known from Gird-i Ashoan and Kul Tepe, while beyond the Iranian borders they occur at several sites, among them being Çadır Höyük, Kenan Tepe, Arslantepe, Barcın Höyük and Höyük in Anatolia and Leyla Tepe, Beyuk Kesik, Mentesh Tepe, and Alchan tepe in Caucasia (Baxşeliyev, 2010).
Following preliminary inspections, Gird-i Ashoan was selected for excavation in 2019 as the key Late Chalcolithic site. Among the main objectives of the present study were gaining an insight into the settlement sequence, examining the Hasanlu VIII cultural tradition of the Zab basin in light of recent archaeological finds, and investigating the cultural interactions of the local populations with the neighboring regions. Attempts were made to obtain a better understanding of the Late Chalcolithic cultural horizon. The excavation at Gird-i Ashoan yielded a assemblage of Pisdeli painted ware (LCh I), while the LCh III ‒II ceramics, the so-called Chaff-Face Ware native to northern Mesopotamia, were attested in abundance. In the period that immediately followed the Ubaid, North and South Mesopotamia each began to proceed along different directions culturally. Hence, the southern sphere witnessed the spread of the Uruk tradition, while the northern one would be overwhelmed by the Chaff-Faced Ware culture (Kepinski, 2011:65). This ware type occurs over vast territories, which also includes northwest Iran, where the related material culture and chronology share wide affinities with the sites of North Mesopotamia, Syria and East Anatolia, in particular by the latter half of the 4th millennium (Helwing, 2004:16). The location of Gird-i Ashoan close to northern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia significantly contributed to the materialization of the shared traditions. 
  East Anatolia, South Caucasia and Northwest Iran served as the milieus for the genesis and further development of the Chaff-Faced Ware tradition and later the Kura-Araxes culture. The regions have always been the crossroads of various peoples with diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations, and most of the migrant or invading groups would cross them in their east-west movements over the centuries. 
Geographic Location of Gird-i Ashoan 
The mound lies at UTM X.520062 Y.4057880 at an altitude of 1415 m, at the eastern fringes of the Piranshahr plain, on the east bank of the Lavin River. The northern and western flanks of the mound are about 330m and 450m off the riverbed, respectively. The site is within the boundaries of the modern village, flanked by its buildings. It is a mound with a circular base of about 55 m in diameter. Measuring about 55m north-south and 50m east-west, it occupies a total area of ca. 2750 sq. m. The east and south slopes gently descend against the walls of the villagers’ houses. 

Pottery
Pottery represents the most abundant category in the artefactual assemblage. The pieces are plain, with a profusion of chaff and fine grit added as temper to their fabric, leaving them with a pockmarked appearance, thus the designation “chaff-faced pottery.
The sherds from Gird-i Ashoan have brown, orange, and grey surfaces, are poorly fired, and bear a thick slip, though rare examples of thin slip are also attested. The applied ornamental elements include carved motifs and incised grooves. The ceramics of the Late Chalcolithic III and II are invariably chaff-tempered and handmade.
The pottery falls into three categories: plain, incised and painted. The last is represented by three sherds of Pisdeli type bearing black motifs on a buff ground. As regards morphology, the excavated pieces can be divided into several groups: 1. Open pithoi with everted rim, which are the most common form at Gird-I Ashoan and exhibit the closest ties with different regions of Anatolia, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. 2. Open bowls. 3. Shallow trays, albeit in extremely limited numbers. 4. Closed jars. 

Architectural Remains
Mudbrick wall: Part of a brick wall (F.1017) was exposed along the southern section of the trench. It began from -2.35 m and continued to the depth of 3.19m. The individual grit and sand tempered mudbricks variously measured 60×40× 9cm, 56×39× 9 cm and 56×32× 9 cm, and ranged from brown-buff to red-brown in color. Both the bricks and the wall oriented north-south. The surfaces of the wall was lined with a clay coating that contained the same grit and sand particles. The small segment uncovered at the center of the trench near the southern section represented the corner of two perpendicular walls: the north-south wall of F. 1017a and the east-west wall of F. 1017b . The associated floor surface was recorded at -3.19m. It consisted of a compacted silt-clay deposit mixed with sand, charcoal particles and ash. In is notable that the floor surface sealed a layer of debris that was accumulated over time. 
At a depth of 3.62 m near the western section, a pottery vessel was found to be intentionally included into a 55×55 cm mudbrick. This poorly fired vessel was made of a chaff-tempered fabric with a black core. Quite interestingly, the embedded vessel was meant to serve as reinforcement.
Mudbrick floor: Near the western section, the mudbrick floor (F. 1021) was encountered at -3.5m. The structure was formed by laying down brown mudbricks of varying dimensions. Recorded were square (55×55cm) and rectangular examples as well as fragmentary bricks set, rather irregularly, into a red -brown clay mortar. In two cases, the mudbricks were reinforced by embedding insufficiently fired pottery vessels of a paste with black core. The exposed part of this flooring extended 0.7m north-south and about 0.4m east-west. A very small part of a second flooring (F.1022) was cleared in the southeast quadrant of the operation at the depth of 3.95m.
With its thick deposit of 8.65m, Gird-i Ashoan sited in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran. 

Conclusion 
Excavations of Gird-i Ashoan revealed an LCA deposit, which extended from the depth of 1.00 m down to a depth of -9.65 m. Results from the excavations of the site are indicative of the interactions and cultural similitudes of the occupants of Gird-i Ashoan with northwest Iran, north Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Caucasia. The period is marked by the spread of the technological horizon of Chaff-Faced ware, a widespread cultural phenomenon covering vast territories, (Palumbi, 2011: 211; Helwing , 2012:  204) which displays fairly consistent cultural attributes (Helwing 2012:  207).
The material culture from the site exhibits close relationships with those of the coetaneous centers of the Lake Urmia region, on the one hand, and Anatolia, Caucasia and Mesopotamia, on the other. In effect, given the geographic location of the Zab basin as a cross-regional crossing, we may conjecture that Gird-i Ashoan might have served a transitional role in this communication network. The hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the discovery of the obsidian pieces. To conclude with, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the 4th millennium the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would be eventually replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. 

Abstract
Prior to L. Afshari’s fieldwork in Ramhormoz, the known Achaemenid sites from the plain only amounted to 17 in number. Yet, given factors such as favorable climate and fertile soil for agriculture, existence of important rivers such as Kupal and Sandali, proximity to such trade routes as the Susa-Persepolis royal road as well as to the two major Achaemenid capitals of Susa and Persepolis, we deemed the figure to be rather underrated, believing that there must be much more concomitant settlements in this plain. During our investigation, the sites recorded by the previous team were re-visited and new coeval sites were also identified. The survey of 2020, directed by one of the authors (L. Afshari), did not encompass the entire Ramhormoz plain. Covering only its middle part straddling the Ala River with a total area of about 53000 hectares (530 sq. k), the survey recorded 36 Achaemenid settlements. Identification of the relevant sites was based on Khuzestan’s local pottery of the Achaemenid period reported from Tape Daroughe. In this study, the impact of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the genesis and prosperity of settlements was evaluated. The surface architectural finds are suggestive of interactions between rural and nomadic communities. Results of the surveys indicated the proximity to ancient royal roads and access to water sources and pastures to be the determining factors in the distribution pattern of Achaemenid settlements over the Ramhormoz plain. This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia.
Keywords: Southwest Iran, Khuzestan, Ramhormoz Plain, Settlements, Achaemenid Period.

Introduction
The vast region of Ramhormoz stretches up to the mountain belt of Khuzestan to the north. Sitting in the eastern Khuzestan plain at an elevation above sea level of 120 m, the plain of Ramhormoz encompasses a total area of 620 sq. km. All across southwestern Iran, Ramhormoz is the region with the least archaeological investigation. Despite this paucity of work, recent studies have demonstrated the regional settlements (in both mountains and plains) to be integral to any understanding of the culture of the Achaemenid period. Geographic location of the region, the nature of settlements in the transition zone between plains and mountains, and their continuity and cultural ties with each other also furnish a pattern for grasping the Achaemenid world’s settlement policy. In addition, given its strategic location during the concerned period, the plain assumed a central role in the interactions between Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia. It is of great importance also because of its location on the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis.
The southwestern region of Iran played an important role in establishing cultural, economic, and political interactions with surrounding areas such as Mesopotamia and Anatolia throughout the 1st millennium BC. The number of archaeological studies conducted in the Ramhormoz area has been quite limited. Despite the lack of archaeological information, the studies carried out in recent years have shown the significant role the cultures in the region (both the mountain and plain settlers) played in understanding the Achaemenid Culture.
The significance of the region was further revealed with the surface surveys carried out by Donald Mc Cown in the region and the excavations he conducted at Tol-e Geser (McCown, 1949, 1954). Surveys conducted by Wright and Carter in 1969 also pointed to connections between the region’s lowland and mountainous parts of southwestern Iran (Wright and Carter, 2003). Although the dimensions are different, it has been observed that the settlements share some common features with the mountainous parts of Persian geography. As a result of contemporary archaeological resources and the survey conducted under my supervision, the characteristics of the Achaemenid settlements in the Ramhormoz plain in Southwest Iran were reanalyzed. The influence of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the formation and prosperity of the settlements and the relations between sedentary, rural, and nomadic communities were studied. Also, the transformations in the settlement system, distribution, and population differences during the Achaemenid period were revealed and subsequently / mapped.

Discussion
This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia. The realization of the latter aim will have important implications for the Achaemenid archeology of southwestern Iran, altering the existing views. In light of our findings, it is possible to propose a distribution pattern for the settlements in the middle of the Ramhormoz plain as being clustered in two regions, viz. northwest and southeast, on both banks of the Ala River. The finds of primary importance from the settlements of the plain are pottery assemblages. To explore the Achaemenid pottery, they were first classified by shape, which consisted of the five groups of carinated bowls, bowls with a spherical body and a simple rim, necked jars, short-necked jars, and storage jars. This was followed by comparative studies for dating the pottery. Our observations show that the Achaemenid pottery traditions continued well into the subsequent period after the demise of the empire.
Thus, it is notable here that the materials and settlements discussed in this paper can potentially extend in date to as late as a century after the Achaemenid period. In terms of technical characteristics, the pottery splits into five groups: common, light green-slipped, red-slipped, eggshell, and painted wares.
Drawing on historical sources and archeological findings as well as the conducted studies, the villages across the plain tend to be clustered around or be related to the Susa-Persepolis trade route. The rich geography of the plain has informed the dynamics of its settlements over time. Notwithstanding the severe disturbances induced by modern settlements and agricultural and industrial activities, the identified settlement centers reveal direct or indirect link with the commercial or military routes of the Achaemenid times. In other words, their formation along the commercial routes was primarily meant to facilitate intra- and cross-regional contacts. The proximity of settlements to the royal road between Susa and Persepolis evinces the integral role the road played in the cultural interactions of the Achaemenid period. Therefore, archaeological studies directed by Esmail Yaghmai are important in detecting the remains of settlements along the royal road linking Susa to Persepolis as they reveal the characteristics of the settlement policy. 

Conclusion
With the completion of the archaeological investigation in the Ramhormoz plain and the study of the findings and data obtained from this investigation, it seems that a general understanding of the cultural remains related to the Achaemenid period and the distribution of the sites of this period can be achieved to some extent. It was thus revealed that proximity to commercial roads and access to water resources and pasture were the main determinants in the distribution model of Achaemenid settlements. Rich pastures for nomads, the potential for irrigated agriculture for settlers, and access to communication routes provided advantages for both lifestyles. Therefore, the settlement pattern is more associated with roads. When the location of the settlements and their distance to each other are examined, it is seen that the frequency of settlements on the Susa-Persepolis Royal Road is very high. Settlements are located on the road within short distances of each other, which shows that the road is a determining factor on settlements in the region due to its socio-economic advantages.
Ramhormoz plain shows that the Achaemenid settlements in this plain maintained strong intra- and cross-regional cultural and economic ties. In terms of extent, Tol-e Ishan Seyyed Shabib or Tol-e Toupi, Tape Mava, Tape Mehr Alnesa and Tape Kheyr Alnesa appear to be examples of such type of villages. With respect to the location of settlements and their distance from each other, a concentration of settlements is discernible along the Royal Rod—they are clustered along this road at close intervals. This fact indicates that routs played a decisives role in the formation of regional settlements, and that the Royal Road yielded multiple economic and political advantages. In general, it is possible to say that most of the settlements in the Ramhormoz plain lie on the riparian areas or along the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis, and judging by the pottery collections, there clearly were close interrelations between these settlements and interactions with neighboring regions. On this very basis, one may safely surmise that a local and highly advanced pottery industry prevailed in the plain during the Achaemenid period. Cross-comparisons of the surface pottery assemblages from the Ramhormoz plain with the excavated material from sites in southwestern Iran, southern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia indicate the presence of early, mid- and late Achaemenid ceramics, suggesting that the Achaemenid cultural horizon continued uninterruptedly over the plain between 330‒550 BC.

Abstract
Belqeis site or Old Esfarayen is considered one of the important urban centers in the Islamic era and in the North Khorasan province. Based on historical sources and archaeological excavations, this city has been inhabited since the early Islamic centuries until the Safavid period. So far, many books and articles have been published about this city and some of its archaeological evidence; But parts of its findings have not been published yet. Pottery from the 11th to the 14th century is among the archeological findings of this site, which have not been introduced and investigated in any independent research. These works include various decorative groups, some of which are less known. These factors show the necessity of conducting independent research in this field. The current research was based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have, and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries in the vicinity of the Belqeis site and to identify their possible production center or centers. The descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed and glazed pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries of the area were investigated, described, and compared. In the meantime, some decorative techniques such as drop-drop glazing were also presented in the research for the first time. Much of the studied pottery was probably produced on the site itself, whose production evidence was also shown in the article. Still, some pottery, such as lusterware and celadon, was probably exported to this city from other centers such as Jurjan, Jiroft, Kashan and China.
Keywords: Pottery, Esfarayen, Belqeis Site, 11th to 14th Century, Islamic Era.

Introduction
Esfarayen is one of the ancient cities of North Khorasan province, which has been subject to calamities, looting, and attacks many times throughout history. Historians have called Esfarayen the border of Nishapur or Jurjan. Most of the transformations of this city are related to the 9 to 11 centuries; However, in the period of 12th and 13th centuries, it faced decline and was attacked twice by the Ghoz and then by the Mongols. In the 14 century and with the establishment of Sarbedars rule in the region, the city became relatively prosperous for a while, and this process continued until the Safavid period. According to these cases, it is clear that the life of the ancient city of Esfarayen continued continuously from the beginning of Islam to the Safavid period; This is despite the fact that our awareness regarding the archaeological findings of this city, especially its pottery, includes most of the early Islamic centuries. On the other hand, our knowledge about the pottery of the Islamic era of Greater Khorasan also includes the periods before the Mongol attack and after the Timurids came to power; While our knowledge about the pottery of the 13-14 centuries in the region is relatively small. Considering that the social life of the city of Esfarayen spanned the entire 11th to 14th centuries, it was necessary to investigate the pottery of this period in independent research. A subject that has not been independently addressed in any research so far. According to these cases, the current research is based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries at the Belqeis site and identify their possible production center or centers.
Descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. Based on this, the pottery studied in this article is related to the archaeological excavations of the third and fourth seasons of the Belqeis site. After the initial documentation and description of these pottery, they have been classified and their comparative study with other sites has been done.

Discussion
In the present study, only the pottery was examined and studied, which included the 11th to 14th centuries according to the comparative dates. These potteries were divided into two groups, unglazed and glazed, and each group was examined separately. The unglazed pottery of the area has a clay paste in the color range of pea, red, green, and black, and various motifs are used on some pieces. Some unglazed pottery from the area, such as red paste samples, probably from Jurjan or Jiroft, were exported to this area. But other decorative pottery, such as molded and stamped samples, were produced in the area itself.
The glazed pottery of the area also has various clay pastes, frit-ware, and porcelain. The single-colored glazed examples of the area generally have a frit paste, and most of them are turquoise-green in color. Most of these production pieces were probably from the Belqis site. Among the single-colored glazed pottery of the area, scattered pieces of Celadon pottery were also identified, which imported from China in the 14th century. Pottery with the underglaze painting technique has a lot of variety and is generally frit-ware. Some of this pottery, such as the blue and white samples, was probably the production of the area itself, but the pottery, such as the Silhouette and Sultanabad samples, was exported to this area from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, and Kashan. have been Lusterware pottery, which all belong to the 13th century, are exported from other regions such as Jurjan or Kashan.
It should be noted that in the excavations of the site, in addition to the pottery kiln, many slags were also found inside the kiln and its surrounding areas. Among the evidence of pottery production in the area, we can mention the following: scattered pieces of clay molds, three, four, or multi-faceted clay stamps, and many pieces of clay balls that sometimes have glazes on them. It can be seen, many pieces of pottery tripods, clay chines, unglazed or glazed pottery, deformed or stuck together, crudely carved pottery, and objects Cone-shaped pottery that was obtained along with other findings related to pottery production.
According to the existence of this solid evidence as well as petrographic studies conducted on some terracotta pieces, it can be assumed that many of the studied terracotta pieces were produced in the area itself; But some pieces, such as examples of lusterware, Celadon, Sultanabad, and some painted red paste pottery, were imported from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, Jiroft, Kashan, and China.

Conclusion
The present research was carried out with the aim of examining, comparing, and dating the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries of the Belqeis site and also identifying the possible centers or centers of their production. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed pottery of this period were investigated, analyzed, and compared. As an example, pottery with drop glaze decoration was introduced and it was checked that this decorative method was used in combination with other motifs on the unglazed pottery of the area. Due to the fact that in addition to unglazed pottery, evidence of pottery production was also obtained in the excavations of the area, it can be said that most of the unglazed samples were probably produced in the area itself; But pottery such as unglazed embossed red paste with stumpy decoration and sphero-conical vessel pieces were probably exported to this area from the two centers of Jurjan and Jiroft. Because the production evidence of this pottery was obtained in these two centers and the form and patterns of the pottery in the area are somewhat similar to the production samples of these two centers.
Many of the glazed pottery of the middle Islamic ages of the area, despite the great variety, were probably produced in the area itself; As an example, we can refer to the single-color turquoise glazed pottery of ferritic paste, the examples of single-color oil-lamps of frit-ware, and the blue and white pottery with a striped pattern. Apart from these cases, in the excavations of the area, scattered fragments of other pottery groups of this time period were found, which were probably imported from other centers due to less dispersion and lack of identification of proof of their production in the area. are as an example, we can mention the obtained luster-ware, Sultan-Abad, Celadon, and Silhouette pottery, which may have been imported from centers such as Kashan, Jurjan, and Nishapur.

Abstract
Architectural remains are as the “foundation” of archaeological research, these evidence can be described with words, numbers and precise and clear drawings. But the interpretation of architectural remains and worldview contexts related to human social behavior are still problematic. Architecture is related to material remains, but we must remember that ultimately these remains reflect the customs and worldview of the respective societies. There is no doubt that the individual household unit changes successively over time to accommodate nuclear and extended families, groups, tribe, etc. Cheshme Rajab site is located in Lorestan province, Kohdasht County - Konani district, 500 meters north of the Symareh River, 6.5 km from the top of the Symareh dam, and in the cultural domain of central Zagros. It is considered one of the key sites for the study and cultural developments of the rural settlement period of the region and Zagros.  In April 2019, the second season of extensive (vertical-horizontal) archaeological excavations was carried out by creating three trench in the center, west and south of the site in order to know and be aware of the cultural developments in the region in the said Tepe. The current research is based on the presentation of the exploration results, the discussion of its architectural data analysis. This research  is done with a fundamental purpose and its data collection method is based on the field and library method, and in it, while introducing and describing the architecture of this site, we seek to answer the questions regarding the architectural condition of this site, such as whether it is right-angled and... Which period does the site belong to? Also, based on the results of the archaeological excavation, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.
Keywords: Symareh, Cheshme Rajab, architecture, Neolithic Period, Chalcolithic Period.

Introduction
The water catchment basin of the Symareh dam is located at the intersection of the common border of Lorestan and Ilam provinces. Symareh, having a different environment (mountainous, plain and hilly), located in the central Zagros basin and adjacent to the lowlands of Khuzestan and Mesopotamia, has always been the focus of different cultures. In general, due to the special biome and diverse geographical texture of central Zagros, this site has long played a key role between Mesopotamia and Khuzestan and the highlands of central Zagros. The changes of intra-regional (environmental) factors cause the abandonment or burial of villages and hamlets that were formed on the side terraces of the Symareh River, and these developments are important for archaeological research. The presence of small and large terraces of sedimentary deposits, fresh water springs, the use of pasture land, rock shelters, etc., are important factors for the emergence of settlements in this region in the prehistoric period (Introduction). et al., 2017: 3). In the meantime, the excavations of the Symareh dam basin have provided valuable information about Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period cultures. In the investigation and identification of the cultures of the Symareh dam basin, Cheshme Rajab site in 2007, by Abbas Moghadam and colleagues; the first season was explored by stratification but did not reach the virgin soil, the second season of archaeological exploration was carried out in 2010 by Abdul Reza Mohajeri Nezhad. According to archaeological research and excavations, most of the settlements during human settlements since prehistoric times have been located in line with water resources that have suitable environmental conditions. Therefore, the catchment site of  Symareh River is not exempt from this case. In 2007, the investigation and rescue excavations of the Symareh dam were able to investigate many ancient sites and clarify the time period of ancient times. Also, the Cheshme Rajab site is one of the important and key sites of the Symareh basin for investigating the process of cultural developments during the realization period of the Zagros region. One of the goals and necessity of the research in the Cheshme Rajab site is to investigate and analyze the architectural findings obtained from the Chalcolithic Period of this site. The main question of this research is trying to determine which cultural period the architecture obtained from Cheshme Rajab’s surroundings by examining the settlement style belongs to. Based on the results of archaeological excavations, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.

Research method
The current research has a qualitative and strategic system and is based on fundamental goals and is historical in terms of method. The method of data collection has been carried out in two ways: field and library. In the field method, the desired samples have been examined and studied. The basis of analysis relies more on internal information and findings, and the second method is a library that draws conclusions by matching and comparing data at the same time and by matching and analyzing them.

Discussion
The people living in Cheshme Rajab lived in rectangular houses. The main materials used in the construction of houses are materials such as crushed stone (river), mud mortar and plaster, which are taken from the natural bed of the region and due to the easy access and experience of the residents of the region, in angular and almost rectangular spaces, as a unit. They have used a building in rammed floor or rubble and almost regular clays and a mold that was a combination of straw, sand and river mud. According to the time frame of Cheshme Rajab, from the beginning of the Neolithic period, it seems that since this time, due to the easy access to stone, they have started to build buildings with stone carcasses, which have taken a step towards monotony (old village settlement). The obtained architectural remains indicate the construction of angular chambers made of crushed stone with a floor of rammed earth and sometimes cobblestones were used. The coherent architecture that was obtained from Pit 1 has not been observed in any of the contemporaneous sites in central Zagros, also in Pit 2, evidence of an industrial trench was found, which is unique in its time period and can be a sign of a specialized society. In this trench, several clay sherds were found, which were probably a sign of a spinning trench. Such Spindle Whorl in the Symareh basin were previously also reported from Chararo, but there was no discussion about the existence and acquisition of the trench (Hessari et al., 2012: 94), the emergence of these evidences either from the Rajab Spring or from Chararo itself. It shows the emergence of an advanced society that they created a spinning trench, although Henrikson, by studying the architectural structure of Tepe Segabi A in the Godin VII period, believes that this structure was a mass production trench and a skilled and expert group was engaged in it (Henrickson, 1988: 10) And later Badler and Rothman were also of the opinion that at the end of the Middle Chalcolithic Period and the beginning of the late Chalcolithic Period in the Godin VII period, Zagros-centric societies are passing from simple and equal societies to rank societies (Rothman & Badler, 2011: 80).Despite the fact that in the west of Iran, simple village-dwelling and herding communities live and we do not see evidence of social complexity and inequality in them (Mohammadi-Qasarian, 2021: 19), at the same time, in the northern and southern Mesopotamia, we see large site that reach up to 15 hectares in size. (Trentin, 2010). The round temples in Erpachie and the big temples in Eridu indicate the formation of societies with social complexity (Stein, 2012: 130). This issue is also true in the southwest of Iran (Holl, 2002: 178), while no signs of social complexity and progress can be observed in central Zagros (except Cheshme Rajab & appeh Chār Ārou) at this time, even the spread of Dalma pottery and the similarity Together, they raise the hypothesis for some researchers that maybe this pottery was produced in a certain center and was distributed throughout Zagros (Henrickson & Vitali, 1987: 40), but so far there is no work that confirms this hypothesis. Among the materials found in Cheshme Rajab, it can be a proof of an advanced society.

Conclusion
The Symareh River is a river that drains the entire region and the change in its behavior has had a tremendous impact on the geology of the region and the way humans have settled. Due to the strategic location of the Symareh Valley in the west and southwest of the Iranian plateau, it has been considered as an intercultural communication route since ancient times. The location and geographical conditions (Symareh alluvial valley, great heights of Kabirkoh and its pastures, Symareh river, alluvial and rich lands of the region) have provided ideal conditions for agricultural life and animal husbandry in the region. According to the obtained architecture, the residents of Cheshme Rajab have settled in right-angled houses with a rectangular layout and the use of natural materials of the site. The main materials used in the construction of houses are irregular rubble and molded clay with mud mortar. Inside the architectural spaces, there are traces of ovens, food storage pots, the existence of their large objects and counting objects, which are direct evidences regarding the storage system of the residents of the site during the Chalcolithic Period.An architectural space for industrial activities with clay flooring, clay Spindle whorl, works of pottery kilns, welding kilns and pottery that fell due to high heat, which shows that architectural spaces were used for industrial activities in addition to residence. During the Chalcolithic Period, like in other sites, especially central Zagros, the inhabitants of the site gathered bodies under the floor of residential spaces and buried small decorative objects and children inside burial vats. Other findings obtained in the site, such as obsidian blades, show the connection of the residents of this site with other places (Northwest and Anatolia) and the presence of clay Spindle whorl are direct evidence of the advanced spinning activities among the residents. Also, according to geographical conditions and environmental factors, the existence of extensive pastures in the site and spinning spindles are indirect evidences related to animal husbandry activities among the residents of the site.

Abstract
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.

Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019). 
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.

Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.

Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. 
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated. 
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities. 
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.

Abstract
Gorieh site located in Zarneh section of Ivan Gharb city is one of the important Sassanid and early Islamic sites in archeological studies of the west of the country which has been excavated in 2015. During a season of excavation in this ancient site, a variety of cultural artifacts were found, including pottery, and due to the importance of pottery and its role in archaeological studies, this cultural material was studied in this article. Therefore, for this study, 127 pieces of pottery from the Sassanid era, from 1500 pieces of pottery obtained from excavation, were selected for study. Initially, these pottery were classified typologically based on their technical characteristics and shape or form. This research has a fundamental nature with a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of this research has two parts: library and field studies (pottery). The main purpose of this article is to study the quantity and quality of Sassanid pottery in Gorieh area, then their typology, classification and relative chronology. Chronology has been done comparatively and cultural relations with adjacent areas have been explained based on comparative studies of pottery. The results showed that among the identified forms among the pottery of Gorieh area, including Ewer, jug, bowl, cup and plate and the most common decorative patterns of pottery are carved patterns. Pottery is often suitable for baking and a sign of oven temperature control for baking pottery, and the quality of their construction is generally average. Also, a comparative comparison showed that in terms of relative chronology, Sassanid Gorieh pottery is relatively similar to the areas of the late period. Therefore, while having some local characteristics, the pottery of this area with areas such as, Qasr-e-Bonsar, Hajiabad, Sassanian sites identified in the survey of the Mahneshan of Zanjan, North Khuzestan, Mianab Shushtar, Bushehr, Ras al-Khaimah and Tal-e mahuz sites, Abu Sharifa in Iraq They are comparable and in addition to the influences of regional style, it is most similar to the cultural sphere of southwestern Iran.
Keywords: Typology, Classification, Sasanian Potteries, Gorieh Site, Ilam.

Introduction
Gorieh area is located in geographical coordinates of 38s x: 605380 and Y: 37522210. This site is located 50 km northwest of Ilam, Zarneh district in Ivan city, about 800 meters south and southwest of lower Sartang village. (Khosravi, 1395: 32) Gorieh region drowned in water after impounding of Kangir dam in year of 1394 AH. (Fig. 2) Part of the Zagros Mountains, which overlooks to Mesopotamia and the plains of Khuzestan, is now called Ilam Province. Pottery is the most abundant cultural material in archaeological excavations and studies. Pottery is mostly used for relative dating and to know the cultural and trade relations of the ancient sites. (Khosrozadeh et al., 1399: 119) Therefore, in the present study, the Authors try to introduce and study the pottery findings as one of the cultural materials discovered from the excavation of Gorieh site, which was excavated by one of the Authors of the article, with other sites at the same contemporary.

Discussion 
Masbezan was one of the Sassanian provinces during the rule of Ardeshir Babakan (ruled 244-241 AD) (Rawlinson, 1362: 44); in historical books, this province has been recorded in two forms: ((Masbezan)) and ((Mah, sebzan)). The word Mah or May in the word ((sabzan)) is the changed form of the word ((Mad)) which means city (Qara Chanlu, 1360: 31-32) and the change of the word Mad to Mah and May, which was done during the Parthian and Sassanian eras, was also a common word in the Islamic period for refer to Iraq and non-Arabic places. (Ibid: 32) During the early centuries of Islam, western Iran in the terms of geographical divisions was considered as Jabal province (mountain) in. (Fig. 1) among the cultural findings of the excavation in the Gorieh site, a number of pottery obtained from different spaces. In the present study, from hundreds of Sassanian pottery pieces obtained by screening method, Index pottery was selected from 127 pieces and then categorization, typology and chronology were proposed. Most pottery was made using the wheel-making technique and most of them are sufficiently baked; the pottery s are made entirely of mineral chamotte (sand). In terms of the quality of the pottery s, the earthenware of Gorieh area can be divided into three groups: 1. medium 2. Average 3. Rough. In the present study, the studied samples are pottery s from ancient textures and spaces which cognitively obtained and representative of all classes and species, these potteries were selected accordingly and then discussed and analyzed. Therefore, from a comparative study conducted in a chapter of archeological excavations in Gorieh area, the number of pieces was selected separately: 96 rim, 1 pipe, 4 handles, 18 body and 8 pottery bottom Sassanian unglazed pottery s in terms of color of the dough are divided in three main groups: pea near to green (79 of 127 pieces), pea (20 of 127 pieces), red (19 of 127 pieces), brown (7 from 127 pieces) and gray (3 out of 127 pieces). In addition to the above, for the classification of pottery s which studied in Gorieh, the shape of their rims has also been considered. Accordingly, the rim founded pieces are classified into separate groups: gutters shape, triple, compact, standing and round, round inward or outward, quadruple, and flat .The highest rim diameter among Ceramics is 400 mm and the lowest is 40 mm, in terms of rim type’s number, the highest type of rim is the rounded rim. The pottery bottoms are divided into three groups: flat (Table6, numbers 1 and 3), legged bottom (Table6, number 4 to 7) and upright bottom (Table6, number 2), and handles are in two circular shapes (Table6, number 9 to 11) button shapes, (Table6 number 8) and a container tube (Table6 number 12) are separable Motifs and decorative elements of Gorieh pottery’s can be divided into four categories: 1. Simple patterns (stump) 2. Composite patterns 3. Added patterns and 4. Compression patterns.
The studied potteries, as mentioned before, is placed in common (simple) type in terms of construction and technical characteristics. In the present study dishes, based on the general shape of the earthenware and the type of edge are divided into different shapes of jug, crock, bowls, plates and cups.

Conclusion 
In each cultural region, the quality and quantity of archaeological data provide the basis for archaeological evaluations. The exploration, typology, and chronology of the potteries of a Guriyeh region were carried out to answer the research questions. The technical characteristics of the pottery show that sand is used in its composition. What is clear is that most of the potteries were fired sufficiently, and some of them were fired insufficiently, which indicates the lack of heat control in the pottery kilns. Most of the potteries studied in the present study were in the medium group, showing the tendency of the residents of Guriyeh to use vessels with medium elegance. The majority of the pottery has been made through wheel throwing, demonstrating the use of the potter’s wheel in making pottery; only a few of them are handmade. Wet hand polishing is also observed on the inner and outer walls of most of the pottery. In addition to the polishing of some earthenware, a thin or thick mud layer was also applied on the inner or outer wall and even both walls. In total, several types of pottery, including jugs, crocks, bowls, cups, and plates, were obtained from the Guriyeh area. The comparison of the kinds of pottery with those of other regions showed that pottery with general use, such as jugs (48.96%), is the primary type used by people living in this region. In terms of decorative diversity, Guriyeh’s pottery includes engraved, embossed, and combined motifs. Among them, the use of fingernail pressure to design the pottery seems to be indigenous to the Western region of Iran, and it has not been observed in other areas. Since there is very little archaeological information about Sassanid pottery in the Western region of Iran, the pottery of the Guriyeh area was compared with other regions. Based on comparisons, it was found that the potteries of the Guriyeh area have relative similarity with those of regions at the end of this period, such as (Abu Nasr Palace in Fars, Abu Sharifah Hill in Iraq, and Bushehr surveys). In general, the Guriyeh area was located on two ancient communication routes from Iran to Mesopotamia, as well as a route to the West and Southwest of Iran. Accordingly, Guriyeh’s pottery is comparable to that of other cultural regions of Iran. It can be concluded that based on the available documents, the area of Guriyeh seems to be culturally influenced by the cultural region of Southwest and South Iran, which can be attributed to its specific regional style.

Abstract
Dehdasht is one of the most significant historical cities in the southwest of Iran, which in its flourishing period was considered the center of a region that was important from the Sassanid period and after that with the names of Beladshapur and Kohgiluyeh had. This city is one of the historical cities of Iran, which despite many historical developments, it can still be considered the healthiest historical city with stone architecture in the country. During its heyday, Dehdasht had all the components of a city, including government citadel, tower and ramparts, mosque, school, caravanserai, bath, market, square, and other public buildings and more than a thousand residential houses. The purpose of this research is to understand the history and how the formation, development and decline of this valuable city. In this research, which was conducted in a historical-analytical way, it was attempted to compare the results of field studies, cultural materials (coins, architecture, pottery finds, inscriptions and inscriptions on tombstones) and Documents (written sources) be answered to this question, how was the historical course and the way of formation, development and decay of the historical city of Dehdasht? The obtained results indicate the growing trend of Dehdasht from the middle Islamic centuries and the peak of its development and prosperity in the Safavid period and the gradual decline of the city after this period. The results of the field studies also revealed that the initial location of the city was probably first formed in the neighborhood that is called “Rawaq neighborhood” today, and later in the Safavid period, the concentration and prosperity of the city increased in the eastern(main) part, and then the western part falls from its initial prosperity. Despite the development of Dehdasht in the west-east axis, with the fall of the Safavid rule, this city lost its prosperity so that today its historical context remains uninhabited and abandoned.
Keywords: Beladshapur, Kohgiluyeh, Dehdasht City, Jumeh City, Safavid Period.

Introduction
The historical city of Dehdasht is located in the current province of Kohgiluyeh and Boyar Ahmad, located in the southwest of Iran and on the southern side of the new city of Dehdasht(Fig. 1 and 2). This city was the center of a region that became known as “Beladshapur” from the Sassanid era due to the construction of a city by Shapur I. Beladshapur was one of the important rastaqs of the Shapur khoreh and then the Arrajan khoreh, which were considered the most famous areas of Fars in the Sassanid and the Islamic era (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1889: 45; Maghdasi, 1411: 28; Estakhri, 2004: 135). In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, Beladshapur district was under the administration and control of a person named Giloyeh (Gilo/Gelo, Gilo Mehr) and his family, who, thanks to his bravery, was called “Ram Giloyeh, Kohgiluyeh “also became famous (Estakhri, 2004: 144). According to historical sources, the city that was founded by Shapur I in the region of Beladshapur was called “Jumeh”, which was also known as “Beladshapur” after the name of the region itself (Maghdasi, 1361: 635; Estakhri, 1373: 98). Jumeh, the main center of Beladshapur, was destroyed during the Ismailian conflicts (Ibn Balkhi, 1374: 351 & 353; Mostoufi, 1362: 127), but after this destruction, it could not regain its past prosperity. With the decline of Jumeh, Dehdasht started its prosperity and replaced Jumeh as the main center of Beladshapur. Despite the importance of the Dehdasht, comprehensive, continuous and purposeful archaeological studies based on methodical archaeological excavations were not recorded, and there are many questions about this city, especially its history and how it was formed. Finding, development, decline and reasons for its decline remain unanswered. Answering these questions, while explaining various aspects of the developments of this city, provides valuable information about historical developments in Iran, which is necessary in its own way. In this research, it is tried to analyze the information left from the historical texts and cultural materials, while answering the questions to explain the historical course and how it was formed. It is assumed that the initial core of that formed in the current neighborhood of Rawaq and grew and developed relatively in the middle Islamic centuries, and although it flourished in the early Safavid with the development in the west-east axis, but in at the end of this period, it has experienced its gradual decline.

Discussion
Historical sources do not provide any information with the name Dehdasht before the 9th century AH. The correspondence of Dehdasht with “qhariyeh” that is mentioned as a station on the Arrajan-Isfahan route is also possible, and assuming its authenticity, it does not provide the correct form of the qhariyeh (Dehdasht). The information about the 9th century AH is also very little. In the first decade of the 9th century A.H., the name of Dehdasht came along with the districts and big cities such as Ramhormoz, Behbahan, Kuh-Giloyeh and Zaidon. According to numismatic documents, Dehdasht was an important and highly important city in the history before the 9th century A.H. and also during this century, so that during the mentioned century it had extensive commercial relations. Trade was with big cities on both sides of Zagros and especially Isfahan. In this way, there is no doubt that this city has gone through its growth stages before and its formation was related to earlier periods. In addition to the numismatic documents, the pottery obtained from Dehdasht and to some extent some architectural works and single findings such as tombstone inscriptions on the importance of Dehdasht in history before the 9th century AH and also during this century, they testify. Documented by written sources, there is no doubt that with the beginning of the Safavid period, the importance of the Kohgiluyeh area and the city of Dehdasht doubled. The archeological studies conducted also place most of the buildings of the historical context of Dehdash and the formation of the main context of the city in connection with the Safavid period. This issue also shows that the significant growth and physical development of the city took place in the Safavid period. A topic that the study of pottery data, the analysis of historical sources and the analysis of cultural materials also reflect well. Dehdasht lost its importance and prosperity at the end of Safavid rule and at the same time as it fell. As it can be seen from the analysis of historical sources, the analysis of the remaining works and the analysis of cultural materials, the last periods of construction, reconstruction and repairs of construction works, as well as the activities and efforts for the development of the city of Dehdasht, related to the Qajar period and its last half. is the period. 

Conclusion
The results obtained from the analysis of historical sources and cultural materials indicate the gradual development of Dehasht from the 8th and 9th centuries AH and after that. If the matching of Dehdasht with the “qhariyeh” mentioned by maqhdasi in this article is correct, Dehdasht was a station on the Arrajan-Isfahan communication route in the 4th century. Before this date and even after that until the beginning of the 9th century, there is no name from Dehdasht or “qhariyeh” in historical texts. In addition, among the studied cultural materials, there is no reliable data that can be confidently attributed to before the 8th and 9th. Despite this, the analyzes obtained from the documents of this research testify to the importance of Dehdasht during the 8th and 9th centuries and even before that, and confirm the existence of Dehdasht earlier than the mentioned date. Although, many remains of architecture and older parts of the historical context of Dehdasht have been lost, the available data show evidence from the 8th and 9th centuries and most of them belong to the Safavid period. According to studies, the initial growth of Dehdasht took place in the western part, Rowaq neighborhood, and with the significant development of Dehdasht at the same time as the Safavid, this part of the city fell from prosperity and the city was formed in the eastern part. As it can be seen from the analysis of the studied cultural materials, Dehdasht was considered one of the main centers of Kohgiluyeh in the 8th and 9th and had a mint and significant trade exchanges with the big cities around it.  The results obtained from the study of historical texts, the Evidence remains and the analysis of cultural materials, place the main growth and development of the city of Dehdasht in relation to the Safavid. At the end of Safavid rule and its fall, the city of Dehdasht gradually lost its past prosperity. According to historical sources, wars, rebellions, consecutive looting, insecurity, destruction of roads, destruction of bridges, intermediate stations, deterioration of the economic situation and heavy taxes led to the decline of the city of Dehdasht and the city’s depopulation, so that not a single household remained in it. The final collapse and the end of the political-social life of the city is related to the Qajar and the end of the reign of EhtEsham al-Douleh (1281-1298) in Kohgiluyeh.

Abstract
Archaeological excavations in Yelsuie Germi Castle, very rich findings and valuable documents such as pottery, architecture and other handicrafts were identified and excavated from under a mound of soil that can play an important role in the detailed analysis of this area. One of these landmarks is an unknown structure with complex architecture and building elements located on the hills of the castle near the Sambur Chay River. This building has sections and spaces of four corners that the presence of water conduction paths into the building on the walls and water outlet channels in the floor, has increased the importance of the building and has made it more difficult to identify and evaluate the main function of the building. In this regard, the present research is descriptive-analytical and based on field studies and review of library documents, while identifying and introducing the mentioned building, seeks to find a logical answer to the following questions: What is the usage of the unknown building of Yelsuie Castle and how did it work? What era does the unknown building of Yelsuie Castle belong to? Studies were carried out show that the unknown building is due to the presence of ponds and inlets and outlets water conduction paths was in association with water usage, which is probably used for the preparation and processing of clay, and accordingly by the authors, The name of the building is called “clay processing building”. On the other hand, the study of pottery obtained from different spaces of this building and its comparison with other areas, confirms that this building belongs to the Islamic Middle Ages and the Seljuk period.
Keywords: Germi, Yelsuie Castle, Clay Processing Building, Pottery, Medieval Islam.

Introduction
The current research method is based on a descriptive-analytical and historical approach and its data collection is in the form of library and field studies and archaeological excavations in the area. According to this, at first, the whole building and its various spaces have been drawn, designed and three-dimensional with the help of various software; Also, in order to achieve the most accurate information and general analysis of the building, the obtained pottery from inside the brick building has been compared and matched with the pottery works of other areas of the Islamic era. The ancient place of Yelsuie Castle in the Ingot section of Germi city consists of a small castle on top of a high natural hill and a residential area located in its southwestern part. Yelsuie Castle is located in the watercourse of Sambur Chay River. Easy access to river water resources as well as the precipice situation in the southern and eastern part of the hill on which the castle was built, is one of the most important strategic features that has been influential in choosing this place to form such an area. In general, this area can be considered as one of the most key Islamic area in northwestern Iran. The brick building is located on the eastern side of the castle and on the watercourse of the Sambur Chay River. In this regard, in order to identify this brick building, a workshop called Workshop No. 4 was created in this part of the area by the excavation team. While continuing the excavation process, a brick building with special architecture and unknown usage was discovered. The mentioned building has an almost rectangular plan that includes several spaces inside. The main materials used in the structure of this building are bricks with gypsum and lime mortar, and in some parts, especially in the outer parts of the building, river rubble has been used. The walls of the brick building are completely smooth and flat and are made with an average width of 50 cm and the height of all of them is the same and is about 70 cm.

Discussion
In general, according to the general structure of the brick building, the most reasonable usage for this architecture is being a pottery workshop and processing and preparing clay in it. One of the most important steps before making pottery is to find the right clay or grinding clay, without clods and other materials. Therefore, for this purpose, it is necessary for the pottery clay to be well shaped, sifted, cleaned and prepared. It seems that small ponds that are embedded lengthwise in different parts of the brick building; Along with water inlet and outlet channels, they are made for just such a use.  In fact, in this building, water is directed into these ponds and collected in them through small canals that are embedded on the walls. After filling them, in the next stage, the clay, which was suitable for pottery, was mixed with water inside these basins and became a slurry. While mixing the clay with water, the water flow is redirected into these ponds again, and during this operation, the excess material inside of the soil as well as other additional materials are poured out of the ponds along with the excess water into large side spaces. And was led out  of the building by floor channels. Also, the grains of sand that may have been inside the clay, due to the weight of the bottom of the ponds and the parts that are embedded in the bottom of the floor, were deposited. After doing this, the water flow was cut off and the produced clay was deposited in the ponds for a few days and remained there until it was soft and smooth and so-called settled. After a few days, the prepared clay was collected and transferred to pottery workshops and then to pottery kilns. 

Conclusion
In fact, it should be added that the existence of various pottery in various forms, styles and techniques in Yelsuie Castle indicates the possible presence of pottery kilns in this site, which also confirms the fact that the brick building is a workshop for producing high quality clay. On the surface of Yelsuie Castle, there are limited traces of pottery balls that indicate the presence of pottery kilns in the area, so that with the help of these balls, the temperature of the kilns was regulated. In this article, 3 maps and 13 images including the castle itself, its geographical location, as well as the brick building and its various parts are given. Also, in two tables, the types of obtained pottery from the brick building are displayed, and in another table, similar samples of obtained pottery from other sites of the Islamic period in other parts of Iran have been compared and matched. According to potteries and other artifacts, the date and time of construction of this building should be belong to the Middle Ages of Islam and the Seljuk era.

Abstract
The southeastern Caspian Sea, which archaeologists call the coastal zone, like many other areas of the Fertile Crescent, experienced significant changes in the structure of human societies on the cusp of the Neolithic Revolution in the early Holocene. Although archaeologists have been unable to establish a link between the end of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic in the region, based on the current information, we now know that hunter-gatherers arrived in the area ca. 15,000 years ago. This marked one of the most important cultural events in human societies on the cusp of sedentism. One of the caves that has been studied as evidence of the presence of humans during the Mesolithic period is Kamarband (“Belt”) Cave. It is considered one of Iran’s most beautiful caves, attracting hunter-gatherer groups as settlers around 14,300 years ago. The cave was excavated by Carleton Coon between 1949 and 1951, and the description of his excavations during that time have fascinated readers for decades. Nevertheless, while Coon’s excavations at Kamarband Cave shed new light on the cultural epochs of the cave dwellers, they led to numerous ambiguities in understanding the chronological sequence of societies that existed in this cave for a variety of reasons. Over the past 70 years, archaeologists have not been able to accurately evaluate the cultural and social evolution of cave-dwelling human societies due to confusion in Coon’s excavation data. Therefore, a team of Iranian archaeologists re-excavated in limited and untouched parts of Kamarband Cave in 2021, managing to resolve some of the ambiguities in Coon’s chronology. Apart from the archaeological values of Kamarband Cave, recent excavations by the archaeological team have collected other valuable data, which will be addressed in other articles. This article primarily encompasses a chronological assessment of Kamarband Cave based on new data.
Keywords: Kamarband Cave, Mesolithic, Southeast of the Caspian Sea, Mazandaran Province, Hunters and Gatherers.

Introduction
Homo sapiens appeared on the planet about 300 thousand years ago, and except in the time range between 20,000 and 10,000 years ago, the range of remarkable changes among hunter-gatherer societies was not so noticeable and effective that it could cause fundamental changes in the dimensions (Watkins 2024, Flannery and Marcus 2012). The important point is that the cognitive capacities of Homo sapiens occurred around 40,000 to 50,000 years ago, called a revolution of behavioral modernity (Henshilwood and Marean 2003, Powel et al., 2009). However, archaeologists consider the evidence of this behavioral change in humans to be related to a period 15 thousand years ago. Caves such as the Kamarband, Hotu, Komishan and Ali Tepe, and the Mesolithic period significantly differ significantly from their predecessors. The results of archeological studies show that in the north of Iran around 14300 years ago, in the period from which terms such as Epipaleolithic or Mesolithic, a different and transformed society emerged. Scattered research shows the presence of humans throughout Mazandaran province from the Middle Paleolithic period onwards (Ramazanpour and Moradian, 2022). However, the basic question here is that in the southeast of the Caspian Sea, what were the characteristics of the transformative changes on the verge of the Neolithic? Apart from their chronological values, we need to know to what extent northern Iran sites excavated in recent years effectively understand the range of human developments in the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Investigating the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods can help us understand each society’s ideological and ritual concepts in the transition from the period of hunting and food gathering to the period of agriculture.
The Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea has been well-known for a long time due to the excavation of Hotu and Kamarband caves in 1949-1951 by Carleton Coon (Coon, 1951; 1957). Coon’s investigations and excavations in the plateau and north of Iran became a turning point in the recognition of an important period of human societies living in caves. Following that, a new wave of research began throughout this area. Despite the great fame of these two caves, unfortunately, there was no reliable information about this period, and the only reliable information about the Mesolithic period in the southeast of the Caspian Sea was related to the excavation of Ali Tepe Cave by McBurney and Komishan Cave by Vahdati Nasab. However, these communities’ social and economic status needs to be clarified (McBurney 1968, Vahdati Nasab 2021).
However, these excavations could not answer the questions of this period in the region; for this reason, in the winter of 2021, to review the stratification of the cultural deposits of the Kamarband and to investigate the resilience of humans with the environment from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period; It was excavated for 40 days by a team from University of Tehran. Before the revision excavation, it seems the Neolithic context of Kamarband was destroyed, and our team only recorded layers of the Mesolithic period. This article describes the results of the 2021 excavation of the Mesolithic stratigraphy of Kamarband.

Kamarband Cave
Kamarband cave is located about 8 km west of Behshahr city and 7 km south of the Caspian Sea at a height of 36.40 meters above sea level. This Cave was first excavated in 1949 and 1951 by Coon. Coon started three trenches in this Cave, including Trench A, B and C. He identified 31 layers in Trench A (Fig. 4). Coon divides the Kamarband sequence into four cultural horizons based on the 28 layers from Trench A from top to bottom: Horizon 1: This period includes layers 1 and 2, consisting of mixed accumulation of Neolithic remains along with the Iron Age, the Islamic period, and the remnants of contemporary periods. Horizon 2: This period, considered the true Neolithic horizon, includes layers 3-10 and is divided into two parts, 2a and 2b. Section 2a includes layers 3 to 7, including pottery and bone remains of domesticated animals. Horizon 3: Upper Mesolithic period includes layers 11-17. Horizon 4: Early Mesolithic includes layers 21 to 28, the oldest phase identified in this Cave.
Kamarband Cave was re-excavated in 2021, and the team opened two trenches (D-E). In Trench D (2.20×3 M), the team recorded 28 contexts. After we removed all the rubbished materials from the Carleton Coon excavation of 1940, very small parts of the southern wall were untouched, which was very significant for stratigraphy. Context 1 contains the surface layer of the cave, and Context 2 contains the remains of the Coon`s excavation. Contexts 11, 12, 13, 14, 27, and 28 contain fireplace structures. Among the cultural remains in this trench, the team found remarkable plant remains such as seeds (recorded from fireplace structure), fossils, shells, snails, and stone artifacts. Trench E (65×220 M) after cleaning the Coon’s excavation, we reached the rocky bed of the cave, which allowed us to have a very good view of Trench E to control the section and stratigraphy. This trench is 65 x 220 cm. Context 1 is the surface layer, and contexts 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,12,15,16,22,23,24,25,26,27,34, and 35 are fireplaces structures. Among these contexts, one of the special findings is the existence of many plant seeds. Contexts 13, 17, 18, 19, 28, 29, and 30 are settlement layers. Contexts 14 and 33 are rubble layers. Context 36 starts from -190 cm to -352 cm on the bedrock of the Kamarband cave and has no cultural finds. Context 37 is the bedrock. The cultural materials of this trench include stone artifacts, chipped stones, plant remains, animal remains, shells, snails, and fossils. Among the special 2021 excavations, we found the Carnivora /wolf teeth in many southeastern Caspian Sea caves, indicating a common shared ideology of Mesolithic people. Due to the destruction of the Neolithic layers in the cave, no evidence of pottery was found during the excavation. Only from Context 2, Trench D, which contained the remains of the Coon`s excavation, were pottery pieces obtained. 
Regarding the chronology of Kamarband Cave, Libby from the University of Chicago conducted the first C14 tests of Kamarband Cave on eight charred bone samples from the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Elizabeth Ralph studied the C14 results of the second season of the Belt Survey (Libby 1951, 1955). However, these results were problematic, so Gregg and Thornton have calibrated past radiocarbon results in recent years (Gregg and Thornton 2012).
Seven charcoal samples from the Trench E 2021 excavation were tested for absolute dating. The first sample of Context 2 (the uppermost layer) is related to the 11810 ± 60 BC period (Fig. 21). The second sample from context 10 shows the date 12030 ± 60 BC. The third sample is from context 16, showing 12010 ± 60 BC. The fourth sample is from context 13 and shows the date of 12150 ± 60 BC. The fifth sample from context 23 shows the date 12210 ± 60 BC, and a sample from context 29 shows the date 12200 ± 60. The last sample is the lowest space of fire preparation from a depth of 180 cm and shows a date of 12270 ± 60. The results of our studies indicate only the Mesolithic occupation of the Cave, while there is a short gap between the two trenches are visible, and it seems the Cave covered by pale soil/Loss. However, Coon’s report and his section indicate such a short cultural gap as well. It seems the Cave was abandoned much earlier before Younger Dryas and after a long interval before the Pottery Neolithic period was occupied again. During the Mesolithic period, the Kamarband Cave was highly used for daily activities, specifically for the production of stone tools. During the excavation of 2021, around 6736 stone tools were found in the two small trenches, while in the Hotu excavation 2020, less than 2000 stone tools from 10meter cultural layers were recorded, which indicates the different functions of the two Caves (Jayez et al., in press). 

Conclusion
According to the past and recent excavations of Hotu, Kamarband, and Komishani Tepe, we still see the chronological gap from the Mesolithic into the Early Neolithic period in the southeastern Caspian Sea shoreline. The emergence of the Modern Mind, the modern behavior revolution, and the formation of symbols and symbolic behavior are the main characteristics of the Mesolithic people of the Caspian Sea. The advances of warmer climate during the Bolling- Allerod period from 18,000 to 12,000 years ago caused the consumption of different resources and the subsistence strategy of the Caspian Sea cave people. From the 2021 excavation of Kamarband, we have recorded remarkable seed remains plus stone implements to support the theory of a new group evolving toward pre-agricultural management in one of Iran’s few regions of coastal societies.  

Abstract
Ashraf, the modern Behshahr, was built in 1021 AH (1612 AD) by Shah Abbas the Great. The flooring of its royal buildings was made by carved stones, some of which have the mason’s marks of Safavid sculptors. Despite the great importance of this collection, apart from a short reference by De Morgan in the late 19th century, no independent study has been done on the mason’s marks of the Behshahr collection. In this research, which was conducted based on both field research and library studies, 266 blocks, including 309 mason’s marks from the Safavid period, were identified and documented in Bagh-e Shah and Abbasabad in Behshahr. The aim of this research is to answer questions about the nature and meaning of the mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection, their classification, and to obtain information about the constructions of the aforementioned collection through the study of mason’s marks. To achieve this goal, the aforementioned marks have been studied and classified, and some of the visual and conceptual aspects of these marks have been clarified through comparative comparison with similar examples in Iran and other neighboring regions. The result of this research indicates that some of the mason’s marks of the Behshahr collection have similar examples, even among the oldest examples from the Achaemenid to the Qajar periods. Most of the mason’s marks of the Behshahr collection can be classified as geometric marks, then tools and objects, and a smaller number can be classified as plant or animal motifs. Some signs have similarities with the Armenian and Georgian alphabets, which probably indicates the presence of sculptors from these regions in the construction of Behshahr complex. However, almost none of the signs can be called religious motifs with certainty.
Keywords: Behshahr, Ashraf, Safavid, Shah Abbas, Bagh-e Shah, Abbasabad Palace, Mason’s Marks.

Introduction
In the book Tarikh e Alam-ara-ye Abbasi, it is stated that in 1612 AD, in Ashraf (modern Behshahr), one of Mazandaran’s towns, urban development was carried out by the order of Shah Abbas the Great and palaces, gardens, baths, and buildings were constructed there (Skandarbeig, 1971: Vol. 2, 855-856). Today, in Behshahr, only remnants of the Safavid palaces of Chehelsotun, Abbasabad and Cheshmeh Amarat have remained, albeit with many changes from the Afshariya, Qajar and Pahlavi periods (Fig. 1). During the Authors visit to Bagh-e Shah and Abbasabad Palaces, traces of mason’s marks were observed on a large number of stone blocks used in the construction of the building’s floor. This study investigates the mason’s marks in the Behshahr complex, including the palaces of Bagh-e Shah and Abbasabad.

Research Background
In 1890, De Morgan traveled to Mazandaran and prepared a sketch including 25 mason’s marks of the stone blocks of Bagh-e Shah (Fig. 2). However, a significant number of signs registered by the Authors are not seen among De Morgan’s sketch, and this article is the first research dedicated to the mason’s marks of Behshahr exclusively.

Data 
Safavid Complexes of Behshahr 
a. Abbasabad: The palace of Abbasabad, named after its founder Shah Abbas I, was built in 1020 A.H. at the same time as the city of Ashraf was founded by him. Some parts of the Abbasabad complex, including the floor of traffic routes, stairs and the bottom of the pool are paved with stone blocks. The stone blocks are made in both square blocks with dimensions of about 45 cm and rectangular blocks with dimensions of about 25 x 60 cm. The average thickness of these stone blocks is about 7 cm. The Authors observed mason’s marks on four stone blocks located in the northeastern part of the Abbasabad complex (Fig. 3).
b. Bagh-e Shah: Bagh-e Shah is one of the most important complexes in Behshahr, dating back to the period of Shah Abbas I, with many changes since then. According to Della Valle, during Shah Abbas’s reign, the building was called Diwan-khaneh (Della Valle, 1991: 217). The mason’s marks of Bagh-e Shah are carved on a number of stone blocks on both sides of the stream, about 365 meters in length (Fig. 6). The dimensions of the largest stone slab recorded by the Authors in Bagh-e Shah were 110 x 192 cm and the smallest was 82 x 57 cm. The average thickness of the stone blocks is about 15 cm. On many stone blocks, depending on the dimensions of the stone, there are one or more small holes called “candle place.
Despite extensive changes to the Bagh-e Shah complex in the last four hundred years, due to their large size, the stone blocks have not been moved and have preserved their original state. In the Authors’ survey, 262 stone blocks were identified in Bagh-e Shah, each with one or more mason’s marks on their surface. Therefore, considering the four marked blocks of Abbasabad, the total number of identified blocks in the Safavi complex of Behshahr will be 266, with a total of 309 signs identified. All the mason’s marks in the Behshahr complex, including Bagh-e Shah and Abbasabad, are engraved on the flat surfaces of stone blocks. Most of the engraved marks are about 4 to 5 cm long, with an average depth of about 1 cm.

Discussion 
All the remaining examples of mason’s marks in the Behshahr complex are those that were engraved only on the carved stones used in the floor. Although most of the marked stone blocks of the Behshahr collection bear only one mason’s mark, a considerable number of stone slabs have more than one sign, mainly two or three signs (Fig. 8).
Among the 309 signs identified in Bagh-e Shah and Abbasabad, by removing duplicate and similar signs, 56 independent and separate signs can be identified. Additionally, all six mason’s marks identified in the Abbasabad collection are also seen among the Bagh-e Shah samples. In general, the signs identified in the Behshahr complex can be divided into different categories such as geometric shapes, animals, plants, objects, and alphabets. The largest number of mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection are geometric signs such as circles, ovals, curved types, triangles, rhombuses, squares, multi-branched shapes, wavy lines, straight lines and cruciform shapes, etc. The most frequently occurring sign in the Behshahr complex is number 28 with a total of 45 (Fig. 9).
Some signs in the Behshahr collection, such as signs No. 38 and 50, may be animal motifs (scorpion and goat). Some other signs like numbers 15 and 18, could represent plant motifs. Additionally, a significant number of signs seem to depict war tools such as swords (25), bayonets (24), bows and arrows (23). Some signs may represent specific objects, for example, a hookah (No. 21), which, due to its popularity in that period, could have been used as a mason sign. Tavernier, a French traveler of the 17th century AD, provided an interesting description of hookah and hookah-smoking habits of Iranians in the Safavid era (Tavernier, 1382: 309).
Some other signs in the Behshahr collection resemble Arabic and Persian alphabets (for example, numbers 53 and 54) and even alphabets of northern peoples such as Georgian and Armenian (for example, symbols of numbers 5, 35, 39 or 44). De Morgan referred to many signs in the Behshahr collection as Georgian letters. European travelers like Della Valle and Chardin have mentioned the presence of Georgians and Armenians in Iran during the reign of Shah Abbas I (Della Valle, 1370: 212-13, 216; Chardin, 1350, vol.4, 25-6).

Conclusion 
While some specific marks and shapes in the Behshahr complex, such as cruciform motifs (No. 44), may be ideological and religious symbols (possibly related to Christianity due to the presence of Christian sculptors from the Caucasus region), overall, none of the mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection can be definitively classified as a religious symbol. Additionally, none of the letters and signs in the Behshahr collection have a clear connection with the official religion of the Safavids (Islam/Shi’a).
Some mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection have similar or identical counterparts among the Achaemenid mason’s marks of Persepolis (Herzfeld, 2002: Fig. 339; Schmidt, 1953: 144-45), Pasargad (Herzfeld, 2002: Fig. 338), Susa (Maras, 2010: fig. 18.2) and signs on Achaemenid pyramidal seals and coins from Asia Minor and other places (for example, see Boardman, 1998: fig.1, D1, D1.1, D1.2, D11, D37, D51.1, D.52.1, Fig. 4). They also bear resemblance to the signs of other periods, such as the Anahita Temple of Kangavar from the Achaemenid to Sassanid era (cf. Kambakhsh Fard, 1987, Figs 2-6), the Parthian site of Bisotun, as well as the marks on Sassanid buildings, like Takht e Suleiman (Shah-Mohammadpour, 2013), Shahr i Gur of Firozabad, and the Sassanid collection of Bisotun including Khosrow’s palace, Farhadtarash and Khosrow’s bridge (Alibaigi, 2013). Among works related to the pre-Islamic era, the mason’s marks in this collection perhaps have the most similarity with the Caucasian Darband collection (Narin Qala) (Gadjiev, 2010: 147).
However, a larger number of the mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection are similar to the mason’s marks of the Islamic era, especially the Safavid period. A significant number of mason’s marks in the Behshahr collection can be found among the signs of the Safavid period in Isfahan, such as Pol e Khaju, Chehel-sotun, Ali-Qapu and Shah-Musa. The mason’s marks of the Behshahr collection can be considered an important source for studying the system of mason’s marks of the Safavid period.

Abstract
The pearl motif stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used decorative elements in Sasanian art, with its diverse reflections evident in the cultural and artistic works of the era. This study aims to explore the significance and position of this motif in Sasanian decorative arts, analyzing it as one of the most notable designs employed in royal ornaments and as a sacred or meaningful symbol. The research adopts a fundamental approach, utilizing descriptive and comparative-analytical methods, with data collected through library-based studies. Findings reveal that the use of the pearl motif in Sasanian art extended beyond mere decoration, serving as a symbolic, spiritual, and royal element. The analysis indicates that the motif was deeply connected with Zoroastrian beliefs, representing farr-e izadi (divine glory). This symbolic motif was extensively featured in various decorative arts, including silk textiles, gold and silver vessels, coins, and architectural adornments such as stucco and wall paintings. The use of the pearl motif emphasized themes such as royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the aspiration for increased divine favor, ultimately leading to greater prosperity and success. The results highlight that the pearl motif, by bridging religious and social values, became a cornerstone of Sasanian decorative arts and a powerful symbol of the interconnectedness between humanity, the divine, and the royal order during this period.
Keywords: Pearl, Symbol, Decorative Art, Sasanian, Farreh Izadi.

Introduction
The motif of the pearl in Sasanian art stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used elements in the artistic decorations of this period. Beyond its decorative aspects, it served as a symbol of spirituality and royalty. Despite its significance, existing studies have not comprehensively analyzed its meanings and applications. The symbolic use of pearls in art emphasized royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the attainment of khvarenah (divine glory) and greater prosperity. This paper demonstrates how pearls, as a significant symbol, established a profound connection between humans, deities, and the royal system. 
Despite the importance of pearls in the Sasanian era, current research lacks a thorough analysis of their meanings and functions in Sasanian art. This study explores the roles of pearls in Sasanian art, examining their association with the spiritual and social values of the time. It also highlights how this symbolic element reflected the relationship between humans, divine beings, and the royal order. The primary goal of this research is to analyze the significance and role of the pearl motif in Sasanian art. It aims to show how this motif, beyond its decorative purposes, embodied spiritual and social meanings and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic works.
This study also investigates the various applications of the pearl motif in Sasanian decorative arts, including textiles, vessels, coins, and architectural ornamentation. It examines its connections to Zoroastrian beliefs and its impact on the social and religious values of Sasanian society. Moreover, it analyzes how the pearl motif was used to emphasize royal legitimacy and to secure prosperity and well-being, while also exploring the bond between humans, divine entities, and the royal system as reflected in artistic works.
The key research questions are: What symbols and functions does the pearl represent in Sasanian art? How are the most significant visual manifestations of the pearl motif related to the spiritual values of the Sasanian era?
In response to the first question, the hypothesis suggests that the pearl motif in Sasanian art transcended its decorative nature, symbolizing spiritual and royal values that reflected the religious and social beliefs of Sasanian society. For the second question, it is hypothesized that the visual expressions of the pearl motif, through specific designs and compositions, were closely tied to spiritual and ideological values and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic creations.

Identified Traces 
Since Sasanian art was primarily intended for the court and was entirely official, its artistic elements were naturally aligned with royal objectives. Pearls, intrinsically associated with farrah (divine glory) in both tangible and abstract forms, were used extensively in Sasanian art for decorative and symbolic purposes.
One of the primary uses of pearls was as royal adornment. They were frequently seen in various types of jewelry, royal garments, crowns, and in the decorations of royal rings. A notable decorative element was the design of one or two strands of pearls, often interspersed with square jewel-encrusted pieces. This motif seems to have been one of the standard designs used in various decorations.
Among royal jewelry, there was a necklace that appeared to hold a distinctive value compared to other jewels. It consisted of a single strand of gems or pearls ending in a flowing ribbon, with three large gemstones or three royal pearls in the center. This necklace seems to have held a status akin to that of the royal ring. In Sasanian art, such necklaces were either worn by kings and deities or by specific animals on their necks or beaks.
Pearls were also used as symbolic elements in architectural decorations. Pearl-encrusted medallions and circular frames were among the most common features in Sasanian decorative and symbolic art. Beyond their aesthetic function, these pearl frames had two meaningful aspects: first, they surrounded sacred and pre-defined symbolic elements in Sasanian religious and philosophical thought, emphasizing their significance and sanctity; second, elements that were not inherently sacred gained new meaning when placed within these frames, sometimes carrying a message from the king and ultimately attaining a spiritual and transcendent quality. The concept of a sacred halo, like the pearl motifs, was also related to the notion of farrah (Sodavar, 2017: 19).

Conclusion 
The motif of pearls in the Sasanian period can be explored from both an artistic and decorative viewpoint, as well as from a mythological and religious perspective. Since Sasanian decorative art was dedicated to celebrating the finest creations of the divine, pearls, with their sacred status as symbols of Mithra, Anahita, and other deities associated with water, became one of the most prominent decorative elements. In Sasanian art, pearls were never used purely for ornamental purposes; rather, they were imbued with deep religious meanings, transforming them into a widely used and sacred motif.
Pearls were among the most common embellishments in Sasanian handicrafts and architectural decorations, serving as a visual representation of farrah. The various forms in which pearls manifested farrah included not only the usual jewelry worn by priests, courtiers, nobles, and aristocrats but also a specific type of necklace comprising a strand of jewel-encrusted pearls, with three large gemstones or royal pearls in the center. This special necklace, in addition to symbolizing power, was presented by sacred animals such as the peacock, duck, ram, and winged horse as a sign of the king’s legitimacy and divine selection as ruler.
Finally, pearl-encrusted solar rings were transformed into a sacred halo around the heads of kings and deities, symbolizing divine presence and spiritual power.