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Davood Abian, Farzad Mafi,
year 6, Issue 21 (12-2022)
year 6, Issue 21 (12-2022)
Abstract
Abstract
Abstract: In the last two decades, as a result of the significant increase in archaeological field activities in Iraqi Kurdistan, some important sites and artifacts from the Sassanid period have been discovered. Even though during the Sassanid period, the northern region of Mesopotamia was considered a part of the Sassanid Empire, many archaeological features of this region in the Sassanid period have remained unknown. In this research, which was carried out using a library method, we have studied 42 ancient sites or monuments in Iraqi Kurdistan belonging to the Sassanid period, which have mainly been identified in recent years. This research aims to find an answer to some questions about the location of the Sassanid settlements in the region and the geographical and environmental factors affecting their formation. The Sassanid remnants of Iraqi Kurdistan include settlements, monuments, government complexes, fortifications, water channels, cemeteries, and the local production centers of textiles and pottery. The results of this research show that Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan have mainly concentrated in three areas: 1. Shahrizur plain and the area around Dukan Lake 2. Erbil plain, 3. Garmian region. These areas, which are in the form of open plains and vast inter-mountain valleys, had importance in the Sassanid period due to having characteristics such as suitable height, abundant water sources, fertile soil, and being located on the important communication routes and therefore they were as a place for the formation of the settlements in the mentioned period.
Keywords: Iraqi Kurdistan, Northern Mesopotamia, Sasanian Period, Archaeological Settlements.
Introduction
The four-hundred-year Sassanid period is considered one of the important periods in the history of Iran and the Middle East. The northern region of Iraq, which is today known as the Kurdistan region, was considered one of the main parts of the Sasanian Empire. On the other hand, it was important politically and geopolitically due to its proximity to the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon and its location between the Sassanid center and the Eastern Roman territory. Although historical sources provide a relatively clearer view of the northern region of Iraq in the Sassanid period, the archaeological evidence of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan has not been significant until recent decades.
In the past two decades, a large number of historical and prehistoric sites in the mentioned region have been surveyed or excavated, among which a number are related to the Sassanid period. Identification of these sites and monuments can lead to better knowledge about the economic, political and social situation of the region during the Sassanid Empire.
Materials and Methods
One of the goals of this research is to investigate the Sassanid settlements of Iraqi Kurdistan based on the results of archaeological surveys and excavations. Some of the questions that this research seeks to answer are: 1. What are the most important settlements of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan and how were they distributed?
2. Which areas in northern Iraq, had the greatest importance in terms of quantity and quality of Sassanid settlements? 3. What are the most important geographical and environmental factors involved in the formation of Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan?
Data
Based on the distribution of Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan, this area has been divided into three parts including eastern, southern, and western parts:
Region 1: including the eastern part of Iraqi Kurdistan, which mainly includes the present-day Sulaymaniyah province, stretches from north to the Lake of Dukan and Darband Ranieh, from east to the border of Iran and Iraq, from west to the east bank of the little Zab river, and from the south to the end of the Shahrizur plain. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Murad Rasu, Qalatga Darband, Usu Aska, Gerd-i Bazar, Merquly, Tell Sitak, Girdi Rostam, and the sites of Shahrizur plain including Gerd-i Kazhaw, Bestansur, SSP 4, Tell Begum, Gird-I Qalrakh, Sutik Tape, Bakr Awa
Region 2: Southern part of Iraqi Kurdistan (Garmian). The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Bazyan Palace, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Sasanid palace of Paikuli, Qalai Gawri, SRP 9, SRP10, Irrigation canal of Kalar, Kani Masi/ Tell Majid, Gawr Tepe, Top Askar cemetery, Hawsh Kori
Region 3: Western part of Iraqi Kurdistan includes Erbil and Dohuk provinces. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Tell Amiyan, Canal A of the village of Kawr Gosk, Erbil city, Qasr Shemamok, Tell Khazana/Khazna, site no. 31, Baqrta, Satu Qala, sites n.3, 8, 4, 22, 24, 25, 27&28 in Erbil plain
Discussion
The geographical and environmental factors affecting the distribution of Sasanian sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are:
1. Topography: The results of this research, which are reflected in Fig. 12, indicate that in total, about 76% of Sasanian sites of Iraqi Kurdistan are mainly located in the mountainous plains, and only a handful of the sites are located in the mountainous and high places outside of the plains.
2. Height above sea level: Most of the Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located at an altitude of less than 600 m, and only a few sites are located at an altitude of more than 1000 m (Fig. 12). The lowest areas are located in the Garmian region, i.e. in the Sirvan river valley and the Kalar plain, which is mostly less than 300 m above sea level.
3. Access to water sources: All the Sasanian sites in the Kurdistan region are located near permanent water sources, the most important of which are Great Zab, Little Zab, and Sirvan. In addition to that, a significant number of sites are located next to permanent springs or smaller rivers, such as Shalar River in Penjwen, Wadi Shatwan and Tanjero in Shahrizur Plain, Tavuq cay in Chamchamal Plain and Shiwazor and Chai Siwasor in Erbil Plain.
Access to Fertile Soil
The plains of Shahrizur, Erbil, and Garmian, where the largest number of Sasanian settlements are located, also have the most fertile soil in the region for agriculture (Yasin, 2014: 240).
Proximity to Communication Ways
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in the plains that were on the path of important commercial and political roads between southern Mesopotamia and the Sassanid capital on one hand with the land of Azerbaijan and the Iranian plateau in the east on other hand and the land of Eastern Rome, Asia Minor and Syria in the north and northwest on another hand. The existence of the Paikuli tower and some other important sites in the Sirvan river valley indicate the importance of this communication route.
The Extent of Sassanid Settlements
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are less than five hectares in size, which are considered small settlements. Therefore, we can see a significant difference between the extent of the Sasanian sites in the north and south of Mesopotamia.
Conclusion
In this research, we have studied 42 sites or monuments of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan, which were mainly discovered in the last two decades as a result of archaeological excavations or surveys. Some of the mentioned sites, such as Gerd-i Bazar, Gerd-i Kazhaw, Gird-i Qalrakh, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Top-Askar, and Hawsh Kori, can be considered important sites of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan. These sites contain information about memorial buildings (Paikuli), government complexes (Hawsh Kori), fortifications (Merquly, Gerd-i Kazhaw, SRP 9), water canals (Kawr Gosk, Kalar), Burial methods (Gerd-i Bazar, Top Askar), beliefs, economy and local centers for production textile (Gird-i Qalrakh), pottery and other livelihood aspects in Iraqi Kurdistan during the Sassanid period.
The result of this research shows that most Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in low-altitude and mid-mountain plains such as Shahrizur plain, Sirvan river valley, and Erbil plain. Among the advantages of these plains, we can point out access to permanent water sources, fertile soil, and location on the important communication routes that connect the west of Iran to the south of Turkey and east of Syria. In general, although most of the Sassanid sites discussed in this article lost their importance and were abandoned in the following periods, the plains where these sites were located, due to having ideal conditions and Geographical and environmental factors are still the main centers for urban settlements in the Kurdistan region.
Abstract: In the last two decades, as a result of the significant increase in archaeological field activities in Iraqi Kurdistan, some important sites and artifacts from the Sassanid period have been discovered. Even though during the Sassanid period, the northern region of Mesopotamia was considered a part of the Sassanid Empire, many archaeological features of this region in the Sassanid period have remained unknown. In this research, which was carried out using a library method, we have studied 42 ancient sites or monuments in Iraqi Kurdistan belonging to the Sassanid period, which have mainly been identified in recent years. This research aims to find an answer to some questions about the location of the Sassanid settlements in the region and the geographical and environmental factors affecting their formation. The Sassanid remnants of Iraqi Kurdistan include settlements, monuments, government complexes, fortifications, water channels, cemeteries, and the local production centers of textiles and pottery. The results of this research show that Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan have mainly concentrated in three areas: 1. Shahrizur plain and the area around Dukan Lake 2. Erbil plain, 3. Garmian region. These areas, which are in the form of open plains and vast inter-mountain valleys, had importance in the Sassanid period due to having characteristics such as suitable height, abundant water sources, fertile soil, and being located on the important communication routes and therefore they were as a place for the formation of the settlements in the mentioned period.
Keywords: Iraqi Kurdistan, Northern Mesopotamia, Sasanian Period, Archaeological Settlements.
Introduction
The four-hundred-year Sassanid period is considered one of the important periods in the history of Iran and the Middle East. The northern region of Iraq, which is today known as the Kurdistan region, was considered one of the main parts of the Sasanian Empire. On the other hand, it was important politically and geopolitically due to its proximity to the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon and its location between the Sassanid center and the Eastern Roman territory. Although historical sources provide a relatively clearer view of the northern region of Iraq in the Sassanid period, the archaeological evidence of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan has not been significant until recent decades.
In the past two decades, a large number of historical and prehistoric sites in the mentioned region have been surveyed or excavated, among which a number are related to the Sassanid period. Identification of these sites and monuments can lead to better knowledge about the economic, political and social situation of the region during the Sassanid Empire.
Materials and Methods
One of the goals of this research is to investigate the Sassanid settlements of Iraqi Kurdistan based on the results of archaeological surveys and excavations. Some of the questions that this research seeks to answer are: 1. What are the most important settlements of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan and how were they distributed?
2. Which areas in northern Iraq, had the greatest importance in terms of quantity and quality of Sassanid settlements? 3. What are the most important geographical and environmental factors involved in the formation of Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan?
Data
Based on the distribution of Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan, this area has been divided into three parts including eastern, southern, and western parts:
Region 1: including the eastern part of Iraqi Kurdistan, which mainly includes the present-day Sulaymaniyah province, stretches from north to the Lake of Dukan and Darband Ranieh, from east to the border of Iran and Iraq, from west to the east bank of the little Zab river, and from the south to the end of the Shahrizur plain. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Murad Rasu, Qalatga Darband, Usu Aska, Gerd-i Bazar, Merquly, Tell Sitak, Girdi Rostam, and the sites of Shahrizur plain including Gerd-i Kazhaw, Bestansur, SSP 4, Tell Begum, Gird-I Qalrakh, Sutik Tape, Bakr Awa
Region 2: Southern part of Iraqi Kurdistan (Garmian). The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Bazyan Palace, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Sasanid palace of Paikuli, Qalai Gawri, SRP 9, SRP10, Irrigation canal of Kalar, Kani Masi/ Tell Majid, Gawr Tepe, Top Askar cemetery, Hawsh Kori
Region 3: Western part of Iraqi Kurdistan includes Erbil and Dohuk provinces. The Sassanid sites of this region are:
Tell Amiyan, Canal A of the village of Kawr Gosk, Erbil city, Qasr Shemamok, Tell Khazana/Khazna, site no. 31, Baqrta, Satu Qala, sites n.3, 8, 4, 22, 24, 25, 27&28 in Erbil plain
Discussion
The geographical and environmental factors affecting the distribution of Sasanian sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are:
1. Topography: The results of this research, which are reflected in Fig. 12, indicate that in total, about 76% of Sasanian sites of Iraqi Kurdistan are mainly located in the mountainous plains, and only a handful of the sites are located in the mountainous and high places outside of the plains.
2. Height above sea level: Most of the Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located at an altitude of less than 600 m, and only a few sites are located at an altitude of more than 1000 m (Fig. 12). The lowest areas are located in the Garmian region, i.e. in the Sirvan river valley and the Kalar plain, which is mostly less than 300 m above sea level.
3. Access to water sources: All the Sasanian sites in the Kurdistan region are located near permanent water sources, the most important of which are Great Zab, Little Zab, and Sirvan. In addition to that, a significant number of sites are located next to permanent springs or smaller rivers, such as Shalar River in Penjwen, Wadi Shatwan and Tanjero in Shahrizur Plain, Tavuq cay in Chamchamal Plain and Shiwazor and Chai Siwasor in Erbil Plain.
Access to Fertile Soil
The plains of Shahrizur, Erbil, and Garmian, where the largest number of Sasanian settlements are located, also have the most fertile soil in the region for agriculture (Yasin, 2014: 240).
Proximity to Communication Ways
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in the plains that were on the path of important commercial and political roads between southern Mesopotamia and the Sassanid capital on one hand with the land of Azerbaijan and the Iranian plateau in the east on other hand and the land of Eastern Rome, Asia Minor and Syria in the north and northwest on another hand. The existence of the Paikuli tower and some other important sites in the Sirvan river valley indicate the importance of this communication route.
The Extent of Sassanid Settlements
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are less than five hectares in size, which are considered small settlements. Therefore, we can see a significant difference between the extent of the Sasanian sites in the north and south of Mesopotamia.
Conclusion
In this research, we have studied 42 sites or monuments of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan, which were mainly discovered in the last two decades as a result of archaeological excavations or surveys. Some of the mentioned sites, such as Gerd-i Bazar, Gerd-i Kazhaw, Gird-i Qalrakh, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Top-Askar, and Hawsh Kori, can be considered important sites of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan. These sites contain information about memorial buildings (Paikuli), government complexes (Hawsh Kori), fortifications (Merquly, Gerd-i Kazhaw, SRP 9), water canals (Kawr Gosk, Kalar), Burial methods (Gerd-i Bazar, Top Askar), beliefs, economy and local centers for production textile (Gird-i Qalrakh), pottery and other livelihood aspects in Iraqi Kurdistan during the Sassanid period.
The result of this research shows that most Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in low-altitude and mid-mountain plains such as Shahrizur plain, Sirvan river valley, and Erbil plain. Among the advantages of these plains, we can point out access to permanent water sources, fertile soil, and location on the important communication routes that connect the west of Iran to the south of Turkey and east of Syria. In general, although most of the Sassanid sites discussed in this article lost their importance and were abandoned in the following periods, the plains where these sites were located, due to having ideal conditions and Geographical and environmental factors are still the main centers for urban settlements in the Kurdistan region.
Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar, Alireza Zabanavar, Solmaz Ahmadzadeh Khosrowshahi,
year 6, Issue 21 (12-2022)
year 6, Issue 21 (12-2022)
Abstract
Abstract
Mehr-Narseh is known as one of the most important character of the middle Sassanid era. Based on the written historical sources, the construction of some buildings has been attributed to him, among which the most outstanding ones are five fire-temple monuments built in the southwest of Fars. Although various theories have been put forward regarding the location of the structures, by far, the nature and qualitative value of them are unknown. In this study firstly, the political-religious personality of this Sassanid minister in various ways was investigated, then besides recognizing their religious nature and value via analysis of the sources related to Mehr-Narseh fire temples, the Chahar-Taqis attributed to him was also studied, according to the current theories, so as to reveal some features of the religious architecture of Sassanid era. This is a fundamental or basic research, and the nature and method of which is historical and descriptive-analytical. The data is also collected from library and fieldwork. Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis.
Keywords: Mehr-Narseh, Fire Temple, Chahar-Taqi, Sassanid Era, Dādgāh Fire, Farashband.
Introduction
One of the important points mentioned in the historical resources is the information regarding the personality of Mehr-Narseh, as one of the significant figures of the middle Sassanid period, who built several fire temples and made other services in several other fire temples, which has been attributed to him by the order of the Sassanid emperors. Discovering the fire temples constructed under the order of Mehr-Narseh has been one of the most interesting study topics related to the religious architectures of the Sassanid period during the last century. There are different theories regarding the probable location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, which mainly include the region between the current Kazerun, Farashband, Dehram, and Firouzabad. This article attempts to study the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh from a different perspective. In the first step, we study and explore Mehr-Narseh character to determine his political position in the middle of the Sassanid period and have an idea of his religious position in the system. The second step is to survey the nature and characters of the fire temples attributed to him from in terms of the quality value and their positions, to have a final analysis of their architectural complexities. The main question of this study is the religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh and what kind of fire was kept in the fire temples attributed to him? Also, based on the fires kept in these fire temples, what is the level of architectural complexity of the mentioned structures? The proposed hypothesis for this question is that it is possible that the four fire temples of Mehr-Narseh were containing the fire of “Dādgāh” and the fire temple of Jereh contained the fire of Ādarān. It is also assumed that the Dādgāh fore temples of Mehr-Narseh had additional spaces in the form of small architectural complexes. Based on the purpose of the study, this is basic research and from the perspective of nature and methodology, the study is conducted via the historical and descriptive-analytical method. The data collection method was library study and fieldwork. Initially, the political and religious figure of Mehr-Narseh was analyzed and studied, with the help of the written sources related to him or the fire temples attributed to him, to reach understanding about the nature of his fire temples through a comparison between his character and the characteristics of the fire temples attributed to him. The next step was the archeological surveys in the fieldwork alongside the library researches and evaluating the archeological documents and reports about the proposed Chahar-Taqs for the location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, from an architectural perspective to finally reach a suitable point of view about the architectural and religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh.
Discussion
According to Pahlavi and Islamic sources, Mehr-Narseh, the minister of the Middle Sassanid period, has attained his highest religious official during the reign of Bahram V, as the honored titles of the servant of the two fire temples, since in the “Matigan-i Hazar Datistan” there is no mention of him being resented by Bahram V. During the reign of Yazdgerd II and Pirouz, he and his wife were sentenced to be the “Ādurwaxšīh” or tending the fire of the temple fire, due to a sin that some researchers associated with Zurvanism. The religious dedication of Mehr-Narseh resulted in the construction of several public buildings in the provinces of Ardashir-Khwarrah and Shapur –Khwarrah and also four religious temples on his ancestral lands for himself and his three sons, which were run by his heirs until the first centuries of Islamic period; these fire temples were shires dedicated to the “Atash-e Dadgah”. Based on the archeological findings and the presented theories, the remains of the three Chahar-Taq of “Malik”, “Tall-i Djangi”, and “Khurma yak” can be identical with one of the four fire temples belonging to Mehr-Narseh, as well as to match the information provided in written historical sources. Meanwhile, the site of “Pir-e Jeyran” may also be considered as the fourth fire temple of Mehr-Narseh in Abruwān. Based on the comparison studies of the archaeological evidence and the written sources, it can be concluded that during the Sassanid period, the shrines associated with the fire Dādgāh, could be very magnificent according to the financial conditions and social status of its founder and have donations such as gardens and farmland, and their revenues were spent for the happiness of the soul of the founder. Such fire temples were also run by a person named “Sallar” or the guardian who was chosen by the founder of the fire temple, and this responsibility was transferable to their heirs. The existence of such a title could indicate that other people also served in these private fire temples, and therefore this category of family fire temples, like the fire temples associated with the “Behrām” and “Ādarān” fires, could have hierarchical complexities in terms of the number of servers.
Conclusion
Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis. Before this, no specific structure for the fire temples related to the fire of “Dādgāh” in the Sassanid period, had been introduced, and the only available evidence was about the findings in “Tull-i Sifidak” which has a cruciform architectural space beside the residential context, as a sacred place for the fire. Based on conducted analyses of this study, it is possible to categorize the different types of religious architectural structures dedicated to the fire of “Dādgāh” into two groups: The first type was the buildings that include a cruciferous space attached to their residential section, that might have simpler procedures and endowments. The second type was complexes including Chahar-Taq and interconnected architectural spaces, which were probably built in the endowed properties of the fire temple, including gardens and agricultural lands, and belonged to people with high social ranks in the Sassanid society, such as Mehr-Narseh fire temples.
Mehr-Narseh is known as one of the most important character of the middle Sassanid era. Based on the written historical sources, the construction of some buildings has been attributed to him, among which the most outstanding ones are five fire-temple monuments built in the southwest of Fars. Although various theories have been put forward regarding the location of the structures, by far, the nature and qualitative value of them are unknown. In this study firstly, the political-religious personality of this Sassanid minister in various ways was investigated, then besides recognizing their religious nature and value via analysis of the sources related to Mehr-Narseh fire temples, the Chahar-Taqis attributed to him was also studied, according to the current theories, so as to reveal some features of the religious architecture of Sassanid era. This is a fundamental or basic research, and the nature and method of which is historical and descriptive-analytical. The data is also collected from library and fieldwork. Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis.
Keywords: Mehr-Narseh, Fire Temple, Chahar-Taqi, Sassanid Era, Dādgāh Fire, Farashband.
Introduction
One of the important points mentioned in the historical resources is the information regarding the personality of Mehr-Narseh, as one of the significant figures of the middle Sassanid period, who built several fire temples and made other services in several other fire temples, which has been attributed to him by the order of the Sassanid emperors. Discovering the fire temples constructed under the order of Mehr-Narseh has been one of the most interesting study topics related to the religious architectures of the Sassanid period during the last century. There are different theories regarding the probable location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, which mainly include the region between the current Kazerun, Farashband, Dehram, and Firouzabad. This article attempts to study the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh from a different perspective. In the first step, we study and explore Mehr-Narseh character to determine his political position in the middle of the Sassanid period and have an idea of his religious position in the system. The second step is to survey the nature and characters of the fire temples attributed to him from in terms of the quality value and their positions, to have a final analysis of their architectural complexities. The main question of this study is the religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh and what kind of fire was kept in the fire temples attributed to him? Also, based on the fires kept in these fire temples, what is the level of architectural complexity of the mentioned structures? The proposed hypothesis for this question is that it is possible that the four fire temples of Mehr-Narseh were containing the fire of “Dādgāh” and the fire temple of Jereh contained the fire of Ādarān. It is also assumed that the Dādgāh fore temples of Mehr-Narseh had additional spaces in the form of small architectural complexes. Based on the purpose of the study, this is basic research and from the perspective of nature and methodology, the study is conducted via the historical and descriptive-analytical method. The data collection method was library study and fieldwork. Initially, the political and religious figure of Mehr-Narseh was analyzed and studied, with the help of the written sources related to him or the fire temples attributed to him, to reach understanding about the nature of his fire temples through a comparison between his character and the characteristics of the fire temples attributed to him. The next step was the archeological surveys in the fieldwork alongside the library researches and evaluating the archeological documents and reports about the proposed Chahar-Taqs for the location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, from an architectural perspective to finally reach a suitable point of view about the architectural and religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh.
Discussion
According to Pahlavi and Islamic sources, Mehr-Narseh, the minister of the Middle Sassanid period, has attained his highest religious official during the reign of Bahram V, as the honored titles of the servant of the two fire temples, since in the “Matigan-i Hazar Datistan” there is no mention of him being resented by Bahram V. During the reign of Yazdgerd II and Pirouz, he and his wife were sentenced to be the “Ādurwaxšīh” or tending the fire of the temple fire, due to a sin that some researchers associated with Zurvanism. The religious dedication of Mehr-Narseh resulted in the construction of several public buildings in the provinces of Ardashir-Khwarrah and Shapur –Khwarrah and also four religious temples on his ancestral lands for himself and his three sons, which were run by his heirs until the first centuries of Islamic period; these fire temples were shires dedicated to the “Atash-e Dadgah”. Based on the archeological findings and the presented theories, the remains of the three Chahar-Taq of “Malik”, “Tall-i Djangi”, and “Khurma yak” can be identical with one of the four fire temples belonging to Mehr-Narseh, as well as to match the information provided in written historical sources. Meanwhile, the site of “Pir-e Jeyran” may also be considered as the fourth fire temple of Mehr-Narseh in Abruwān. Based on the comparison studies of the archaeological evidence and the written sources, it can be concluded that during the Sassanid period, the shrines associated with the fire Dādgāh, could be very magnificent according to the financial conditions and social status of its founder and have donations such as gardens and farmland, and their revenues were spent for the happiness of the soul of the founder. Such fire temples were also run by a person named “Sallar” or the guardian who was chosen by the founder of the fire temple, and this responsibility was transferable to their heirs. The existence of such a title could indicate that other people also served in these private fire temples, and therefore this category of family fire temples, like the fire temples associated with the “Behrām” and “Ādarān” fires, could have hierarchical complexities in terms of the number of servers.
Conclusion
Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis. Before this, no specific structure for the fire temples related to the fire of “Dādgāh” in the Sassanid period, had been introduced, and the only available evidence was about the findings in “Tull-i Sifidak” which has a cruciform architectural space beside the residential context, as a sacred place for the fire. Based on conducted analyses of this study, it is possible to categorize the different types of religious architectural structures dedicated to the fire of “Dādgāh” into two groups: The first type was the buildings that include a cruciferous space attached to their residential section, that might have simpler procedures and endowments. The second type was complexes including Chahar-Taq and interconnected architectural spaces, which were probably built in the endowed properties of the fire temple, including gardens and agricultural lands, and belonged to people with high social ranks in the Sassanid society, such as Mehr-Narseh fire temples.
Davood Behroozifar, Mahdi Dahmardeh Pahlavan,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
So far, the settlements of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain have not been studied archaeologically, and on the other hand, the Iron Age of Plain Sarakhs represents the Yaz culture in the region and owes its name to the Yaz Hill area in southwestern Turkmenistan. Studies of the Iron Age culture of the Sarakhs Plain can reveal the basic information of this period and help to understand the general Iron Age of the Iranian plateau and the land of Turkmenistan. The purpose of this study, while identifying Iron Age settlements, is to analyze environmental factors to explain the patterns of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs plain. For this purpose, a field study was conducted in the plain and by studying the collected works and library studies. It was found that 16 sites have Iron Age artifacts. Some settlements are single-period and some have chronological sequences. The necessity of the present study is the unknown culture of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain. Therefore, the identified Iron Age settlements of Sarakhs plain were analyzed from the perspective of environmental factors and their role in explaining settlement patterns. The output of maps and data of Iron Age settlements in Sarakhs plain showed that among the environmental factors influencing the determination of settlement patterns, Distance and proximity in the range of 300 to 900 meters above sea level, Location of settlements along the rivers of Sarakhs plain (linear settlement pattern) and large urban or rural centers (Mir Ahmad and Bazangan) up to 65 hectares (central location), Communication routes (communication route of Greater Khorasan in the Iron Age), In the formation and distribution of settlements have been more influential than other environmental factors. One of the most important results of the present archaeological study, Identifying the Iron Age settlements represents the culture of Yazd Plain Sarakhs, which will be used to measure the distribution of Iron Age settlements in this area to draw a very accurate and comprehensive perspective for understanding the social life of the people of that period.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Iron Age, Yaz, Establishment Patterns.
Introduction
Sarakhs Plain as the research site has been a favorable habitat for the formation of various human communities due to its natural potential and optimal environmental conditions, including altitude, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions. The study of the collected works of the Iron Age in the Sarakhs plain through archaeological investigation shows that some cultural traditions of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz culture) of the Iron Age were prevalent in the Sarakhs plain, and this plain is probably the link between the southwest of Turkmenistan and the northeast of Iran and culture. Its pottery is noticeably and significantly influenced by the culture of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz area). At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The pottery of this period is generally simple and in red, pea and gray colors.
Materials and Methods
The current research is based on the purpose of fundamental research and based on the nature and method of descriptive and analytical research. The method and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the field survey, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the said sites and recorded in the database. In order to obtain scientific answers, the conventional methods of establishment patterns and GIS and Spss analyzes were used in this research, and after preparing the outputs and maps, two descriptive and inferential methods were used to analyze the questions.
Data
Our information about the land of Turkmenistan is based on the findings of Russian and Turkmen archaeologists’ excavations in the region and presenting their latest findings and reports, some of which have been translated and used, which can be used as library studies. he remembered at this stage, all written sources, images and maps were collected and analyzed. In the field investigation, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database.
Discussion
At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The iron settlement patterns of the Ferns Plain have been formed with the influence of these environmental and natural factors. With these interpretations and based on this, in the current research, the relationship of each establishment and establishment patterns with respect to major and main environmental variables have been analyzed and measured.
Conclusion
During one season of archeology field investigation in Sarakhs Plain and study of collected works and library studies, it was obtained that the extent and continuity of culture in the place, the proximity and location of the settlements along the Tajan, Harirood, Kashafrood, Shurluq and Chakoodar (linear settlement model) in all the geographical directions studied in Sarakhs Plain showed that This plain has a direct relationship with the facilities and environmental conditions, such as the quantity and quality of settlements, the frequency and increase of the Iron Age settlements of the Sarakhs Plain compared to the previous period in terms of population density and the gradual complexity of the relationships between settlements and the relationship with the environment and Direct exploitation of water resources for agriculture and animal husbandry has been on the rise and in the last period of the Iron Age It increased all of a sudden and it is through this plain that this culture spread to other areas of South Khorasan and the plateau of Iran. In order to analyze and explain the settlement patterns of the Iron Age of Sarakhs Plain, a test was conducted between various ecological variables with the distribution of settlements based on the Pearson correlation coefficient and the effect of the significant level. The result of this study was the identification of 16 settlements from the Iron Age, which can be considered and evaluated from the perspective of environmental factors and the size of the sites. In the analysis and explanation of the Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain, the height above the surface of open water, the distance from rivers and other water sources, and the distance from communication routes with Pearson’s correlation coefficient with a significant level, had the greatest impact, and the other variables each implied They have left a significant impact on the Iron Age settlements of the Ferns plain. The results of Pearson’s correlation coefficient indicate that the distribution of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain are regularized in relation to environmental and ecological capabilities and limitations, and these factors have played a significant role in the spatial distribution, determining the type of function and the importance of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain. This has had an undeniable effect on the distribution of the population, the type of livelihood, the settlement patterns and their bodies. The Iron Age settlements that can be seen in this plain are the result of the specific geographical conditions of the region.
So far, the settlements of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain have not been studied archaeologically, and on the other hand, the Iron Age of Plain Sarakhs represents the Yaz culture in the region and owes its name to the Yaz Hill area in southwestern Turkmenistan. Studies of the Iron Age culture of the Sarakhs Plain can reveal the basic information of this period and help to understand the general Iron Age of the Iranian plateau and the land of Turkmenistan. The purpose of this study, while identifying Iron Age settlements, is to analyze environmental factors to explain the patterns of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs plain. For this purpose, a field study was conducted in the plain and by studying the collected works and library studies. It was found that 16 sites have Iron Age artifacts. Some settlements are single-period and some have chronological sequences. The necessity of the present study is the unknown culture of the Iron Age of Sarakhs plain. Therefore, the identified Iron Age settlements of Sarakhs plain were analyzed from the perspective of environmental factors and their role in explaining settlement patterns. The output of maps and data of Iron Age settlements in Sarakhs plain showed that among the environmental factors influencing the determination of settlement patterns, Distance and proximity in the range of 300 to 900 meters above sea level, Location of settlements along the rivers of Sarakhs plain (linear settlement pattern) and large urban or rural centers (Mir Ahmad and Bazangan) up to 65 hectares (central location), Communication routes (communication route of Greater Khorasan in the Iron Age), In the formation and distribution of settlements have been more influential than other environmental factors. One of the most important results of the present archaeological study, Identifying the Iron Age settlements represents the culture of Yazd Plain Sarakhs, which will be used to measure the distribution of Iron Age settlements in this area to draw a very accurate and comprehensive perspective for understanding the social life of the people of that period.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Iron Age, Yaz, Establishment Patterns.
Introduction
Sarakhs Plain as the research site has been a favorable habitat for the formation of various human communities due to its natural potential and optimal environmental conditions, including altitude, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions. The study of the collected works of the Iron Age in the Sarakhs plain through archaeological investigation shows that some cultural traditions of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz culture) of the Iron Age were prevalent in the Sarakhs plain, and this plain is probably the link between the southwest of Turkmenistan and the northeast of Iran and culture. Its pottery is noticeably and significantly influenced by the culture of southwestern Turkmenistan (Yaz area). At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The pottery of this period is generally simple and in red, pea and gray colors.
Materials and Methods
The current research is based on the purpose of fundamental research and based on the nature and method of descriptive and analytical research. The method and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the field survey, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the said sites and recorded in the database. In order to obtain scientific answers, the conventional methods of establishment patterns and GIS and Spss analyzes were used in this research, and after preparing the outputs and maps, two descriptive and inferential methods were used to analyze the questions.
Data
Our information about the land of Turkmenistan is based on the findings of Russian and Turkmen archaeologists’ excavations in the region and presenting their latest findings and reports, some of which have been translated and used, which can be used as library studies. he remembered at this stage, all written sources, images and maps were collected and analyzed. In the field investigation, while surveying the plain in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database.
Discussion
At the end of the Bronze Age, a new culture covers Central Asia and Southwest Turkmenistan, which is known as the Yaz culture, and it borrows its name from the Yaz Tepe area, located in the southwest of Turkmenistan and present-day Ashgabat. The iron settlement patterns of the Ferns Plain have been formed with the influence of these environmental and natural factors. With these interpretations and based on this, in the current research, the relationship of each establishment and establishment patterns with respect to major and main environmental variables have been analyzed and measured.
Conclusion
During one season of archeology field investigation in Sarakhs Plain and study of collected works and library studies, it was obtained that the extent and continuity of culture in the place, the proximity and location of the settlements along the Tajan, Harirood, Kashafrood, Shurluq and Chakoodar (linear settlement model) in all the geographical directions studied in Sarakhs Plain showed that This plain has a direct relationship with the facilities and environmental conditions, such as the quantity and quality of settlements, the frequency and increase of the Iron Age settlements of the Sarakhs Plain compared to the previous period in terms of population density and the gradual complexity of the relationships between settlements and the relationship with the environment and Direct exploitation of water resources for agriculture and animal husbandry has been on the rise and in the last period of the Iron Age It increased all of a sudden and it is through this plain that this culture spread to other areas of South Khorasan and the plateau of Iran. In order to analyze and explain the settlement patterns of the Iron Age of Sarakhs Plain, a test was conducted between various ecological variables with the distribution of settlements based on the Pearson correlation coefficient and the effect of the significant level. The result of this study was the identification of 16 settlements from the Iron Age, which can be considered and evaluated from the perspective of environmental factors and the size of the sites. In the analysis and explanation of the Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain, the height above the surface of open water, the distance from rivers and other water sources, and the distance from communication routes with Pearson’s correlation coefficient with a significant level, had the greatest impact, and the other variables each implied They have left a significant impact on the Iron Age settlements of the Ferns plain. The results of Pearson’s correlation coefficient indicate that the distribution of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain are regularized in relation to environmental and ecological capabilities and limitations, and these factors have played a significant role in the spatial distribution, determining the type of function and the importance of Iron Age settlements in the Sarakhs Plain. This has had an undeniable effect on the distribution of the population, the type of livelihood, the settlement patterns and their bodies. The Iron Age settlements that can be seen in this plain are the result of the specific geographical conditions of the region.
Reza Naseri, Seyed Mehdi Miri,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Abstract: Wood has been a suitable raw material for the expression of taste, talent, art and creativity of craftsmen and artists in different periods. Iranian artists in the Islamic period, like other industries, have created the most exquisite artworks made of wood. During the Islamic period, in the construction of the architectural elements of religious buildings, such as wood turning, fret work, Gereh Chini, and Khatam’s artworks were made of wood, which studying on them in terms of the evolution and transformation of wood-related industries as material and cultural remains of the Islamic period, as well as analyzing the themes of their religious motifs and inscriptions, has been of special importance. Considering the importance of this subject, not many studies have been conducted in this field of research. During the archaeological survey that was carried out in 2014 in order to identify the cultural historical monuments of Bavanat city, many wooden artworks were identified and observed, and the upcoming research is in line with the introduction and analysis of these findings. In this regard, the questions of this research are: What wooden artworks have been left from the Islamic period of Bavanat, and what are the decorative elements and themes of their inscriptions? From Jame Mosque of Bavanat and holy shrine of Hamzeh of Bazm, various hand-made wooden structures have remained, including doors, windows, pulpits, and wooden latticework, the delicacy and proficiency in their construction are remarkable. Since the two studied buildings, the mosque and holy shrine, have religious uses the general inscriptions also included Quranic verses, Shahadatein, Shahadat-e Salaseh, Salavat and the names of the Imams, which shows the influence of Shia religion on the industry and art of this period.
Keywords: Islamic Period, Bavanat, Fret Work, Gereh Chini, Pulpit.
Introduction
Wooden objects due to their nature, in most cases, after losing their functions, are used as fuel for the fire, which is one of the main factors that makes the findings of this industry very rare. Unfortunately, not many studies have been done on Iran’s wood industries, and the studies that have been done are case-based studies. The wooden artworks in the Jame Mosque of Shiraz, which belongs to the period of Amr-i Laith Saffari (first half of the third century A.H.), can be considered one of the oldest artworks of wood crafts left in Iran (Mehrpooya, 1997: 197). From the 6th century A.H., wooden artworks such as the pulpit of Mashkol village in Ardabil province with the construction dating back to 541 AH (Maleki Galandouz & Mohammadi, 2012), The wooden door of Bayazid Bastam Mosque dated 707 to 709 A.H., the pulpit in Jame Mosque of Nain with the date of 711 A.H., the wooden Qur’an stand in the Metropolitan Museum dated to 761 A.H., the coffin (box) of Hazrat-e Abdol Azim shrine (Mehrpooya, 1997: 200; Blair & Bloom, 2002, 54; Dimand, 2004: 123). With the beginning of the Safavid period, many produced works of art were mostly included wooden doors with geometric and limited animal decorations, Sash Windows (Orosi), wooden frames of the ceiling, wooden columns, wooden latticework, coffins, wood inlayand fret work. (Attarzadeh,1995: 18; Dimand, 2004: 125, Sedighiyan & Sadeghi, 2013: 59). During the archaeological survey in Bavanat in 2014, various wooden crafts were observed, which shows the taste and art of this region in the production of wooden artworks. Although the background of this art in this region is not very clear, through historical sources, we can understand the centrality of this region in the Qajar period. In the book “Cities and Trade of Iran in the Qajar Period” by Keith Edward Abbott, he has mentioned the products of the Bavanat wood industry. Considering the importance of wooden crafts among the visual arts and the role of themes of inscriptions in understanding the thoughts of religious beliefs of the Islamic era, in this paper, an attempt is made to investigate and introduce the wooden artworks of this region.
Archaeological Survey of Bavanat
Bavanat city is located in the northeast of Fars province with Bavanat city as its center. Following the surveys in different regions of Iran in the 1930s, Stein made brief surveys and sounding in Bavanat (Stein, 1936). Following the survey of the Marvast Dam basin, Helwing and Askari Chavardi visited several sites of Monj in 2006 (Helwing, 2007). The first season of the archaeological survey of this area took place in April and May 2014. During the survey, 200 findings were documented, which can be dated from the Neolithic period to the late Islamic period which includes Tappeh and ancient sites, historical castles, ritual places of the historical period, mosques, bridges, cemeteries, mills, rock carvings, ancient mines and sites of slags (Khanipour et al., 2018).
Bavanat Wood Industries
Bavanat wooden crafts include wooden containers or vessels discovered from Kan Gohar Cave, pulpit and wooden door of the Grand Mosque, latticework, doors and windows of holy shrine of Hamzeh, which will be discussed further.
Jame Mosque of Bavanat: This building is located in the center of Bavanat city, which is built in two floors. The mosque has a circular dome, which is located above Mihrab, and under the dome is an inscription of Quranic verses in Thuluth, with decorations, the script of which is the work of Mohammad Isfahani and dated 772 A.H., The delicate decorations used in the construction of the wooden pulpit of this mosque, and according to the inscription on it, have turned this historical work into one of the unique examples of Iran’s wooden arrays in the 8th century A.D. There is an inscription on the pulpit with the name of the founder and the date of its construction. this pulpit was built in 771 A.H. (Sarikhani, 2007: 63; Khanipour et al., 2021: 16-17). The wooden entrance door of the mosque is in the eastern wall, which according to the inscription dates its construction to the Safavid period.
Holy Shrine of Seyyed Shah Mirhamzeh
Holy Shrine of Seyyed Shah Mirhamzeh has located 18 km from Bavanat city, in Bazm village. This building was first included in the list of national monuments in 1936. latticework of holy shrine of Bazm is very artistically carved in wood. This latticework is decorated with relief carvings on three sides, and two inscriptions are engraved on it, indicating the name of the builder and the date of construction. On the door of latticework, there are poems indicating that it was written during the reign of Shah Abbas. The entrance door of holy shrine of is double-leaf, on top of both there is an inscription and in the middle of each one, there is a metal knocker. The outer surface is decorated with rhombus diagonal lines on each leaf of the door. The wooden door inside the holy shrine of is double-leaf that are decorated with Moaragh-kari. The door frame is carved with geometric motifs, which according to the construction, color, and type of wood, the construction of the double-leaf door is probably newer than the door frame and facade.
Kan-Gohar Cave
Kan-Gohar cave mine is located at the heights of the southern border of Bavanat Plain. In 2010, a large number of human bones and skulls, which were regularly placed there, were discovered by the residents of the region. To clarify the issue, first of all, historical sources were studied. In the historical sources, it is mentioned, after the collapse of the Ilkhanid patriarchal government and the lack of centralized power, a village in Bavanat was attacked and the villagers took refuge in a cave to save their lives. Their hiding place was revealed, so a fire was lit at the entrance of the cave, and in the resulting smoke, all the people inside the cave were killed. Some sources mention Malik Ashraf Choupani (Yazdi, 1947: 153-154; Katbi, 1985: 48-49, Samarqandi, 1996: 212) and some Ray Malik (Hafiz Ebru, 1938: 172; 1993: 206-208) as the cause of this murdering. A tray, a bowl and a wooden spoon were found in this cave, along with the existing burials, which were probably part of the dishes of these people that they took with them to the cave.
Conclusion
In the Bavanat area, there are wooden works from the 8th, 10th and 11th centuries A.H. The wooden artworks of the Kan-Gohar cave have been preserved due to their location inside the cave, and the wooden works of the Grand Mosque and holy shrine of have been preserved due to their holiness. Among the various methods of production and decoration of the wood industry, in the Bavanat region, we can observe fret work, woodturning, Gereh-Chini and Moaragh-Kari, which more than fret work is used. In terms of the function of the wooden handicrafts studied in this article, they can be divided into two categories: architecture-related necessities and everyday utensils or objects. In the construction of wooden crafts, geometric patterns and Eslimi, and in most cases, inscriptions are written on them. The read inscriptions, which are generally located on wooden artworks, were in line with the function of the buildings. In the meantime, during the Safavid period, emphasis is placed on the names of Shia imams, especially Imam Ali.
Yaghob Mohammadifar, Hamid Reza Karami,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Providing water for the inhabitants of the plateau of Iran, which is located in the arid and semi-arid region of the earth, has always been one of the most important challenges for the its people since the beginning of the formation of the first dynasties and establishing the first irrigation systems. Low rainfall climate has caused the Iranian people to innovate different techniques to provide water for agriculture activities permanently. Iranians are considered as the main creators of Kariz (subground aqueduct) as one of the most practical methods of exploiting underground water resources. Exploitation of running water resources by construction of dams on rivers and springs and the creation of canals is another method rooted in the history of the civilizations of the west Asia for supplying more sustainable water for the agricultural and industrial functions. In the specific and under investigation area of the Pulvar River, where the Achaemenid capital of Pasargadae is located, there are some of the ancient water structures including dams, artificial waterways, canals, extensive water reservoirs and springs. Of theses the dams are mostly built on the tributaries of the Pulvar River, and the water supplying canals are located below them. Such complex structures have been built in the plains and districts surrounding Pasargadae such as Didegan, Murghab, Sarpiran, Kamin and Arsanjan. The present investigation briefly introduces these water structures and the techniques they were made in the Achaemenid period in the cultural landscape of Pasargadae. The results of this research are based on the studying historical documents and field studies of the past decades by historians and archaeologists, as well as field surveys by the author during the recent years in an area of nearly 16,000 square kilometers. The results of this research are amazing and very impressive. These extensive water systems, with the tact and intelligence of Achaemenid managers and engineers, have supplied water to all the plains and mountain valleys of the Pasargadae region. Villages and public settlements, gardens, agricultural lands, government buildings and centers, and finally the Royal Paradise of Cyrus the Great used of the benefits of water supply structures. In the construction of the dams, clay materials and ashlar or carved stone masonries have been applied, and some of them also have architectural structures with cut stone blocks. Waterways are also created in several ways on the slopes of hills and rocks. Studies and researches show that the construction of water structures in the study area began during the reign of Cyrus the Great and expanded during the reign of Darius the Great and continued to develop until the end of the Achaemenid period. This method of exploiting surface of sub ground water resources continues to post-Achaemenid periods, especially in the Sassanid era and continues till modern times.
Keywords: Historical Dams, Achaemenid Architecture, Ancient Irrigation, Pasargadae, Achaemenid Empire.
Introduction
It is for the first time that in this era, a tremendous transformation in Iranian architecture occurred by mixing the traditions of architecture and art with the traditions of other nations that came under the umbrella of the Achaemenid government. The builders of Pasargad, in order to establish a new capital that can have a correct concept of a powerful and magnificent government center and also bring the comfort of its residents, beyond the plain of Pasargad, investigated and assessed the feasibility of all the surrounding plains , and after That Pasargad was designed and built What can be concluded from these structures is that Pasargad was not limited to the complex of royal buildings whose remains remain in the center of the Pasargad plain, and it correctly had the concept of an official and advanced capital. A wide range of infrastructures that a government center like Pasargad needs has been identified in a wide area of Pasargad plain and the surrounding plains, which is a proof of how Pasargad was built and founded. An important part of the aforementioned infrastructures is the vast collection of water structures that were designed and built in the ancient territory of Pasargad. One of the most important plans of the Achaemenid government was to deal with the water issue, which the Shah and the administrative organization had taken over the management of (Brian, 1985: 1985). In the upcoming research, an attempt has been made to introduce the Achaemenid water structures of Pasargad region and its impact on the construction and development of Pasargad. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Pasargad World Heritage Site also conducted a field survey in the Pasargad Plain and the surrounding plains (Karami and Zarei 2015), and in this research, several dams and extensive water supply networks were identified (Map 1). In the fall of 2019, from the first season of the exploration of Didegan Dam (Bostan Khani) was done and parts of the architectural structure of the dam and its wall and foundation were explored and researched, which resulted in valuable results (Karami, 2019, unpublished).
Introduction of Water Structures and Their Function
The extent and variety of Achaemenid works and sites in the territory of the Achaemenid Empire shows the intelligence and management ability of the Achaemenid government in the administration of the country in all fields, looking at the capabilities of the territory and the environment and paying attention to the culture and social capital of the various regions of the empire, which can be seen in He searched for historical documents and remains of Achaemenid works and sites.
The Effort to Manage the Country is More Visible in the Important Achaemenid Centers
In Pasargad, which is our focus in this research, various aspects of art and culture, architecture, government infrastructure, engineering and public settlements have been revealed and can clarify some of the unknowns. Whenever the name of Pasargad is mentioned, the collection of royal buildings and especially the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire, is remembered in our thoughts. But the Achaemenid capital of Pasargad is much wider and beyond the current area What we see today is the result of the knowledge and efforts that the engineers and builders of Pasargad have applied in a wide area of this area and have created a set of structures and infrastructures that meet the needs of the ruling center of Pasargad. One of the most important remaining infrastructures is the set of water structures that were created in the ancient landscape of Pasargad in several plains centered on Pasargad. However, metal and building stone quarries, metal smelting workshops, road networks, bridges, security checkpoints and support centers are other parts of the infrastructure works in Pasargad (Karami & Zarei, 2015). The concept of the ancient landscape of Pasargad can be considered for all the hills and heights around Pasargad, where the Achaemenid works and sites are directly related to the government site of Pasargad. The extent of this ancient area can be considered to be nearly 16,000 square kilometers based on archaeological surveys and researches, which according to country divisions includes the cities of Euclid, Khorrambid, Bowanat, Sarchehan, Pasargad, Arsanjan and Maroodasht from north to south.Pelvar River is the only permanent river in this area, the formation of settlement patterns of the first settlements from the Middle Paleolithic period until now is dependent on this river (Map 2).
Conclusion
The historical water structures of Pasargad and Persepolis are among the most prominent and valuable works left over from the Achaemenid era, which are located in the Bakhtegan and Tashk watersheds. The two main catchment rivers, Pelvar and Kor, form one of the basins in which the water from the rains in the highlands and plains flows into them in the form of flowing water and under the surface. Due to the presence of two important Achaemenid centers of Pasargad and Persepolis in this basin and the need to provide water for them in the headwaters of these rivers, especially the Pelvar River, several reservoirs and diversion dams have been built with the aim of exploiting surface water resources And extensive waterways and water supply networks have also been established These structures include dams, waterways and water distribution networks, springs and reservoirs, and stone architectural structures for water distribution. The embankments are made of earth in the form of a hard clay core and a shell of stone debris and are mostly built on the heads of the branches, and the water roads are also on the slopes of Mahori hills and rocks and in the middle of the plains with two methods of accumulating soil and stone debris and excavating And the cutting of rocks has been created It seems that the Achaemenid engineers have selected the best and most efficient places for the construction of dams after investigating and studying the field of this basin. The mouth of mountain gorges through which seasonal rivers pass is the best place to build a dam Because the stone body of the valleys makes the dams stable and durable, and it has been easier and more reliable to contain and store the floods in the sub-branches. Due to the extent and shape of the catchment of this basin, the Pelvar river floods during rains and a large amount of water enters it, and it was not possible to control it for the Achaemenid engineers considering the facilities and technology of that era. Therefore, the best option for flood control is the construction of dams at the head of the branches and tributaries of Pelvar Also, it is easier to transfer the dams built at the head of the branches, which are located at a higher place than the plains and flat lands, and most of the downstream parts have benefited from the stored water. Apart from curbing seasonal floods, supplying water to settlements and residential areas, agricultural lands and gardens, providing water to Pasargad government grounds and especially Shahi Campus, as well as industrial uses and mills, are among the goals of building this vast complex of There have been water structures in this area The history of the construction of this set of water structures is related to the Achaemenid period, which, based on researches and archaeological documents, started from the beginning of the Achaemenid period and with the reign of Cyrus and expanded during the reign of Darius and was developed, maintained and exploited until the end of the Achaemenid period.
Providing water for the inhabitants of the plateau of Iran, which is located in the arid and semi-arid region of the earth, has always been one of the most important challenges for the its people since the beginning of the formation of the first dynasties and establishing the first irrigation systems. Low rainfall climate has caused the Iranian people to innovate different techniques to provide water for agriculture activities permanently. Iranians are considered as the main creators of Kariz (subground aqueduct) as one of the most practical methods of exploiting underground water resources. Exploitation of running water resources by construction of dams on rivers and springs and the creation of canals is another method rooted in the history of the civilizations of the west Asia for supplying more sustainable water for the agricultural and industrial functions. In the specific and under investigation area of the Pulvar River, where the Achaemenid capital of Pasargadae is located, there are some of the ancient water structures including dams, artificial waterways, canals, extensive water reservoirs and springs. Of theses the dams are mostly built on the tributaries of the Pulvar River, and the water supplying canals are located below them. Such complex structures have been built in the plains and districts surrounding Pasargadae such as Didegan, Murghab, Sarpiran, Kamin and Arsanjan. The present investigation briefly introduces these water structures and the techniques they were made in the Achaemenid period in the cultural landscape of Pasargadae. The results of this research are based on the studying historical documents and field studies of the past decades by historians and archaeologists, as well as field surveys by the author during the recent years in an area of nearly 16,000 square kilometers. The results of this research are amazing and very impressive. These extensive water systems, with the tact and intelligence of Achaemenid managers and engineers, have supplied water to all the plains and mountain valleys of the Pasargadae region. Villages and public settlements, gardens, agricultural lands, government buildings and centers, and finally the Royal Paradise of Cyrus the Great used of the benefits of water supply structures. In the construction of the dams, clay materials and ashlar or carved stone masonries have been applied, and some of them also have architectural structures with cut stone blocks. Waterways are also created in several ways on the slopes of hills and rocks. Studies and researches show that the construction of water structures in the study area began during the reign of Cyrus the Great and expanded during the reign of Darius the Great and continued to develop until the end of the Achaemenid period. This method of exploiting surface of sub ground water resources continues to post-Achaemenid periods, especially in the Sassanid era and continues till modern times.
Keywords: Historical Dams, Achaemenid Architecture, Ancient Irrigation, Pasargadae, Achaemenid Empire.
Introduction
It is for the first time that in this era, a tremendous transformation in Iranian architecture occurred by mixing the traditions of architecture and art with the traditions of other nations that came under the umbrella of the Achaemenid government. The builders of Pasargad, in order to establish a new capital that can have a correct concept of a powerful and magnificent government center and also bring the comfort of its residents, beyond the plain of Pasargad, investigated and assessed the feasibility of all the surrounding plains , and after That Pasargad was designed and built What can be concluded from these structures is that Pasargad was not limited to the complex of royal buildings whose remains remain in the center of the Pasargad plain, and it correctly had the concept of an official and advanced capital. A wide range of infrastructures that a government center like Pasargad needs has been identified in a wide area of Pasargad plain and the surrounding plains, which is a proof of how Pasargad was built and founded. An important part of the aforementioned infrastructures is the vast collection of water structures that were designed and built in the ancient territory of Pasargad. One of the most important plans of the Achaemenid government was to deal with the water issue, which the Shah and the administrative organization had taken over the management of (Brian, 1985: 1985). In the upcoming research, an attempt has been made to introduce the Achaemenid water structures of Pasargad region and its impact on the construction and development of Pasargad. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Pasargad World Heritage Site also conducted a field survey in the Pasargad Plain and the surrounding plains (Karami and Zarei 2015), and in this research, several dams and extensive water supply networks were identified (Map 1). In the fall of 2019, from the first season of the exploration of Didegan Dam (Bostan Khani) was done and parts of the architectural structure of the dam and its wall and foundation were explored and researched, which resulted in valuable results (Karami, 2019, unpublished).
Introduction of Water Structures and Their Function
The extent and variety of Achaemenid works and sites in the territory of the Achaemenid Empire shows the intelligence and management ability of the Achaemenid government in the administration of the country in all fields, looking at the capabilities of the territory and the environment and paying attention to the culture and social capital of the various regions of the empire, which can be seen in He searched for historical documents and remains of Achaemenid works and sites.
The Effort to Manage the Country is More Visible in the Important Achaemenid Centers
In Pasargad, which is our focus in this research, various aspects of art and culture, architecture, government infrastructure, engineering and public settlements have been revealed and can clarify some of the unknowns. Whenever the name of Pasargad is mentioned, the collection of royal buildings and especially the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire, is remembered in our thoughts. But the Achaemenid capital of Pasargad is much wider and beyond the current area What we see today is the result of the knowledge and efforts that the engineers and builders of Pasargad have applied in a wide area of this area and have created a set of structures and infrastructures that meet the needs of the ruling center of Pasargad. One of the most important remaining infrastructures is the set of water structures that were created in the ancient landscape of Pasargad in several plains centered on Pasargad. However, metal and building stone quarries, metal smelting workshops, road networks, bridges, security checkpoints and support centers are other parts of the infrastructure works in Pasargad (Karami & Zarei, 2015). The concept of the ancient landscape of Pasargad can be considered for all the hills and heights around Pasargad, where the Achaemenid works and sites are directly related to the government site of Pasargad. The extent of this ancient area can be considered to be nearly 16,000 square kilometers based on archaeological surveys and researches, which according to country divisions includes the cities of Euclid, Khorrambid, Bowanat, Sarchehan, Pasargad, Arsanjan and Maroodasht from north to south.Pelvar River is the only permanent river in this area, the formation of settlement patterns of the first settlements from the Middle Paleolithic period until now is dependent on this river (Map 2).
Conclusion
The historical water structures of Pasargad and Persepolis are among the most prominent and valuable works left over from the Achaemenid era, which are located in the Bakhtegan and Tashk watersheds. The two main catchment rivers, Pelvar and Kor, form one of the basins in which the water from the rains in the highlands and plains flows into them in the form of flowing water and under the surface. Due to the presence of two important Achaemenid centers of Pasargad and Persepolis in this basin and the need to provide water for them in the headwaters of these rivers, especially the Pelvar River, several reservoirs and diversion dams have been built with the aim of exploiting surface water resources And extensive waterways and water supply networks have also been established These structures include dams, waterways and water distribution networks, springs and reservoirs, and stone architectural structures for water distribution. The embankments are made of earth in the form of a hard clay core and a shell of stone debris and are mostly built on the heads of the branches, and the water roads are also on the slopes of Mahori hills and rocks and in the middle of the plains with two methods of accumulating soil and stone debris and excavating And the cutting of rocks has been created It seems that the Achaemenid engineers have selected the best and most efficient places for the construction of dams after investigating and studying the field of this basin. The mouth of mountain gorges through which seasonal rivers pass is the best place to build a dam Because the stone body of the valleys makes the dams stable and durable, and it has been easier and more reliable to contain and store the floods in the sub-branches. Due to the extent and shape of the catchment of this basin, the Pelvar river floods during rains and a large amount of water enters it, and it was not possible to control it for the Achaemenid engineers considering the facilities and technology of that era. Therefore, the best option for flood control is the construction of dams at the head of the branches and tributaries of Pelvar Also, it is easier to transfer the dams built at the head of the branches, which are located at a higher place than the plains and flat lands, and most of the downstream parts have benefited from the stored water. Apart from curbing seasonal floods, supplying water to settlements and residential areas, agricultural lands and gardens, providing water to Pasargad government grounds and especially Shahi Campus, as well as industrial uses and mills, are among the goals of building this vast complex of There have been water structures in this area The history of the construction of this set of water structures is related to the Achaemenid period, which, based on researches and archaeological documents, started from the beginning of the Achaemenid period and with the reign of Cyrus and expanded during the reign of Darius and was developed, maintained and exploited until the end of the Achaemenid period.
Gholam Shirzadeh, Mohammad Reza Nemati,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Niskabad tepe is located 5.5 km southeast of Sardasht city, 5 km south of Rabat city And 1 km north of Niskabad village along the west bank of the small Zab River. The excavation of this tepe was carried out in 2015 for two months in line with the rescue project behind Sardasht Dam and also the study of the archaeological landscape of the region, especially in prehistoric and historical periods. A total of four trenches were created in Niskabad Tepe. Excavations in these trenches have led to the identification of architectural remains (Chinese stone walls of the river type), numerous pieces of pottery and stone tools. The study of architectural remains and samples of pottery in Niskabad Tepe has shown that the site is single-period and short-term residence of human groups in this Tepe. According to studies, the pottery form of the yard consists of a variety of bowls, cups, jars, pots and jars. The decorations created on the pottery include added patterns (rope-shaped), carved patterns and stamped patterns. In addition to ordinary pottery, a limited number of glazing pottery have been identified. One of the main questions raised in the present study is that the form and technical characteristics of Parthian pottery in Niskabad tepe are comparable to which areas? In this regard, it seems that the Parthian pottery of the Tepe, in addition to being comparable to areas such as Yazdgerd Castle, Qorveh Kurdistan, areas of Hamadan, Lorestan and northwestern Iran, also have some local and indigenous characteristics. According to the comparisons, it seems that the settlement in this Tepe was in the early and middle of the Parthian period. It seems that the study, evaluation and study of cultural data of Niskabad Tepe can identify some of the hidden angles of the Parthian period in the region.
Keywords: Small Zab, Sardasht, Parthian, Pottery, Niskabad.
Introduction
The archaeological studies of Sardasht city are incomplete and limited to some cultural periods such as the Manna period due to the few investigations carried out in it (Salimi et al., 2019: 85). Sardasht is geographically located in the north-west of Iran and due to its proximity to the country of Iraq and precisely to Iraq Kurdistan, it is considered important from the point of view of archaeological studies.
Rescue archaeological excavations behind the Sardasht Dam in the fall of 2014 by carrying out excavations in some important historical sites on the edge of the Little Zab River, including Balan Tepe (Heydari and others, 1395: 145), Barve Tepe (Sharifi, 2015: 350) and Molla vesoo Tepe (Viewer, 2015: 56) was completed. Collecting historical information from the cultural layers of the explored sites and achieving the historical chronology of the region are among the goals of the rescue project. In this regard, Niskabad Tepe was excavated as one of the Tepes selected for exploration (Shirzadeh and Kaka, 2015: 365).
Archaeological excavations carried out during the rescue program of Sardasht Dam (Small Zab River Basin) indicate the identification of Parthian settlements in the region. These areas were created on the edge of the small Zab River and close to it.
In this research, while introducing the Parthian pottery of Niskabad Tepe, their classification and typology have also been discussed. In conducting this research, various questions have been raised; In terms of form and shape, the clay types of Nisak Abad can be compared with which regions? What are the technical characteristics of the examined pottery? The motifs and decorations used on the studied pottery can be compared with what contemporary areas?
Data Analysis
The dating of the residential periods in the Niskabad Tepe is based on the pottery findings obtained from the settlement layers of the Tepe and comparing them with the areas of the same period in other areas. The types of pottery obtained from the excavation of the Niskabad Tepe show a great diversity of common pottery such as bowls, bowls, jars and pots. On the other hand, the existence of limited types of Jalingi pottery among the settlement layers of the Nisak Abad Tepe make the dating of the area more possible and based on this, it seems that this area was inhabited in the region in the early and middle of the Parthian period.
On the other hand, comparing the pieces of pottery found in the site with their simultaneous sites in the western and northwestern regions of Iran shows various similarities between them. Based on the shape and form of the pottery, as well as other technical characteristics, the connection of this site with the Parthian sites of the Hamedan Plain, north and northeast of Lorestan, Balan Sardasht area, Yazdgerd Fort of Kermanshah, Qorveh city of Kurdistan, Bistoon of Kermanshah, Sang Shir Hamedan, Pirdoshan area of Sanandaj and Other sites have been approved. Despite the small size of the Niskabad Tepe, due to the diversity of the pottery obtained from the Tepe and also the fact that most of the pottery in the Tepe is comparable with other simultaneous Parthian sites in the northwest and west of Iran, this shows the importance of studying the Niskabad Tepe. It is in the Parthian period.
Conclusion
According to the preliminary studies conducted on the samples of pottery from the Niskabad Tepe, it seems that in the Parthian period (early and middle of this period) the people living in the place used the sample of ordinary pottery more than other types of pottery. In terms of shape and form, there are various similarities between the pottery obtained from this site and settlements located in the northwest, west, southwest and central Zagros of Iran. This issue shows the homogeneity and cultural connection between this site and the simultaneous sites in the aforementioned areas.
In terms of the shape of pottery, bowls and Cups are the most abundant in the number of pottery samples in the area. Meanwhile, the number of glazed pottery in the Tepe is rare and small. In terms of form and shape, the Jalingi pottery pieces are similar to the pottery samples of Parthian sites in western Iran, which indicates cultural homogeneity.
In the meantime, another important point is the existence of various differences and distinctions between the forms of Nisak Abad enclosure pottery with other contemporary enclosures. The quality of the color, the type of chamotte, the new forms of pottery, the type of coating and also the presence of pebbles among the pottery paste indicate the locality of the pottery in the Tepe. It seems that the presence of pebbles in the pottery paste is due to the lack of suitable clay in the place and its unavailability for the potter of the Tepe.
Examining the dimensions of the Niskabad Tepe shows that this area is not large (2 hectares) and it seems that during the Parthian period, a small settlement was formed in this place along the Zab River by human groups. Of course, the investigation of the surrounding area shows that the presence of sufficient water resources and abundant pastures could play an important role in the survival of Nomads human communities.
Younes Yousefvand,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Aligudarz County is one of the cold regions of Lorestan province, which is located in the east of the Lorestan province. Green pastures, high altitude, abundant water resources and the proximity of this region to the Khuzestan plain have provided a suitable conditions for the formation of nomadic life in this region. From prehistoric times, this region is connected to the lowland areas of northern Khuzestan by many nomadic roads. One of this nomadic roads is Khalilābad/Nomkul which passes through a difficult path along the roaring rivers “Bakhtiari” and “Sarkhao”. During the late Islamic century this road have been used by tribes of Bakhtiari Tribe Federation which they spent the summer in the northeastern part of Lorestan, ie in Aligudarz and Azna, and on the slopes of Oshtrankooh, Qalikuh and winter in Lali and around Dezful. Due to the fact that this road have not been studied so far and have not been well introduced, Independent research was necessary to identify and introduce them. The purpose of this study is to introduce this road and evaluate and analyze the history of the formation of related facilities based on archaeological evidence. The main question of the research is what archeological evidence remains from this road and what period do these works belong to? Research findings are provided through field works. As a result of this study, four bridges, a large part of the cobblestone road, a cemetery and an inscription were identified. The study of these works shows that this road and the collection of works of its route was built in the Safavid period.
Keywords: Lorestan, Aligudarz, Nomkol, Nomadic Road, Safavid Era.
Introduction
Nomadism has a long history in Zagros and Lorestan, this way of life in central Zagros in general and in Lorestan in particular started from the Neolithic period and was completely prevalent in the chalcolithic age. And after that, it has been prevalent in this region in almost all periods. Today, it still exists in many parts of the region. The path of the nomads is called Eil-Rah or Koch-Rah. In most cases, this roads are the most convenient and closest way to travel from Sardsir to Garmsir and vice versa, which are formed according to geographical and biological features. One of the main roads of immigration of Bakhtiari tribes is the so-called Khalilabad-Pole Koll road. This connects the mountainous and cold region of eastern Lorestan to the tropical region of the northern part of Khuzestan. Today, this road is used by tribes from the Chaharlang branch of the Bakhtiari tribe, who spent their summer in the northeastern part of Lorestan, namely in Aliguderz and Azna, and on the slopes of Ashtrankoh, Qalikoh and winter in Sardasht, Lali and around Dezful. This road passes through a very difficult mountain path, along which raging rivers such as Bakhtiari and Sarkhav rivers flow. The efforts of nomadic communities to overcome these natural obstacles have led to the creation of structures and facilities whose examples have been identified in few regions of Iran. This article examines and introduces a part of this road and its facilities in Nomkol region, 22 km southeast of Mergsar village, Mahro district, Aligudarz city, and between Lorestan and Khuzestan provinces.
Research Objectives and Approach
The purpose of this research is to introduce and identify the Khalilabad-Polkol road and the traces of its route and then evaluate the available evidence for dating them. The present research is part of basic research and its approach is based on historical approach. The data have been collected in the usual way of archaeological studies by field visit method. In this method, by visiting the route, its archaeological evidence was identified and documented, and then analyzed using a historical approach.
Introducing the Archaeological Evidence of the Route and the Works Identified Along its Route
The archeological works of this road in the Nomkol area include 3 bridges, a large part of the cobblestone road, a wall in the precipice, a number of cemeteries, temporary settlements and an inscription.
Bridges: The materials used for the construction of bridges are stone and brick (in limited quantity) and its mortar is plaster and mortar. Rubble and plaster mortar were used to build foundations, and bricks were used to build arches, of which little evidence remains today. The foundations of some bridges are rectangular and have triangular breakwater (Gachpezan Bridge No. 1) and one of the bridges has circular foundations. The remarkable thing about the architectural structure of one of the bridges (Bridge No. 1) is that the bridge’s pillar are not in the same direction. Half of the pillars (4 of them) are located on the north bank to the center of the river in one stretch and the other half in one stretch. Concecontlly the bridge has taken the shape of a broken half cross and is fundamentally different from the well-known structure and pattern of bridges that basically form them directly. The structural features of this bridge have not been seen in any of the known bridges in Lorestan and the western region of the country.
Cemetery: There is a cemetery 400 meters west of the Kol bridge and at the confluence of two rivers, Sarkhav and Bakhtiari, where tombstones with designs and inscriptions from the late Islamic era can be seen on some of its graves. This evidence shows that this place was probably one of the resting places along the path of this road.
Cobblestone
The distance of 12 kilometers from bridge number 1 to the abandoned village at the beginning of Nomkol Valley passes along the edge of Sarkhav River and inside a very narrow valley. In different parts of this road, they have cut rock, created cobblestone and paved road (in dry form or using mortar) and built a wall. In the steep parts of the route, they have created a wall, the height of some parts of which reaches 10 meters. In some parts, by cutting the rock, they have created a narrow way to pass. At the beginning of the route and in the place known as “Tagh Jangi”, they skillfully created a wall 10 meters high and 15 meters long on the body of the rock and created a passageway 150 cm wide. This wall is 20 meters high from the bottom of the valley where the Sarkhav River flows. According to the difference in the arrangement of the stones in the body of the wall, which can be seen on its exterior, two stages of construction can be distinguished in it. Probably, after the initial construction, the wall collapsed in later times and it was restored and rebuilt again. At the end of the path that crosses the west bank of Sarkhav River, a one-kilometer-long cobblestone road has been created using crushed stone and plaster mortar, the minimum width of which is 60 cm, and the maximum is 2 meters. In some parts of this road, small valves have been installed to direct surface water, which pass the water under the road. By passing under the road, these valves direct the water that comes to the surface of the road from the rock west of the road to the riverbed. This road rests on the rock on one side and leads to the river on the other side.
Inscription
On the west bank of Sarkhav River, there is an inscription in Nastaliq script on a rock at the end of the road. The inscription consists of four short lines. The text of the inscription is as follows: “It was finished in the year 1091 by Yusuf Khan, the master of Isfahani”. The content of the inscription refers to the completion of a project in 1091 AH. The intended plan refers to the same paved road and the facilities along its path. This inscription clearly indicates the date of construction of the road in 1091 AH during the Safavid period.
Conclusion
In the current research, one of the nomadic roads in the east of Lorestan province was introduced by relying on archaeological evidence; this road has connected the east of Lorestan province to the northeast of Khuzestan province. In the very difficult parts of this road, which is called Nomkol by the people of the region due to its passage deep in the valleys of the Kul Mountain, they have started to pave the path, build several bridges, create arches and build walls in the precipice points leading to the river. The bridges built along this road, in addition to having some features in common with other bridges in Iran, also have other features that have not been identified in any region of Iran so far. The characteristics of the bridges and the presence of inscriptions on the side of the cobbled road clearly show the construction date of this road and the structures along its path in the Safavid period. This inscription shows that this route was used at least from the Safavid period onwards. Conducting an archeological survey in this area and along the route of this road from Dezful to Aliguderz will reveal more archaeological evidence of this road and other roads in the region.
Karim Golshanirad,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Herodotus, the famous Greek historian, tells a story according to which after Geomat called himself Berdia son of Cyrus, Darius and his allies rose up and killed Geomat and his companions. After the murder of Guomat, they decided to ride around the city on a horse and whoever’s horse drew a Shihe first would reach the kingdom. According to Herodotus, Darius’s horse, with the help of Oibar’s trick, Darius’s horse drew a Shihe earlier than the others and Darius reached the throne. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical using reliable historical sources. The findings of the research show that the story of Herodotus is legendary and the mention of extraordinary and supernatural content makes it invalid. According to Michel Foucault’s cultural theory, the culture of societies is not static, but is always changing, so we must first examine the Achaemenid culture. After analyzing the culture of the Achaemenid period, we realize that the story of Herodotus is a fabrication and other factors, including belonging to the ruling or Achaemenid family, were involved in the accession of Darius to the throne, which Herodotus intentionally or unintentionally did not mention.
Keywords: Darius, Herodotus, Shihe Esb, Achaemenid, Kingdom.
Introduction
The concept of culture, together with the concept of society, is one of the concepts that is used a lot in sociology and history. Culture is the values that members of a certain group have, the norms they follow and the material goods they produce (Giddens, 2008: 36). Culture has a history, and deep understanding and solving cultural issues requires adopting an approach that can take into account the history of culture. Generally, people think that culture is a natural and definite category that has always been and is in the same way, while culture is diverse, fluid and historical. (Kechoyan and Zaeri, 2008, 7). According to French philosopher and historian Michel Foucault, our views on social coordinates (such as madness, gender, etc.) are not the only acceptable views. From his point of view, such coordinates are cultural structures that change throughout time and space (Hughes, 1386: 154). According to Foucault, culture is not a fixed issue that is like a uniform and unchanged chain from the past to the present, but culture is also like other components related to humans have undergone changes and transformations in the course of history, and sometimes they have completely changed. For example, according to the recommendations of Zoroastrianism and their subsistence economy, which depended on livestock and herding, in the ancient Iranian thought, a dog was considered a sacred animal, and if someone injured even a stray dog, they would whip him (Vandidad, 1385, Fargard 13th: 741, 742), while nowadays, due to the cultural changes created in Iranian society, a dog is considered an impure animal and they believe that its presence in the house causes good and blessings to come out. Therefore, when we want to talk about a historical event to do research, we have to put ourselves in that period and get to know the culture of that time and then comment on it.
Research Methodology: The purpose of the research is to investigate and analyze the story of Herodotus about Darius the Great’s accession to the throne based on the horse figure.
Discussion
Various reasons are mentioned regarding the fabrication and unreality of Herodotus’ story about the rise of Darius to power by Shihe Esb: Being legendary and having unreal things in the story
When we read the story presented by Herodotus, we come across legendary narratives that are part of Herodotus’ folk narratives, whose purpose is to entertain the audience (Calligan, 1384: 55). The first thought that comes to mind regarding the validity of this famous story is that it is not at all possible that those wise men who were involved in such a serious crisis and exposed themselves to such a vast extent of danger, resorted to such a childish and laughable plan. Or Cobb Abbott, though he finally accepts this story, believes that such a method of appointing a leader, if it is accepted separately, is invalid even for the soldier boys who provide the holiday arrangements, in However, here, the issue of the empire is raised, which extends thousands of miles in the heart of the vast continent and probably accommodates 50 nationalities and millions of people and has the devices of a vast government. Making an inscription in honor of Oibar Herodotus, after mentioning the story of Darius’s rise to the kingship with trickery, tells us that Darius ordered an inscribed stone to be carved and to honor his great-grandfather Oibar!“After reaching the kingdom, Darius first ordered to carve and erect a stone inscription on which the image of a horse rider was engraved with the following inscription: Darius, the son of Hystaspes, owes the kingdom of Persia to the merit of his horse - here the name of the animal is mentioned It has been done, and cleverness is more important than itself” (Herodotus, 1384, Vol. 3: 185). When we examine the Iranian society of the Achaemenid period, we realize that Darius, assuming that he secretly ascended the throne with the help of Mehtar himself, will never make this issue public and obvious. In the Iranian society of that time, truth and honesty were one value, and lies were the same. Trickery was considered one of the major sins. Revolt of the land of Persia after the arrival of Darius the king
As mentioned before, Herodotus described Darius’ horse as a kind of divine tidings and his acceptance from heaven. If this article was true, there would be no reason for the tribes under Darius to rebel, especially the Persians, who were Darius’ own people (Omsted, 1958:15) after Darius became king. Absence of a history of reaching the kingdom based on horse shihe the story told by Herodotus is unprecedented in the history of the world. It means that before Darius the Great, no king was elected in this way. Roman Girshman and Abdul Hossein Zarinkoob believe that the way of reaching the kingdom of the chiefs, the king of Urartu was in the same way and later the Iranians adopted this method from him because of the neighborhood (Zarinkoob, 1381: 143 and Girshman, 1389: 182). There is no mention of lottery in the inscription of the first chiefs. In the inscription, it says that the chiefs won the kingdom (Urartu) with the help of their horses and chariots. One of Urartu’s works of art made of bronze shows the first chiefs on a chariot with war chariots, and apparently it is mentioned that the chiefs became king as a result of their bravery, bravery and merit (Tolman, 1907: pxxv).
Conclusion
Herodotus, while mentioning the events of the Cambogia period, says that Darius, together with six Persian leaders, managed to defeat Goumat the Magh and his allies, and after killing Goumat, they became passionate about the Achaemenid government. After the end of the negotiation, it is decided that the royal government will continue. Finally, they decide that the leaders of the uprising will go to the desert on horseback, and whichever horse squeals first will reach the throne. Dariush, with the help of his nobleman, Oibar, played a trick and his horse died earlier than the others’ horses, and thus he reached the kingdom. Today, most researchers accept this story of Herodotus and consider it a divine sign about the kingdom of Darius. When we evaluate the story of Herodotus, we realize that it is a legendary story and contains a lot of unreal content, especially since Herodotus says that after Darius became king, he ordered an inscription to be made in honor of Oibar. to be Dariush, who tried a lot to legitimize himself in various ways, such as marrying the daughters of Cyrus the Great, mentioning that his ancestors were emperors, etc., it is impossible to introduce himself and his kingdom as indebted to Mehtaresh Oibar. According to Michel Foucault’s cultural theory, the culture of every society is always changing. Therefore, when we want to comment on the historical event, we must examine the culture of that time. According to the beliefs of the Achaemenid period and the entire ancient era, the monarchy was always given to people from the ruling family, and if no one of the main princes survived, the monarchy was given to secondary princes (relatives and second degree). Due to the fact that Dariush belonged to the Achaemenid dynasty and had also participated in the uprising against Goumat Mugh, he was chosen by the nobles of Pars as the successor of Kamboja.
Herodotus, the famous Greek historian, tells a story according to which after Geomat called himself Berdia son of Cyrus, Darius and his allies rose up and killed Geomat and his companions. After the murder of Guomat, they decided to ride around the city on a horse and whoever’s horse drew a Shihe first would reach the kingdom. According to Herodotus, Darius’s horse, with the help of Oibar’s trick, Darius’s horse drew a Shihe earlier than the others and Darius reached the throne. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical using reliable historical sources. The findings of the research show that the story of Herodotus is legendary and the mention of extraordinary and supernatural content makes it invalid. According to Michel Foucault’s cultural theory, the culture of societies is not static, but is always changing, so we must first examine the Achaemenid culture. After analyzing the culture of the Achaemenid period, we realize that the story of Herodotus is a fabrication and other factors, including belonging to the ruling or Achaemenid family, were involved in the accession of Darius to the throne, which Herodotus intentionally or unintentionally did not mention.
Keywords: Darius, Herodotus, Shihe Esb, Achaemenid, Kingdom.
Introduction
The concept of culture, together with the concept of society, is one of the concepts that is used a lot in sociology and history. Culture is the values that members of a certain group have, the norms they follow and the material goods they produce (Giddens, 2008: 36). Culture has a history, and deep understanding and solving cultural issues requires adopting an approach that can take into account the history of culture. Generally, people think that culture is a natural and definite category that has always been and is in the same way, while culture is diverse, fluid and historical. (Kechoyan and Zaeri, 2008, 7). According to French philosopher and historian Michel Foucault, our views on social coordinates (such as madness, gender, etc.) are not the only acceptable views. From his point of view, such coordinates are cultural structures that change throughout time and space (Hughes, 1386: 154). According to Foucault, culture is not a fixed issue that is like a uniform and unchanged chain from the past to the present, but culture is also like other components related to humans have undergone changes and transformations in the course of history, and sometimes they have completely changed. For example, according to the recommendations of Zoroastrianism and their subsistence economy, which depended on livestock and herding, in the ancient Iranian thought, a dog was considered a sacred animal, and if someone injured even a stray dog, they would whip him (Vandidad, 1385, Fargard 13th: 741, 742), while nowadays, due to the cultural changes created in Iranian society, a dog is considered an impure animal and they believe that its presence in the house causes good and blessings to come out. Therefore, when we want to talk about a historical event to do research, we have to put ourselves in that period and get to know the culture of that time and then comment on it.
Research Methodology: The purpose of the research is to investigate and analyze the story of Herodotus about Darius the Great’s accession to the throne based on the horse figure.
Discussion
Various reasons are mentioned regarding the fabrication and unreality of Herodotus’ story about the rise of Darius to power by Shihe Esb: Being legendary and having unreal things in the story
When we read the story presented by Herodotus, we come across legendary narratives that are part of Herodotus’ folk narratives, whose purpose is to entertain the audience (Calligan, 1384: 55). The first thought that comes to mind regarding the validity of this famous story is that it is not at all possible that those wise men who were involved in such a serious crisis and exposed themselves to such a vast extent of danger, resorted to such a childish and laughable plan. Or Cobb Abbott, though he finally accepts this story, believes that such a method of appointing a leader, if it is accepted separately, is invalid even for the soldier boys who provide the holiday arrangements, in However, here, the issue of the empire is raised, which extends thousands of miles in the heart of the vast continent and probably accommodates 50 nationalities and millions of people and has the devices of a vast government. Making an inscription in honor of Oibar Herodotus, after mentioning the story of Darius’s rise to the kingship with trickery, tells us that Darius ordered an inscribed stone to be carved and to honor his great-grandfather Oibar!“After reaching the kingdom, Darius first ordered to carve and erect a stone inscription on which the image of a horse rider was engraved with the following inscription: Darius, the son of Hystaspes, owes the kingdom of Persia to the merit of his horse - here the name of the animal is mentioned It has been done, and cleverness is more important than itself” (Herodotus, 1384, Vol. 3: 185). When we examine the Iranian society of the Achaemenid period, we realize that Darius, assuming that he secretly ascended the throne with the help of Mehtar himself, will never make this issue public and obvious. In the Iranian society of that time, truth and honesty were one value, and lies were the same. Trickery was considered one of the major sins. Revolt of the land of Persia after the arrival of Darius the king
As mentioned before, Herodotus described Darius’ horse as a kind of divine tidings and his acceptance from heaven. If this article was true, there would be no reason for the tribes under Darius to rebel, especially the Persians, who were Darius’ own people (Omsted, 1958:15) after Darius became king. Absence of a history of reaching the kingdom based on horse shihe the story told by Herodotus is unprecedented in the history of the world. It means that before Darius the Great, no king was elected in this way. Roman Girshman and Abdul Hossein Zarinkoob believe that the way of reaching the kingdom of the chiefs, the king of Urartu was in the same way and later the Iranians adopted this method from him because of the neighborhood (Zarinkoob, 1381: 143 and Girshman, 1389: 182). There is no mention of lottery in the inscription of the first chiefs. In the inscription, it says that the chiefs won the kingdom (Urartu) with the help of their horses and chariots. One of Urartu’s works of art made of bronze shows the first chiefs on a chariot with war chariots, and apparently it is mentioned that the chiefs became king as a result of their bravery, bravery and merit (Tolman, 1907: pxxv).
Conclusion
Herodotus, while mentioning the events of the Cambogia period, says that Darius, together with six Persian leaders, managed to defeat Goumat the Magh and his allies, and after killing Goumat, they became passionate about the Achaemenid government. After the end of the negotiation, it is decided that the royal government will continue. Finally, they decide that the leaders of the uprising will go to the desert on horseback, and whichever horse squeals first will reach the throne. Dariush, with the help of his nobleman, Oibar, played a trick and his horse died earlier than the others’ horses, and thus he reached the kingdom. Today, most researchers accept this story of Herodotus and consider it a divine sign about the kingdom of Darius. When we evaluate the story of Herodotus, we realize that it is a legendary story and contains a lot of unreal content, especially since Herodotus says that after Darius became king, he ordered an inscription to be made in honor of Oibar. to be Dariush, who tried a lot to legitimize himself in various ways, such as marrying the daughters of Cyrus the Great, mentioning that his ancestors were emperors, etc., it is impossible to introduce himself and his kingdom as indebted to Mehtaresh Oibar. According to Michel Foucault’s cultural theory, the culture of every society is always changing. Therefore, when we want to comment on the historical event, we must examine the culture of that time. According to the beliefs of the Achaemenid period and the entire ancient era, the monarchy was always given to people from the ruling family, and if no one of the main princes survived, the monarchy was given to secondary princes (relatives and second degree). Due to the fact that Dariush belonged to the Achaemenid dynasty and had also participated in the uprising against Goumat Mugh, he was chosen by the nobles of Pars as the successor of Kamboja.
Moslem Mahdian, Iman Saedi,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The interaction of cultures in prehistoric Iran has always been one of the most important and complex topics in Iranian archeology. Such connections in different regions of Iran show the relationships of cultures and their effects on each other. During the fifth and fourth millennia, these connections became more extensive and significant. During this period in the South Zagros region, between Fars, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (Bakhtiari region) and Khuzestan regions, close cultural ties were formed, which are more than anything else reflected in the pottery collections of Bakhtiari region. Alain Zagarel in his studies in different parts of Bakhtiari region points out that during this period, this region has received many cultural influences from Fars and Khuzestan regions. In this article, the cultural relations that took place during the chalcolithic Age in the Early / Middle / Late Shushan period of Khuzestan, the Early, Middle and Late Persian periods, as well as in the phases of Alexandria, Chelehgah, Afghan, R1, Lapoei, Shahrak and Borjoui and S17 in Bakhtiari region have been formed, discussed and tried to answer the question of whether there were cultural connections between these areas during the chalcolithic Age or not? According to the studies, it seems that there were cultural connections between these areas during this period. The point that should be mentioned here is that in this study, the cultural influences of Fars and Khuzestan regions on Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari have been considered. The effects of these cultures on different parts of Bakhtiari region are not the same, so that the northern regions of this province during this period were influenced by the cultures of Khuzestan region and southern regions, especially Lordegan city during this period were influenced by the cultures of Fars region.
Keywords: Interaction, chalcolithic, Bakhtiari, Fars, Khuzestan.
Introduction
One of the most important field works done in Bakhtiari region is the activities of Allen Zagarel and Hassan Rezvani during the years 1390-1389. The two main plains of Bakhtiari region, namely Khanmirza, are located 180 km south to southwest of Isfahan, at an altitude of 1800 meters and Shahrekord at an altitude of 2100 meters. Both plains are very fertile pastures, but due to their height, lack of surface water and good soil, they are not suitable for agriculture (Hool, 1390: 132). The sites identified in these areas provide useful information from the pastoral pattern of the pre-pottery period. We are indicating a period of prosperity in the Bakhtiari region. Based on these activities, the question that arises here is whether there was a connection between the Bakhtiari region with Persia and Khuzestan during the Copper and Stone Age? It can be said that the initial study of copper and stone period pottery shows the relationship and close proximity of regional pottery with copper and stone period pottery in Fars (Bakun A and B) And Khuzestan (Middle and New Shushan). However, it seems that the copper and stone pottery of the lords is more similar to the prehistoric pottery of Persia (Bakun A, B and Lepui).
Materials and Methods
Cultural interactions are one of the most important and complex issues in archaeology. In this research, we first tried to study all the sources in this field well, and the pottery related to each region was carefully examined and matched with each other so that we could provide a correct and accurate comparison. Among the important sources that were used in this regard were the reports of excavations, investigations and research activities that took place in these areas during the copper and stone ages. For correct understanding and accurate analysis of the data, it was tried to use the latest archaeological activities and also the latest scientific results published in these areas.
Article Text
The pottery collection of Bakhtiari region provides us with very good information about the Copper and Stone Age, through which the connection between this region and Fars and Khuzestan can be determined. Data from all three phases of the Copper and Stone Age have been found in the Bakhtiari region. Among these, we can refer to the interregional interactions of other regions of Bakhtiari region such as Dashte Farsan with Khuzestan and Fars, and although this has been the case in previous periods(Neolithic), as the evidence shows They show that this trend has significantly increased in the Copper and Stone Age. Currently, studies show that this region is very similar to Fars and Khuzestan. Currently, studies show that this region is very similar to Fars and Khuzestan.A noteworthy point about the settlements of the copper and stone period of Farsan plain is that in this period the southern areas of Farsan plain are very similar to Bacon pottery in Persia, while the pottery of the northern half of this plain is closely similar. They have new Middle Shushan pottery.
Discussion
Based on the conducted research, it can be said that the residents of Bakhtiari region were influenced by the residents of Fars and Khuzestan during the copper and stone ages. Considering that most of the settlements in this area belong to nomads, it can be said that this area was a bridge of communication between these areas during the copper and stone ages. The presence of pottery similar to the cultural materials of the late Neolithic and copper and stone of Fars and Khuzestan indicates the strong connection between the Fars plain and the mentioned areas, and one of the important reasons for this strong connection is the migration of nomads in the Fars plain and other highlands of Bakhtiari to these areas. The identified sites of this period, which were mainly in the form of temporary camps, also prove this claim.
Conclusion
In the Copper and Stone Age, we are faced with the dramatic emergence of yards in the Lordegan area. During this time, communication between the inhabitants of Lordegan and Fars and Khuzestan has increased. The reason for this claim is the collection of pottery that exists in this area. Another reason to prove this claim is the laboratory studies that have been done on the Lepui pottery of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province with Fars province. Based on the researches, it can be said that the inhabitants of Bakhtiari region have been influenced by the inhabitants of Fars and Khuzestan during the Copper and Stone Age. Given that most of the settlements in this area belong to the nomads, it can be said that this area has been a bridge between these areas during the Copper and Stone Age. Khosrozadeh also points out that the presence of pottery similar to late Neolithic cultural materials and copper and stone of Fars and Khuzestan indicates the strong connection of Farsan plain with the mentioned areas and one of the important reasons for this strong connection is nomadic migration in Fars plain and other heights. Bakhtiari knows of these areas, as the sites identified during this period, which were mostly temporary camps, also support this claim.
The interaction of cultures in prehistoric Iran has always been one of the most important and complex topics in Iranian archeology. Such connections in different regions of Iran show the relationships of cultures and their effects on each other. During the fifth and fourth millennia, these connections became more extensive and significant. During this period in the South Zagros region, between Fars, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (Bakhtiari region) and Khuzestan regions, close cultural ties were formed, which are more than anything else reflected in the pottery collections of Bakhtiari region. Alain Zagarel in his studies in different parts of Bakhtiari region points out that during this period, this region has received many cultural influences from Fars and Khuzestan regions. In this article, the cultural relations that took place during the chalcolithic Age in the Early / Middle / Late Shushan period of Khuzestan, the Early, Middle and Late Persian periods, as well as in the phases of Alexandria, Chelehgah, Afghan, R1, Lapoei, Shahrak and Borjoui and S17 in Bakhtiari region have been formed, discussed and tried to answer the question of whether there were cultural connections between these areas during the chalcolithic Age or not? According to the studies, it seems that there were cultural connections between these areas during this period. The point that should be mentioned here is that in this study, the cultural influences of Fars and Khuzestan regions on Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari have been considered. The effects of these cultures on different parts of Bakhtiari region are not the same, so that the northern regions of this province during this period were influenced by the cultures of Khuzestan region and southern regions, especially Lordegan city during this period were influenced by the cultures of Fars region.
Keywords: Interaction, chalcolithic, Bakhtiari, Fars, Khuzestan.
Introduction
One of the most important field works done in Bakhtiari region is the activities of Allen Zagarel and Hassan Rezvani during the years 1390-1389. The two main plains of Bakhtiari region, namely Khanmirza, are located 180 km south to southwest of Isfahan, at an altitude of 1800 meters and Shahrekord at an altitude of 2100 meters. Both plains are very fertile pastures, but due to their height, lack of surface water and good soil, they are not suitable for agriculture (Hool, 1390: 132). The sites identified in these areas provide useful information from the pastoral pattern of the pre-pottery period. We are indicating a period of prosperity in the Bakhtiari region. Based on these activities, the question that arises here is whether there was a connection between the Bakhtiari region with Persia and Khuzestan during the Copper and Stone Age? It can be said that the initial study of copper and stone period pottery shows the relationship and close proximity of regional pottery with copper and stone period pottery in Fars (Bakun A and B) And Khuzestan (Middle and New Shushan). However, it seems that the copper and stone pottery of the lords is more similar to the prehistoric pottery of Persia (Bakun A, B and Lepui).
Materials and Methods
Cultural interactions are one of the most important and complex issues in archaeology. In this research, we first tried to study all the sources in this field well, and the pottery related to each region was carefully examined and matched with each other so that we could provide a correct and accurate comparison. Among the important sources that were used in this regard were the reports of excavations, investigations and research activities that took place in these areas during the copper and stone ages. For correct understanding and accurate analysis of the data, it was tried to use the latest archaeological activities and also the latest scientific results published in these areas.
Article Text
The pottery collection of Bakhtiari region provides us with very good information about the Copper and Stone Age, through which the connection between this region and Fars and Khuzestan can be determined. Data from all three phases of the Copper and Stone Age have been found in the Bakhtiari region. Among these, we can refer to the interregional interactions of other regions of Bakhtiari region such as Dashte Farsan with Khuzestan and Fars, and although this has been the case in previous periods(Neolithic), as the evidence shows They show that this trend has significantly increased in the Copper and Stone Age. Currently, studies show that this region is very similar to Fars and Khuzestan. Currently, studies show that this region is very similar to Fars and Khuzestan.A noteworthy point about the settlements of the copper and stone period of Farsan plain is that in this period the southern areas of Farsan plain are very similar to Bacon pottery in Persia, while the pottery of the northern half of this plain is closely similar. They have new Middle Shushan pottery.
Discussion
Based on the conducted research, it can be said that the residents of Bakhtiari region were influenced by the residents of Fars and Khuzestan during the copper and stone ages. Considering that most of the settlements in this area belong to nomads, it can be said that this area was a bridge of communication between these areas during the copper and stone ages. The presence of pottery similar to the cultural materials of the late Neolithic and copper and stone of Fars and Khuzestan indicates the strong connection between the Fars plain and the mentioned areas, and one of the important reasons for this strong connection is the migration of nomads in the Fars plain and other highlands of Bakhtiari to these areas. The identified sites of this period, which were mainly in the form of temporary camps, also prove this claim.
Conclusion
In the Copper and Stone Age, we are faced with the dramatic emergence of yards in the Lordegan area. During this time, communication between the inhabitants of Lordegan and Fars and Khuzestan has increased. The reason for this claim is the collection of pottery that exists in this area. Another reason to prove this claim is the laboratory studies that have been done on the Lepui pottery of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province with Fars province. Based on the researches, it can be said that the inhabitants of Bakhtiari region have been influenced by the inhabitants of Fars and Khuzestan during the Copper and Stone Age. Given that most of the settlements in this area belong to the nomads, it can be said that this area has been a bridge between these areas during the Copper and Stone Age. Khosrozadeh also points out that the presence of pottery similar to late Neolithic cultural materials and copper and stone of Fars and Khuzestan indicates the strong connection of Farsan plain with the mentioned areas and one of the important reasons for this strong connection is nomadic migration in Fars plain and other heights. Bakhtiari knows of these areas, as the sites identified during this period, which were mostly temporary camps, also support this claim.
Mohammadsadegh Roostaei, Reza Mehrafarin, Seyyed Rasool Moosavihaji, Mojtaba Saadatian,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Tol-e-Zahak site, as the ancient city of Fasa in the historical and Islamic period, is located about 2 km south of the modern city of Fasa in the eastern center of Fars province and was registered as the 15th national monument in 1310 AD. After conducting a archaeological systematic survey of this site in 1397, in addition to identifying the extent of the site (based on the dispersion of surface data) which reaches more than 500 hectares; Chronology and settlement periods of the site, which indicate its habitation from the late fourth millennium BC to the Islamic Middle Ages; It was found. By studying the data obtained from the survey, especially pottery samples, one of the important settlement periods of Tol-e- Zahak area is the settlement related to the Sassanid period. Scattering of cultural materials related to this period (especially pottery) was observed almost all over the site. In this article, the authors intend to examine the historical sources and previous archaeological research in the region in connection with the Sassanid period in the region, the results with the data related to the Sassanid settlement identified from the methodical study of Tol-e- Zahak site, Intertwined (Historical Approach) and to reconstruct the appearance of Fasa city in the Sassanid period as much as possible. Studies show that the Sassanid settlement of Tol-e- Zahak site is undoubtedly a large urban settlement of the type of cities with an irregular shape of the Sassanid period. Due to its strategic location and suitable environmental conditions for agricultural and livestock activities, this city as one of the important commercial and commercial cities throughout the Sassanid rule and even a few centuries after the advent of Islam in Darabgerd province in the east of Persia Has played a role.
Keywords: Tol-e- Zahak Site, Ancient City of Fasa, Archaeological Survey, Sasanian Period.
Introduction
Fasa is a city in the eastern central of Fars province, despite the environmental conditions suitable especially for agricultural activities and also its special strategy position, which is located between the civilization areas of the east and west of the Iranian plateau on the one hand and the access route to the open waters of the Pars sea, despite the identification of many works and sites from prehistory to late centuries, Islamic archeological knowledge, especially the situation of the region in its historical period is very small Zahak bridge (Tol) is the largest ancient site of the city and one of the most important ancient sites of Fars. Most of the researchers in the area are related to the pre-revolutionary period. Some limited investigations were carried out on each of these sites based on a specific settlement or only included the main mount of the area which gave its name to the entire part. So it’s necessary to carry out a systematic investigation that covers the entire area of the site and all settlement periods. After the systematic investigation of the site that was carried out in 2017C (1397) based on the distribution of cultural materials.
The surface area of the site was more than 500 hectares it was reached with the chronology of the cultural materials of the period of the residence in the site from the end of the fourth millennium to the middle Islamic century it was estimated continuously without interruption it seems that despite the most Sasanian cities during the Sasani’s period, the city of Fasa has been an important commercial city in the region since and it reached the peak of its expansion and prosperity in the Sasanian and early Islamic period. On the other hand, the historical and geographical sources of the beginning of Islam have a close relationship with Sasanians and called the city a large city with many products and prosperous commerce a city that has all the important structural features like; Kohandej, Baroo, Khandagh Sharrstan, Rabz… .
Data
The largest number of sites identified in the archaeological survey of Fasa which was conducted in 2008 (1388) belongs to the Sasanian period. A total of mounds and artifacts have been identified from this period (image 3). Of these 18 sites, only Sasanian settlements Also 28 sites were identified with the continuity of settlement from the Ashkanian to Sasanian period, 1391(166), the results of archaeological investigation and excavations region in Fasa indicate the importance of the region such a way that all the boundaries of the city witness settlements related to this period include urban and rural settlements, (watch towers), (fire temples), (water structures), (cemeteries), etc.
The main part of this article is derived from the results of the methodical archaeological survey of the site of Tol Zahak, it’s necessary to give a brief explanation of the survey and sampling method chosen for this site. Since the area in question is located between the modern city of Fasa and the two villages of Dastjeh and KheyrAbad, most of its lands has been cultivated and turned into agricultural lands for the villagers on the other hand the urban and rural construction in the northern, southern and eastern parts of the are an don’t allow a more accurate estimate of the area out to the size and extent of the area the selection of small square brought problems. So it was decided the entire area can be gridded into units with dimensions of 100 × 100 meters in the main geographical directions. Sampling to select the sample units in this research is based on one of the pre-defined, scientific methods, which is stratified methodical sampling.
Discussion
General chronology of Tol e Zahak and recognition of the settlement periods as well as identification of each period is based on the pottery chronology obtained from the methodical investigation of this area. According to the existence of prominent Sasanian cities explored near Fasa such as Darabgerd, Ardeshir Khoreh, Fasr AbuNasr, etc. Knowing the Sasanian pottery of this area is not very complicated. They have enough cooking. Pottery with a thick red mud coating and gray pottery with a black coating (image 6) of the common types of Sasanian pottery of the Tol-e-Zahak area which were identified from almost all investigated units. Among the interesting points of Sasania’s pottery of the Tol-e- Zahak is the use of decoration. There is a large undulating log on their outer surface. According to the distribution of Sasanian pottery in the Tol site, the Sasanian settlement covers the entire surface of the site, and it can be called a large urban settlement that is located next to the important cities of Kureh. Darabgerd has been in the eastern center of the Pars state based on the large dispersion of pottery known as Sasanian-Islamic pottery on the entire surface Fasa has passed the transition from the Sasanian period.
In the Islamic period without any change in the urban structure of the area of Tol -e-Zahak, several types of pottery related to this period were found. One of these characteristic types is pottery with an alkaline green glaze with added motifs which was obtained from most of the sampled units of Tol Zahak (image7) other types of Pottery related to this period are pottery with carvings decoration with a wave on the edge and other surface and the pottery is decorated with a grooved log pattern and these samples are almost was found all over the area. Sir Orel Eshtein the first explorer of Tol Zahak describes it as follows: there isn’t a big ancient area in Fasa except Tol Zahak so without doubt this area is the old city of Fasa (eshtein,1936) but this hypothesis was scientifically proven by conducting a systematic investigation. Conditions suitable environment and special strategic location of Fasa due to its location between several royal cities.
Conclusion
Fasa City has different from other important cities of the Fars State in the Sasanian period such as Bishapor, Darabgerd, ArdeshirKhore, and, Estakhr the most important issue is the function of the city and its background and history. The most important cities in Fars in the Sasanian period can be considered royal and religious cities that played a big role as religious centers of the Sasanian period. Without any doubt, the existence of significant governmental and religious structures in cities is undeniable but Fasa can only consider the commercial prosperity of commerce and agriculture as the most important factors of the city’s prosperity in the Sasanian period. It is the commercial center of Fars State and most of the geographers who have visited this city are described in their works. Trade and commerce of Fasa have been praised a lot. Archaeological evidence shows that the Sasanian-Islamic period of Tol Zahak is one of the large and important settlements of the site the Sasanian period and the early Islamic centuries can be concluded this transfer of power from Sasanian to Muslim Arabs which includes the aspect political and religious issues couldn’t have created a disturbance in the prosperity of Fasa.
Their fore description of the large size of the city included commerce and agriculture can imagine the Sasania’s area well. According to the description of the surface, Fasa is estimated to be about 500 hectares and is one of the largest cities. Another issue is related to the historical region in the Sasanian cities. Most of the royal cities in Fars as BiShapor were founded in this period and Darabgerd and Ardeshir Khoreh a little time passed it was used like checkered entities but about the formation of city it is very different issue.
Tol-e-Zahak site, as the ancient city of Fasa in the historical and Islamic period, is located about 2 km south of the modern city of Fasa in the eastern center of Fars province and was registered as the 15th national monument in 1310 AD. After conducting a archaeological systematic survey of this site in 1397, in addition to identifying the extent of the site (based on the dispersion of surface data) which reaches more than 500 hectares; Chronology and settlement periods of the site, which indicate its habitation from the late fourth millennium BC to the Islamic Middle Ages; It was found. By studying the data obtained from the survey, especially pottery samples, one of the important settlement periods of Tol-e- Zahak area is the settlement related to the Sassanid period. Scattering of cultural materials related to this period (especially pottery) was observed almost all over the site. In this article, the authors intend to examine the historical sources and previous archaeological research in the region in connection with the Sassanid period in the region, the results with the data related to the Sassanid settlement identified from the methodical study of Tol-e- Zahak site, Intertwined (Historical Approach) and to reconstruct the appearance of Fasa city in the Sassanid period as much as possible. Studies show that the Sassanid settlement of Tol-e- Zahak site is undoubtedly a large urban settlement of the type of cities with an irregular shape of the Sassanid period. Due to its strategic location and suitable environmental conditions for agricultural and livestock activities, this city as one of the important commercial and commercial cities throughout the Sassanid rule and even a few centuries after the advent of Islam in Darabgerd province in the east of Persia Has played a role.
Keywords: Tol-e- Zahak Site, Ancient City of Fasa, Archaeological Survey, Sasanian Period.
Introduction
Fasa is a city in the eastern central of Fars province, despite the environmental conditions suitable especially for agricultural activities and also its special strategy position, which is located between the civilization areas of the east and west of the Iranian plateau on the one hand and the access route to the open waters of the Pars sea, despite the identification of many works and sites from prehistory to late centuries, Islamic archeological knowledge, especially the situation of the region in its historical period is very small Zahak bridge (Tol) is the largest ancient site of the city and one of the most important ancient sites of Fars. Most of the researchers in the area are related to the pre-revolutionary period. Some limited investigations were carried out on each of these sites based on a specific settlement or only included the main mount of the area which gave its name to the entire part. So it’s necessary to carry out a systematic investigation that covers the entire area of the site and all settlement periods. After the systematic investigation of the site that was carried out in 2017C (1397) based on the distribution of cultural materials.
The surface area of the site was more than 500 hectares it was reached with the chronology of the cultural materials of the period of the residence in the site from the end of the fourth millennium to the middle Islamic century it was estimated continuously without interruption it seems that despite the most Sasanian cities during the Sasani’s period, the city of Fasa has been an important commercial city in the region since and it reached the peak of its expansion and prosperity in the Sasanian and early Islamic period. On the other hand, the historical and geographical sources of the beginning of Islam have a close relationship with Sasanians and called the city a large city with many products and prosperous commerce a city that has all the important structural features like; Kohandej, Baroo, Khandagh Sharrstan, Rabz… .
Data
The largest number of sites identified in the archaeological survey of Fasa which was conducted in 2008 (1388) belongs to the Sasanian period. A total of mounds and artifacts have been identified from this period (image 3). Of these 18 sites, only Sasanian settlements Also 28 sites were identified with the continuity of settlement from the Ashkanian to Sasanian period, 1391(166), the results of archaeological investigation and excavations region in Fasa indicate the importance of the region such a way that all the boundaries of the city witness settlements related to this period include urban and rural settlements, (watch towers), (fire temples), (water structures), (cemeteries), etc.
The main part of this article is derived from the results of the methodical archaeological survey of the site of Tol Zahak, it’s necessary to give a brief explanation of the survey and sampling method chosen for this site. Since the area in question is located between the modern city of Fasa and the two villages of Dastjeh and KheyrAbad, most of its lands has been cultivated and turned into agricultural lands for the villagers on the other hand the urban and rural construction in the northern, southern and eastern parts of the are an don’t allow a more accurate estimate of the area out to the size and extent of the area the selection of small square brought problems. So it was decided the entire area can be gridded into units with dimensions of 100 × 100 meters in the main geographical directions. Sampling to select the sample units in this research is based on one of the pre-defined, scientific methods, which is stratified methodical sampling.
Discussion
General chronology of Tol e Zahak and recognition of the settlement periods as well as identification of each period is based on the pottery chronology obtained from the methodical investigation of this area. According to the existence of prominent Sasanian cities explored near Fasa such as Darabgerd, Ardeshir Khoreh, Fasr AbuNasr, etc. Knowing the Sasanian pottery of this area is not very complicated. They have enough cooking. Pottery with a thick red mud coating and gray pottery with a black coating (image 6) of the common types of Sasanian pottery of the Tol-e-Zahak area which were identified from almost all investigated units. Among the interesting points of Sasania’s pottery of the Tol-e- Zahak is the use of decoration. There is a large undulating log on their outer surface. According to the distribution of Sasanian pottery in the Tol site, the Sasanian settlement covers the entire surface of the site, and it can be called a large urban settlement that is located next to the important cities of Kureh. Darabgerd has been in the eastern center of the Pars state based on the large dispersion of pottery known as Sasanian-Islamic pottery on the entire surface Fasa has passed the transition from the Sasanian period.
In the Islamic period without any change in the urban structure of the area of Tol -e-Zahak, several types of pottery related to this period were found. One of these characteristic types is pottery with an alkaline green glaze with added motifs which was obtained from most of the sampled units of Tol Zahak (image7) other types of Pottery related to this period are pottery with carvings decoration with a wave on the edge and other surface and the pottery is decorated with a grooved log pattern and these samples are almost was found all over the area. Sir Orel Eshtein the first explorer of Tol Zahak describes it as follows: there isn’t a big ancient area in Fasa except Tol Zahak so without doubt this area is the old city of Fasa (eshtein,1936) but this hypothesis was scientifically proven by conducting a systematic investigation. Conditions suitable environment and special strategic location of Fasa due to its location between several royal cities.
Conclusion
Fasa City has different from other important cities of the Fars State in the Sasanian period such as Bishapor, Darabgerd, ArdeshirKhore, and, Estakhr the most important issue is the function of the city and its background and history. The most important cities in Fars in the Sasanian period can be considered royal and religious cities that played a big role as religious centers of the Sasanian period. Without any doubt, the existence of significant governmental and religious structures in cities is undeniable but Fasa can only consider the commercial prosperity of commerce and agriculture as the most important factors of the city’s prosperity in the Sasanian period. It is the commercial center of Fars State and most of the geographers who have visited this city are described in their works. Trade and commerce of Fasa have been praised a lot. Archaeological evidence shows that the Sasanian-Islamic period of Tol Zahak is one of the large and important settlements of the site the Sasanian period and the early Islamic centuries can be concluded this transfer of power from Sasanian to Muslim Arabs which includes the aspect political and religious issues couldn’t have created a disturbance in the prosperity of Fasa.
Their fore description of the large size of the city included commerce and agriculture can imagine the Sasania’s area well. According to the description of the surface, Fasa is estimated to be about 500 hectares and is one of the largest cities. Another issue is related to the historical region in the Sasanian cities. Most of the royal cities in Fars as BiShapor were founded in this period and Darabgerd and Ardeshir Khoreh a little time passed it was used like checkered entities but about the formation of city it is very different issue.
Majid Montazerzohouri, Mohsen Javeri, Dieter Weber,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The historical site of Vigol and Haraskan is located near Aran and Bidgol city in the north of Isfahan province. The archaeological studies of the first season of this site led to the identification of the central part of a fire temple and a small part of its circumambulation corridor. The second season of the archeological exploration in the fire temple was to identify other spaces around the central part of the fire temple. Archaeological studies revealed that since this fire temple was built in the urban context, it is more important than the fire temples that were built away from settlement areas. Beside architectural evidences, religious elements and decorative stucco relics found in this fire temple, the identification of several Sassanid Pahlavi inscriptions on the walls of the eastern circumambulation corridor of the fire temple and two Ostracons added to its importance. Pahlavi inscriptions founded on stucco plaster of the dado which are written in a beautiful handwriting. Unfortunately, except for a few inscriptions, most of them cannot be read and require extensive research. In this research data collection about Vigol fire temple and its Pahlavi inscriptions was done by field methods and linguistic and descriptive-analytical studies. The main questions of the research are: What is the content of Pahlavi inscriptions and what themes do they include? What period of time does the estimated date of writing these inscriptions include? Given to linguistic and archeological studies, the placement of these inscriptions inside the fire temple, the content and of them has religious themes, and according to their writing style, these inscriptions were probably written in the 7th and 8th centuries AD. According to the dating of the inscriptions, it seems that the fire temple of Vigol had a high reputation until the early Islamic centuries and was probably abandoned forever in the first of 9th AD century.
Keywords: Vigol and Haraskan, Fire Temple,Sassanan Period, Islamic Period, Pahlavi Inscription.
Introduction
Vigol ancient site has located in near Aran and Bidgol County in central of Iran (fig1). That is a vast site which covers more than 120 hectares, is currently covered with a thick accumulation of flowing sand. Archaeological excavations in the year 2010 led to the discovery of Sasanian fire temples in the site of Vigol and Hraskan, and the identification of four arches and a part of the circumambulation corridor was done in the first season of the excavation (Javari & MontazerZohouri, 2022). The second season of excavation in Vigol fire temple began in May 2021, which was aimed at identifying other spaces around the central part of the fire temple.
One of the most important evidences is the discovery of several Pahlavi inscriptions on one of dados and two walls which covered with ocher in the western corridor. These inscriptions, in addition to providing some religious statements, help us to identify the existence of the fire temple.In the procedure in the first stage, the found Pahlavi inscriptions were read, and along it, they were compared with archaeological and historical evidences. The number of inscriptions identified in this fire temple are six, but three of them are readable. Also, two pieces of written pottery (Ostracons) were also identified, which are still not readable due to high erosion.
The second season of the excavation of the fire temple was dedicated to the four-arched doorways (char taqi) of the fire temple on the north, east and west sides(fig2). In the next step, the exploration focused on identifying the spaces of ambulatory corridors in the north, east, west, and south sides around the four arches of the fire temple. Archeological studies as well as historical evidence about the fire temples led to the recognition of several architectural phases in this religious building. The second phase of the architecture of this fire temple is related to the porticoes built in the east of the fire temple and the third architectural phase is related to the period of the change of use of this fire temple in the Islamic period, when some spaces of the fire temple, such as the northern and western gates and the gates in the eastern corridor, were blocked with mud brick walls.
Inscriptions
A total of six inscriptions have been found on the walls of the eastern ambulatory corridor in the southern part, of which three inscriptions have been read. Among the six identified inscriptions, two inscriptions are on the eastern wall, one of these two inscriptions is written on the northern dado and the other is written on the upper part of the southern wall on which has an ocher cover. Four other inscriptions were written on the western of the southern part of wall of the eastern circumambulation corridor in front of the inscriptions on the eastern wall which all due to erosion are not readable (Fig3).
Inscription No. 1 located on the western wall is considered the clearest inscription in this collection, which is written on the stucco plaster of the wall with a legible and well-written script that is in five lines(Fig5). The text of the inscription was read by Professor Dieter Weber, a specialist in ancient languages, which is as follows: The text of the first inscription, according to the transliteration and reading of the inscription, has repeated and practiced writing the word “wrote” (nwbšht), which can be fallowed this word in other Pahlavi inscriptions. A number of thin pieces of plaster of this dado of the eastern wall of the Eastern ambulatory Corridor, which contain Pahlavi letters, were identified during the excavation at the side of the floor of this corridor(Table1). These thin gypsum pieces are part of the dado of the wall and contain several connected words and part of a legible and sometimes indistinct letter, which are written on the plaster using black ink with a pen, just like the original upper inscription. In terms of the dating of inscription number one and other inscriptions, according to Professor Weber, who studied this inscriptions, this writing style of Pahlavi script belongs to the late Pahlavi script, in other wise, to the early Islamic period, almost equal to 7th 8th centuries AD are relate.
Inscription No.2, this inscription is written in one line, which probably reflects a religious theme(Fig 8 ). The text of the inscription says: “(donated) to šād ruy baxt Āzarmugh”; in another sense, “it was charmingly presented to Āzarmugh”. This inscription is of special importance because it contains the name of a Zoroastrian priest of this region in the Islamic period, “Āzarmugh”. This evidence also tells about the existence of Zoroastrian religion in the early Islamic centuries in this region and the insistence of the residents of this area to preserve this religion.
‘L š’tlwdbht ’clmwk
ō šadrōybaxt Āzarmōg
Inscription number three, which is written in two lines, is still not possible to provide a consistent reading and translation due to erosion and lack of clarity(Fig 8 ).
1 KR’ MNW wlt’ý Y ZNH … l’d
2 BYN …… k’lyt …-b’k wl t’ý Y ZNH
The phonetic writing of this inscription is as follows. In this inscription, there are words that include some illegible words and some Huzvariš, which are as follows: (KR’) with the reading of “har”:(evry); (MNW) with the reading of “Ke, Keš”:(which); (BYN) with the reading of “andar”:(in,inner); and (ZNH) with the reading of “en”:(this).
Conclusion
The discovery of Pahlavi inscriptions in the fire temple of Vigol, in addition to the linguistic and grammar value in the field of linguistic studies and the Pahlavi lines of archaeological importance, is a great help for further understanding of the fire temple of Vigol as a fire temple with the rank of Adran, which is in the rank of local fire temples. The first important point is the place where these inscriptions were written in the fire temple, all of them were written in the eastern circumambulatory corridor in the southern part, on the stucco plaster of the dado of the western wall and on the ocher cover of the upper part of the eastern wall. It seems that due to the location of the porticoes as places related to religious ceremonies in the east of the fire temple and the role of the Eastern circumambulatory corridor between the interior of the fire temple and the porticoes, this corridor has gained more importance and is a suitable place to insert religious inscriptions. In addition to including statements of religious nature and Zoroastrian tradition, the inscriptions help us in determining the historical and archaeological chronology of this fire temple. Based on the studies, according to the writing method and the type of pen, these inscriptions were written in the early Islamic centuries, which prove the religious persistence of the Zoroastrian community in the region until the early Islamic centuries on the other hand, the inclusion of the name “Azarmug” as a Zoroastrian cleric (Mubed) in the early Islamic centuries in central Iran is of particular importance.
The historical site of Vigol and Haraskan is located near Aran and Bidgol city in the north of Isfahan province. The archaeological studies of the first season of this site led to the identification of the central part of a fire temple and a small part of its circumambulation corridor. The second season of the archeological exploration in the fire temple was to identify other spaces around the central part of the fire temple. Archaeological studies revealed that since this fire temple was built in the urban context, it is more important than the fire temples that were built away from settlement areas. Beside architectural evidences, religious elements and decorative stucco relics found in this fire temple, the identification of several Sassanid Pahlavi inscriptions on the walls of the eastern circumambulation corridor of the fire temple and two Ostracons added to its importance. Pahlavi inscriptions founded on stucco plaster of the dado which are written in a beautiful handwriting. Unfortunately, except for a few inscriptions, most of them cannot be read and require extensive research. In this research data collection about Vigol fire temple and its Pahlavi inscriptions was done by field methods and linguistic and descriptive-analytical studies. The main questions of the research are: What is the content of Pahlavi inscriptions and what themes do they include? What period of time does the estimated date of writing these inscriptions include? Given to linguistic and archeological studies, the placement of these inscriptions inside the fire temple, the content and of them has religious themes, and according to their writing style, these inscriptions were probably written in the 7th and 8th centuries AD. According to the dating of the inscriptions, it seems that the fire temple of Vigol had a high reputation until the early Islamic centuries and was probably abandoned forever in the first of 9th AD century.
Keywords: Vigol and Haraskan, Fire Temple,Sassanan Period, Islamic Period, Pahlavi Inscription.
Introduction
Vigol ancient site has located in near Aran and Bidgol County in central of Iran (fig1). That is a vast site which covers more than 120 hectares, is currently covered with a thick accumulation of flowing sand. Archaeological excavations in the year 2010 led to the discovery of Sasanian fire temples in the site of Vigol and Hraskan, and the identification of four arches and a part of the circumambulation corridor was done in the first season of the excavation (Javari & MontazerZohouri, 2022). The second season of excavation in Vigol fire temple began in May 2021, which was aimed at identifying other spaces around the central part of the fire temple.
One of the most important evidences is the discovery of several Pahlavi inscriptions on one of dados and two walls which covered with ocher in the western corridor. These inscriptions, in addition to providing some religious statements, help us to identify the existence of the fire temple.In the procedure in the first stage, the found Pahlavi inscriptions were read, and along it, they were compared with archaeological and historical evidences. The number of inscriptions identified in this fire temple are six, but three of them are readable. Also, two pieces of written pottery (Ostracons) were also identified, which are still not readable due to high erosion.
The second season of the excavation of the fire temple was dedicated to the four-arched doorways (char taqi) of the fire temple on the north, east and west sides(fig2). In the next step, the exploration focused on identifying the spaces of ambulatory corridors in the north, east, west, and south sides around the four arches of the fire temple. Archeological studies as well as historical evidence about the fire temples led to the recognition of several architectural phases in this religious building. The second phase of the architecture of this fire temple is related to the porticoes built in the east of the fire temple and the third architectural phase is related to the period of the change of use of this fire temple in the Islamic period, when some spaces of the fire temple, such as the northern and western gates and the gates in the eastern corridor, were blocked with mud brick walls.
Inscriptions
A total of six inscriptions have been found on the walls of the eastern ambulatory corridor in the southern part, of which three inscriptions have been read. Among the six identified inscriptions, two inscriptions are on the eastern wall, one of these two inscriptions is written on the northern dado and the other is written on the upper part of the southern wall on which has an ocher cover. Four other inscriptions were written on the western of the southern part of wall of the eastern circumambulation corridor in front of the inscriptions on the eastern wall which all due to erosion are not readable (Fig3).
Inscription No. 1 located on the western wall is considered the clearest inscription in this collection, which is written on the stucco plaster of the wall with a legible and well-written script that is in five lines(Fig5). The text of the inscription was read by Professor Dieter Weber, a specialist in ancient languages, which is as follows: The text of the first inscription, according to the transliteration and reading of the inscription, has repeated and practiced writing the word “wrote” (nwbšht), which can be fallowed this word in other Pahlavi inscriptions. A number of thin pieces of plaster of this dado of the eastern wall of the Eastern ambulatory Corridor, which contain Pahlavi letters, were identified during the excavation at the side of the floor of this corridor(Table1). These thin gypsum pieces are part of the dado of the wall and contain several connected words and part of a legible and sometimes indistinct letter, which are written on the plaster using black ink with a pen, just like the original upper inscription. In terms of the dating of inscription number one and other inscriptions, according to Professor Weber, who studied this inscriptions, this writing style of Pahlavi script belongs to the late Pahlavi script, in other wise, to the early Islamic period, almost equal to 7th 8th centuries AD are relate.
Inscription No.2, this inscription is written in one line, which probably reflects a religious theme(Fig 8 ). The text of the inscription says: “(donated) to šād ruy baxt Āzarmugh”; in another sense, “it was charmingly presented to Āzarmugh”. This inscription is of special importance because it contains the name of a Zoroastrian priest of this region in the Islamic period, “Āzarmugh”. This evidence also tells about the existence of Zoroastrian religion in the early Islamic centuries in this region and the insistence of the residents of this area to preserve this religion.
‘L š’tlwdbht ’clmwk
ō šadrōybaxt Āzarmōg
Inscription number three, which is written in two lines, is still not possible to provide a consistent reading and translation due to erosion and lack of clarity(Fig 8 ).
1 KR’ MNW wlt’ý Y ZNH … l’d
2 BYN …… k’lyt …-b’k wl t’ý Y ZNH
The phonetic writing of this inscription is as follows. In this inscription, there are words that include some illegible words and some Huzvariš, which are as follows: (KR’) with the reading of “har”:(evry); (MNW) with the reading of “Ke, Keš”:(which); (BYN) with the reading of “andar”:(in,inner); and (ZNH) with the reading of “en”:(this).
Conclusion
The discovery of Pahlavi inscriptions in the fire temple of Vigol, in addition to the linguistic and grammar value in the field of linguistic studies and the Pahlavi lines of archaeological importance, is a great help for further understanding of the fire temple of Vigol as a fire temple with the rank of Adran, which is in the rank of local fire temples. The first important point is the place where these inscriptions were written in the fire temple, all of them were written in the eastern circumambulatory corridor in the southern part, on the stucco plaster of the dado of the western wall and on the ocher cover of the upper part of the eastern wall. It seems that due to the location of the porticoes as places related to religious ceremonies in the east of the fire temple and the role of the Eastern circumambulatory corridor between the interior of the fire temple and the porticoes, this corridor has gained more importance and is a suitable place to insert religious inscriptions. In addition to including statements of religious nature and Zoroastrian tradition, the inscriptions help us in determining the historical and archaeological chronology of this fire temple. Based on the studies, according to the writing method and the type of pen, these inscriptions were written in the early Islamic centuries, which prove the religious persistence of the Zoroastrian community in the region until the early Islamic centuries on the other hand, the inclusion of the name “Azarmug” as a Zoroastrian cleric (Mubed) in the early Islamic centuries in central Iran is of particular importance.
Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi, Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammadi, Azar Sarmadijou,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabour is one of the unique pottery of the Islamic era, which has many divers and symbolic motifs. According to the role of the ingredients of these pottery, they were created in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the third and fourth centuries AH; Therefore, the correct interpretation of these pottery designs helps to understand the social, cultural, political and religious conditions of the people of that time. One of the illustrated symbols on these pottery is the symbol of a camel, which is drawn on a Polychrome bowl and is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. The camel drawn on this pottery is important because it seems to be indicative of deep concepts regarding the sanctification of “Camel” in Neishabur society. Until now, no purposeful study has been done to interpret the depicted camel on this pottery; Therefore, the authors are trying to study the symbol of the camel depicted on the pottery in this essay with “Iconography” method with the approach of “Erwin Panofsky”. To achieve this goal, the questions; what is the symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on the Polychrome bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? The Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of a camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which stratum of society is Neishabur? It has been suggested that in order to get the answers to the questions, the research method adopted for the future research is a library with a descriptive-analytical-historical approach, in which the discussed pottery motifs are analyzed first, and then to interpret its symbol with Panofsky’s three-step method. The result of the study of the camel symbol is that the motif of a camel with a jar under its belly and a hoopoe bird seems to be derived from the principles of Zoroastrian purification and also the Gomiz healing properties of camels among the Muslims of 3rd and 4th centuries AH living the north east of Iran.
Keywords: Iconography, Pottery, Polychrome Enobe, Neishabur, Camel, Gomiz.
Introduction
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabur is one of the most important and unique pottery produced in northeastern Iran after the arrival of Islam in terms of diverse and symbolic motifs. In addition to visual beauty, the patterns of the above pottery always have a special place in the studies of researchers in the field of art, especially archeology, due to the fact that they have special and symbolic scenes. The importance of studying the reinterpretation and origin of Polychrome Enobe patterns is due to the fact the researchers such as Lin (1948), Wilkinson (1973), Zack Nissen (1973) and Samavaki (2021) believe that the motifs of, the works on these pottery are often in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries AH. The symbolic concept of the camel with the symbols of the evil eye, which destroys demonic forces, finds more expression for the interpretation of the sanctification of Gomiz. A Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur with a camel motif and the symbolic concept of the sacredness of the camel cannot be applied to a specific stratum. According to this belief, it is derived from the beliefs of the people as a result of the fusion of Zoroastrian religion with Islam as a result of political events parallel to the Abbasid rule in the third and fourth centuries of AH and was deliberately created by Zoroastrians, changed the Gomiz of a camel, a sacred animal in the Muslim belief, to cow Gomiz in order to preserve the tradition of purification, and it seems that they were able to preserve this tradition for themselves. With this reasoning, the mentioned bowl has a double meaning in the belief of Muslims and Zoroastrians; In a way, the special place of “camel “among the common people of the third and fourth centuries AH by drawing a camel and other figure such as a bird, a jar and the symbol of the evil eye, draw a picture.
The Iconography of the Camel Symbol Depicted on the Polychrome Enobe Pottery Attributed to Neishabur
In this part of the research, which is also the main body of the research; The symbol role of the camel in connection with other motifs in the Polychrome Enobe bowl of Reza Abbasi Museum is studied with the iconography method in three stages of description, analysis and interpretation. The bowl Polychrome Enobe attributed to Neishabur under the registration number of 1371 is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. In the central circle of the bowl, a camel with a single hump can be seen in light brown color with a six- petals flower pattern on the body with an embossed background. On the body of the camel, three curved lines are drawn near the front and back legs. The head and face of this camel is depicted upward and clinging to its hump with a big eye on its face. The camel ‘s tail is black with a few short branches and its hoovers are clearly marked with black inks, and there are two parallel blabk lines on the camel ‘s left hand near the neck, which may be a sign of decoration. To the left of the camel, a bird with a long abstract crown, which is probably a hoopoe can be seen. The head of this bird is light brown and its body is black with wings with a black checkered pattern on the body. Under the camel ‘s belly, there is an image of a jar with a long base and a wider base compared to the mouth of the jar, in black color. On the body of this jar, there are four flowers and two abstract wings on both sides of the jar. On both sides of the jar, two circles are drawn with a dot in the middle, which seems to be a symbol of the evil eye. It should be mentioned that these circles that look like evil eye are distributed in the entire field of the dish. In front of the camel ‘s neck, there is a flower in the form of a Slimi. Also, in front of the camel ‘s neck and legs, a pseudo-inscription can be seen in back. Around the legs, hands and top of the camel’s head, four and six features’ flowers are drawn in pea color dots in the middle of each flower. A narrow light brown band surrounds the central circle. There is a pea color background with green and black coloured spots, with the symbol of the evil eye (fig 1).
Conclusion
Research to reread the symbolic meaning hidden in the symbol of the camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur by posing questions: what is the symbolic meaning of a camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? And the Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of the camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which segment of the Neishabur society? The idea of the research in line with the questions posed by Panofsky’s iconography method was that the camel has had a special and mythical place in the opinions and beliefs of people in different periods of history. This scared place of the camel can be traced in the third and fourth centuries of AH with the symbolic motif of the camel in the Polychrome bowl attributed to Neishabur. The symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on this pottery refers to the beliefs of Zoroastrians and Muslims about the cleansing and therapeutic properties of camel Gomiz in the third and fourth centuries AH of the living in the north east of Iran. This opinion takes on more expression by combining the motifs of the jar with two abstract wings, the head (pointing at the camel’s hump) and the symbol of the evil eye; so that the two abstract wings drawn on the body of the jar refer to the sacred aspect of camel’s Gomiz in the belief of the common people. Hoopoe, with the symbolic meaning of the pike, is a manifestation of God Soroush to destroy demonic/ satanic forces.
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabour is one of the unique pottery of the Islamic era, which has many divers and symbolic motifs. According to the role of the ingredients of these pottery, they were created in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the third and fourth centuries AH; Therefore, the correct interpretation of these pottery designs helps to understand the social, cultural, political and religious conditions of the people of that time. One of the illustrated symbols on these pottery is the symbol of a camel, which is drawn on a Polychrome bowl and is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. The camel drawn on this pottery is important because it seems to be indicative of deep concepts regarding the sanctification of “Camel” in Neishabur society. Until now, no purposeful study has been done to interpret the depicted camel on this pottery; Therefore, the authors are trying to study the symbol of the camel depicted on the pottery in this essay with “Iconography” method with the approach of “Erwin Panofsky”. To achieve this goal, the questions; what is the symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on the Polychrome bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? The Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of a camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which stratum of society is Neishabur? It has been suggested that in order to get the answers to the questions, the research method adopted for the future research is a library with a descriptive-analytical-historical approach, in which the discussed pottery motifs are analyzed first, and then to interpret its symbol with Panofsky’s three-step method. The result of the study of the camel symbol is that the motif of a camel with a jar under its belly and a hoopoe bird seems to be derived from the principles of Zoroastrian purification and also the Gomiz healing properties of camels among the Muslims of 3rd and 4th centuries AH living the north east of Iran.
Keywords: Iconography, Pottery, Polychrome Enobe, Neishabur, Camel, Gomiz.
Introduction
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabur is one of the most important and unique pottery produced in northeastern Iran after the arrival of Islam in terms of diverse and symbolic motifs. In addition to visual beauty, the patterns of the above pottery always have a special place in the studies of researchers in the field of art, especially archeology, due to the fact that they have special and symbolic scenes. The importance of studying the reinterpretation and origin of Polychrome Enobe patterns is due to the fact the researchers such as Lin (1948), Wilkinson (1973), Zack Nissen (1973) and Samavaki (2021) believe that the motifs of, the works on these pottery are often in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries AH. The symbolic concept of the camel with the symbols of the evil eye, which destroys demonic forces, finds more expression for the interpretation of the sanctification of Gomiz. A Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur with a camel motif and the symbolic concept of the sacredness of the camel cannot be applied to a specific stratum. According to this belief, it is derived from the beliefs of the people as a result of the fusion of Zoroastrian religion with Islam as a result of political events parallel to the Abbasid rule in the third and fourth centuries of AH and was deliberately created by Zoroastrians, changed the Gomiz of a camel, a sacred animal in the Muslim belief, to cow Gomiz in order to preserve the tradition of purification, and it seems that they were able to preserve this tradition for themselves. With this reasoning, the mentioned bowl has a double meaning in the belief of Muslims and Zoroastrians; In a way, the special place of “camel “among the common people of the third and fourth centuries AH by drawing a camel and other figure such as a bird, a jar and the symbol of the evil eye, draw a picture.
The Iconography of the Camel Symbol Depicted on the Polychrome Enobe Pottery Attributed to Neishabur
In this part of the research, which is also the main body of the research; The symbol role of the camel in connection with other motifs in the Polychrome Enobe bowl of Reza Abbasi Museum is studied with the iconography method in three stages of description, analysis and interpretation. The bowl Polychrome Enobe attributed to Neishabur under the registration number of 1371 is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. In the central circle of the bowl, a camel with a single hump can be seen in light brown color with a six- petals flower pattern on the body with an embossed background. On the body of the camel, three curved lines are drawn near the front and back legs. The head and face of this camel is depicted upward and clinging to its hump with a big eye on its face. The camel ‘s tail is black with a few short branches and its hoovers are clearly marked with black inks, and there are two parallel blabk lines on the camel ‘s left hand near the neck, which may be a sign of decoration. To the left of the camel, a bird with a long abstract crown, which is probably a hoopoe can be seen. The head of this bird is light brown and its body is black with wings with a black checkered pattern on the body. Under the camel ‘s belly, there is an image of a jar with a long base and a wider base compared to the mouth of the jar, in black color. On the body of this jar, there are four flowers and two abstract wings on both sides of the jar. On both sides of the jar, two circles are drawn with a dot in the middle, which seems to be a symbol of the evil eye. It should be mentioned that these circles that look like evil eye are distributed in the entire field of the dish. In front of the camel ‘s neck, there is a flower in the form of a Slimi. Also, in front of the camel ‘s neck and legs, a pseudo-inscription can be seen in back. Around the legs, hands and top of the camel’s head, four and six features’ flowers are drawn in pea color dots in the middle of each flower. A narrow light brown band surrounds the central circle. There is a pea color background with green and black coloured spots, with the symbol of the evil eye (fig 1).
Conclusion
Research to reread the symbolic meaning hidden in the symbol of the camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur by posing questions: what is the symbolic meaning of a camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? And the Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of the camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which segment of the Neishabur society? The idea of the research in line with the questions posed by Panofsky’s iconography method was that the camel has had a special and mythical place in the opinions and beliefs of people in different periods of history. This scared place of the camel can be traced in the third and fourth centuries of AH with the symbolic motif of the camel in the Polychrome bowl attributed to Neishabur. The symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on this pottery refers to the beliefs of Zoroastrians and Muslims about the cleansing and therapeutic properties of camel Gomiz in the third and fourth centuries AH of the living in the north east of Iran. This opinion takes on more expression by combining the motifs of the jar with two abstract wings, the head (pointing at the camel’s hump) and the symbol of the evil eye; so that the two abstract wings drawn on the body of the jar refer to the sacred aspect of camel’s Gomiz in the belief of the common people. Hoopoe, with the symbolic meaning of the pike, is a manifestation of God Soroush to destroy demonic/ satanic forces.
Sara Sadeghi, Zahra Mirzaei, Ardeshir Javanmardzadeh,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Keywords: Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.
Introduction
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar & Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi & Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.
Data
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.
Discussion
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.
Conclusion
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people’s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Keywords: Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.
Introduction
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar & Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi & Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.
Data
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.
Discussion
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.
Conclusion
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people’s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.
Behrouz Afkhami, Saeid Sattarnezhad,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Due to the climatic conditions and cutable stones, the cultural landscape of Sablan Mountain is one of the main foci of the formation of Troglodytic Architecture spaces in the northwest region of Iran. In this region, various Troglodytic Architecture spaces have been carved in different cultural periods, one of the most well-known of which is the Troglodytic Architecture collection of Abazar Nair. This collection, in the previous studies of some researchers, generally belongs to the Parthian era with the use of “mehrabah”; or the Islamic era with the use of “Buddhist temples-tombs”. However, the cultural data in this collection rejects the Mehri and Buddhist monastery hypothesis with sufficient and archaeological evidence. This research is fundamental in terms of qualitative objective and it was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, comparative studies and data collection with the help of field studies and documents-library resources and seeks to answer the following two basic questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface data. Mande, the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar space belongs to which cultural period(s)? 2- What were the functions of Troglodytic Architecture spaces (number 7) of Abazar Nair collection? The results show that the Troglodytic Architecture space in question, like other spaces in this area, had a livelihood function in the Islamic era. Other results of the research determined that the set of enclosed spaces of Abazar is generally influenced by the climatic conditions of the region and is comparable to other cut rock villages in the Sablan and Sahand mountains. The recent archaeological activity of this collection can be useful and open the way in understanding the functional nature and chronology of other cut rock spaces on the slopes of Sablan Mountain.
Keywords: Sablan Mountain, Troglodytic Architecture, Abazar Nir, chronology, Function.
Introduction
Abazar area of Nair city is the first Troglodytic Architecture area in Ardabil province that has been noticed by researchers. However, the remaining cultural materials in this area have received less attention from researchers and the most focus has been on the rocky texture of the spaces (Mohammadi-Far and Hemti-Azandariani, 2015; Azad, 2015 and 2016). This factor has caused the chronology and function of this area not to be determined precisely, and one of the empty spaces of this complex (space no. 7), regardless of the architectural elements and cultural materials left in it, is known as Mehri temple belonging to the Parthian era (Shekari). niri, 2019) and Mughal-Temple (Moradi & Omrani, 2020) of the Islamic era. This is while the main differences between the usage and chronology presented for this collection in general and the space of Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 in particular are seen, on the basis of the need to review the chronology and usage presented for this Troglodytic Architecture collection. There is especially space number 7). By examining the surface of the site and studying its cultural findings, while reviewing its chronology and function, referring to the data of the site, the authors are looking for answers to the following questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface findings, what cultural period(s) does the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar spaces belong to? 2- Handy spaces (number 7). What functions did the Abazar collection have? Carrying out this research will be an important step in the architectural studies of Troglodytic Architecture in the Sablan Mountain range, so that in future studies, along with the careful examination of the sites and the study of the remaining cultural materials, the chronology and explanation of the function of the Troglodytic Architecture spaces of this area can be achieved.
Discussion
Based on the study of the authors, it was found that the Abazar area consisted of several subsurface manmade spaces (10 units) and surface manmade spaces. These spaces were closely related to each other and all of them formed the fabric of Abazar village. Over time, the man-made spaces on the surface were completely destroyed, and today the remains of the foundations and debris of these structures remain on the surface of the area. The texture of the villages in the mountainous areas of North-West Iran has a similar architectural structure. So that in the analysis of this area, what was obtained is that Abazar area in terms of location pattern (access to water sources, location on the mountainside, proximity to pastures), structure and architectural elements and plan of spaces are similar to many others. It is one of the villages on the slopes of Sablan and Sahand mountains. These villages were formed in a hand-made way near the water sources and the slopes of the hills. Due to the cold seasons of the year, one of the common patterns in the villages of the Sardsir districts of Azerbaijan region is to have small underground spaces where the families lived next to their cattle during certain days of the year. Such a pattern of settlement has been in place until recent years in the village of Kandavan (Razani et al., 2015), Khatb Maragheh (Starnjad et al., 2016), Ganzeq Sarein (Khanali, 2017), Yai Shahri of Maragheh, Sur Bonab. In these villages, the living spaces are located under the surface man-made spaces. Due to their living use, the subsurface spaces generally lacked complex and special architectural and artistic elements common in ritual-memorial spaces (elements such as inscriptions, altars, artistic motifs). And it only has a long manger, niche and spaces for providing light. Such elements can also be seen in the spaces of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar, therefore Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 cannot be considered separate from other spaces from the point of view of architecture and even the nature of the function. The generality of this space is exactly the same as the other spaces of this collection.
Conclusion
What was discussed in the text of the article, the environment of Abazar, like the fabric of the villages in the mountainous regions of Azerbaijan, Iran, consists of hand-made spaces. Handicapped spaces are carved under the man-made spaces, and in terms of architectural structure, plan and practical elements, many similarities between these villages can be observed. The accuracy of the cultural materials and architectural elements remaining in the hand-built spaces of this collection showed that the spaces have many relative similarities to each other and have followed a single pattern. Based on this, a touch space (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space that is excluded from other spaces. All the architectural elements such as the manger, niche, skylight, porch and the way to access the spaces show that these spaces in general and the architectural space number 7 in particular are designed and carved according to human living, based on that. Due to the lack of decorative and practical elements specific to ritual-memorial spaces (such as inscriptions, artistic motifs, columns, luxurious carving style of spaces, etc.), this complex (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space related to He considered the shrine (mehrabah). On the other hand, the nature of the prayer spaces and Buddhist tombs was also very different from this complex, therefore this complex does not have the characteristics of Mehri and Buddhist temples. The chronology of the site was based on the cultural findings left on the surface of the site. Based on these data, evidences from the historical period (especially Parthian) were not identified. These data show the most important settlement period of the site, which coincides with the Middle Ages of Islam. During this period, a cemetery with prominent tombstones was formed in the vicinity of the village. In general, the comparative study of the texture of this complex with the similar areas of Sablan and Sahand mountain slopes shows many similarities between them. Due to the cold climate of the region and to protect their lives and property, the villages of these areas used to create residential spaces in two ways: hand-made - hand-made.
Acknowlegment
All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.
Due to the climatic conditions and cutable stones, the cultural landscape of Sablan Mountain is one of the main foci of the formation of Troglodytic Architecture spaces in the northwest region of Iran. In this region, various Troglodytic Architecture spaces have been carved in different cultural periods, one of the most well-known of which is the Troglodytic Architecture collection of Abazar Nair. This collection, in the previous studies of some researchers, generally belongs to the Parthian era with the use of “mehrabah”; or the Islamic era with the use of “Buddhist temples-tombs”. However, the cultural data in this collection rejects the Mehri and Buddhist monastery hypothesis with sufficient and archaeological evidence. This research is fundamental in terms of qualitative objective and it was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, comparative studies and data collection with the help of field studies and documents-library resources and seeks to answer the following two basic questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface data. Mande, the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar space belongs to which cultural period(s)? 2- What were the functions of Troglodytic Architecture spaces (number 7) of Abazar Nair collection? The results show that the Troglodytic Architecture space in question, like other spaces in this area, had a livelihood function in the Islamic era. Other results of the research determined that the set of enclosed spaces of Abazar is generally influenced by the climatic conditions of the region and is comparable to other cut rock villages in the Sablan and Sahand mountains. The recent archaeological activity of this collection can be useful and open the way in understanding the functional nature and chronology of other cut rock spaces on the slopes of Sablan Mountain.
Keywords: Sablan Mountain, Troglodytic Architecture, Abazar Nir, chronology, Function.
Introduction
Abazar area of Nair city is the first Troglodytic Architecture area in Ardabil province that has been noticed by researchers. However, the remaining cultural materials in this area have received less attention from researchers and the most focus has been on the rocky texture of the spaces (Mohammadi-Far and Hemti-Azandariani, 2015; Azad, 2015 and 2016). This factor has caused the chronology and function of this area not to be determined precisely, and one of the empty spaces of this complex (space no. 7), regardless of the architectural elements and cultural materials left in it, is known as Mehri temple belonging to the Parthian era (Shekari). niri, 2019) and Mughal-Temple (Moradi & Omrani, 2020) of the Islamic era. This is while the main differences between the usage and chronology presented for this collection in general and the space of Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 in particular are seen, on the basis of the need to review the chronology and usage presented for this Troglodytic Architecture collection. There is especially space number 7). By examining the surface of the site and studying its cultural findings, while reviewing its chronology and function, referring to the data of the site, the authors are looking for answers to the following questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface findings, what cultural period(s) does the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar spaces belong to? 2- Handy spaces (number 7). What functions did the Abazar collection have? Carrying out this research will be an important step in the architectural studies of Troglodytic Architecture in the Sablan Mountain range, so that in future studies, along with the careful examination of the sites and the study of the remaining cultural materials, the chronology and explanation of the function of the Troglodytic Architecture spaces of this area can be achieved.
Discussion
Based on the study of the authors, it was found that the Abazar area consisted of several subsurface manmade spaces (10 units) and surface manmade spaces. These spaces were closely related to each other and all of them formed the fabric of Abazar village. Over time, the man-made spaces on the surface were completely destroyed, and today the remains of the foundations and debris of these structures remain on the surface of the area. The texture of the villages in the mountainous areas of North-West Iran has a similar architectural structure. So that in the analysis of this area, what was obtained is that Abazar area in terms of location pattern (access to water sources, location on the mountainside, proximity to pastures), structure and architectural elements and plan of spaces are similar to many others. It is one of the villages on the slopes of Sablan and Sahand mountains. These villages were formed in a hand-made way near the water sources and the slopes of the hills. Due to the cold seasons of the year, one of the common patterns in the villages of the Sardsir districts of Azerbaijan region is to have small underground spaces where the families lived next to their cattle during certain days of the year. Such a pattern of settlement has been in place until recent years in the village of Kandavan (Razani et al., 2015), Khatb Maragheh (Starnjad et al., 2016), Ganzeq Sarein (Khanali, 2017), Yai Shahri of Maragheh, Sur Bonab. In these villages, the living spaces are located under the surface man-made spaces. Due to their living use, the subsurface spaces generally lacked complex and special architectural and artistic elements common in ritual-memorial spaces (elements such as inscriptions, altars, artistic motifs). And it only has a long manger, niche and spaces for providing light. Such elements can also be seen in the spaces of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar, therefore Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 cannot be considered separate from other spaces from the point of view of architecture and even the nature of the function. The generality of this space is exactly the same as the other spaces of this collection.
Conclusion
What was discussed in the text of the article, the environment of Abazar, like the fabric of the villages in the mountainous regions of Azerbaijan, Iran, consists of hand-made spaces. Handicapped spaces are carved under the man-made spaces, and in terms of architectural structure, plan and practical elements, many similarities between these villages can be observed. The accuracy of the cultural materials and architectural elements remaining in the hand-built spaces of this collection showed that the spaces have many relative similarities to each other and have followed a single pattern. Based on this, a touch space (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space that is excluded from other spaces. All the architectural elements such as the manger, niche, skylight, porch and the way to access the spaces show that these spaces in general and the architectural space number 7 in particular are designed and carved according to human living, based on that. Due to the lack of decorative and practical elements specific to ritual-memorial spaces (such as inscriptions, artistic motifs, columns, luxurious carving style of spaces, etc.), this complex (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space related to He considered the shrine (mehrabah). On the other hand, the nature of the prayer spaces and Buddhist tombs was also very different from this complex, therefore this complex does not have the characteristics of Mehri and Buddhist temples. The chronology of the site was based on the cultural findings left on the surface of the site. Based on these data, evidences from the historical period (especially Parthian) were not identified. These data show the most important settlement period of the site, which coincides with the Middle Ages of Islam. During this period, a cemetery with prominent tombstones was formed in the vicinity of the village. In general, the comparative study of the texture of this complex with the similar areas of Sablan and Sahand mountain slopes shows many similarities between them. Due to the cold climate of the region and to protect their lives and property, the villages of these areas used to create residential spaces in two ways: hand-made - hand-made.
Acknowlegment
All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.
Pasha Pashazadeh, Reza Rezalou, Hosein Alizadeh,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.
Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.
Discussion
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares.
Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.
Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.
Discussion
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares.
Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.
Zeinab Akbari, Javad Neyestani, Alireza Hejebri Nobari, Mohammad Reza Nasiri,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Bulbous domes are among discontinuous double-shell domes and were built in Iran in the early nineth century A.H. Previous domes were shaped pointed and there was no bulge coming out beyond their base diameters. But in the Timurid period, dome profile was changed so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. The main question is that what are the reasons for the changes in the appearance and structural elements between two shells after the initial formation of these domes in Central Asia and then their evolution in Iran. This research is written with the aim of finding the hidden aspects in the development of bulbous domes based on both historical documents, and architectural remains, and also examines the reasons of the changes created in these kinds of domes during four centuries in the context of cultural Iran. This study has a descriptive-analytical approach for exploring case studies, which are selected based on primary and secondary sources and also field research. The appearance changes of bulbous domes include removing flutes from the outer shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating more bulge at the place where the outer shell joins the drum. In this article, the structural changes to improve the strength of the domes, the change in the number and proportions of the stiffeners to prevent the damage of the dome, as well as the shape and arrangement of the wooden struts to increase domes flexibility against seismic shocks, have been examined.
Keywords: Bulbous dome, narrow ribs, stiffeners, wooden struts, Timurid-Safavid architecture.
Introduction
Since the most obvious feature of Timurid architecture is its splendor, the architects of this period paid special attention to the dome than other architectural elements. In this era, domes were raised on high drums, and in order to achieve desired height on the exterior, architects usually built another shell on the top of the internal one. In such a way the dome profile is changed, so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. Therefore, the bulbous dome is one of the innovations of the Central Asian architects during the Timurid period. The first cases of the bulbous domes in Central Asia have flutes on the outer shell; in addition, they have an oval-shaped structure. Construction of this domes continued with a few changes during the reign of Timur’s successors in Great Khorasan and within the current borders of Iran. To put it more clearly, after the Timurid period and during the rule of Safavids in Iran, construction of these domes continued with few changes. This study is dedicated to the analysis of the process of changes and also reasons for these changes in the appearance and structural elements of the bulbous domes according to the case studied in Central Asia and Iran during the Timurid and Safavid eras. The main question is, what changes have occurred in the appearance as well as structural elements, and as a result, the stability of these domes in the Timurid and Safavid periods in Central Asia and Iran, and what were the reasons for them.
Theoretical method of this research is based on the cultural history approach. Therefore, each case is viewed as a culture. Concerning this, three domes were selected from different regions of Central Asia (Turkestan, Samarkand, and Herat) and seven cases from Iran (Khorasan and Isfahan). Three main criteria for selecting the case studies can be listed: 1. Geographical and historical context; 2. Similarities of the cases during the Timurid period in Central Asia and the Safavid period in Iran, and; 3. Authenticity of the domes.
Discussion
All the studied domes in Central Asia have a lofty cylindrical drum. The height of the drums was adjusted in Iran during the Timurid era, in Khorasan and also in the central regions of Iran. It is worth to mention that, construction of high drums in Central Asia, during the reign of Timur, and in Iran, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, can be seen as an expression of the visual effects of architecture as a manifestation of the power and reflection of the perfectionist personality of those Kings.
The most important exterior characteristic of the studied domes is in the external shell (Avgon), where the drum and the external shell connected to each other. Therefore, in the bulbous domes, part of the weight load of the outer shell at the junction of the dome and drum is directed inward and less pressure is applied to the base of the monument.
Flutes move from their common place at the top of the external shell to the bottom, and transfer forces and lateral loads to the inside, and enhance the resistance of the dome against the thrust forces.
In Central Asia’s domes, we couldn’t find narrow ribs on the surface of internal shell. This is despite the fact that in most of the studied cases from the Safavid period, narrow ribs were used to transfer the weight of the stiffeners to the lower parts and base of the monument. It seems that, utilize of the narrow ribs in the Safavid domes was the invention of the Iranian elite architects to give cohesion to the double-shell domes, especially bulbous ones.
From the earliest bulbous domes, we can see stiffeners between two shells. These elements have different shapes. Establishing stiffeners, especially in the Avgon part, greatly reduce the destruction of the dome during earthquakes and shows the architects’ awareness of stiffener’s structural role and function.
The wooden struts are arranged somewhat circularly to help connect the stiffeners to increase flexibility against earthquake shocks.
Conclusion
Changing process of bulbous domes in Iran includes removing the flutes from the external shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating an avgon with more bulge at the junction of the external shell and drum. Domes with flutes in the Central Asia were a main characteristic of monuments. It seems that use of flutes, in addition to structural reasons, also had an aesthetic aspect; because, vertical and parallel concave and convex lines on the external shell make the domes look higher and add to the glory of the whole monument. Moreover, flutes help in transferring the thrust forces entered into the building and have a function like an avgon at the place of joining the dome’s drum. It seems that removing the flutes from domes in Iranian architecture of Timurid period should be considered as a result of the lack of a single political power in different regions of the country. Among other fundamental changes, we can notice domes with more bulge. During the Safavid period, architects learned and experienced the basic stages of bulbous domes and gained sufficient skill with regard to the morphological elements of dome and its strength. In this way, for aesthetic purposes, structural solutions such as creating narrow ribs on the internal shell of the dome and deepening the stiffeners in the avgon part have been used to maintain the integrity of the external shell. One of the reasons for the construction of narrow ribs is to transfer the compressive force of the stiffeners to the lower parts and bases of the dome and to strengthen their stability. In some cases, ribs were not used to connect stiffeners to the internal shell due to small diameter of the dome span. The changes made in the stiffeners from the Timurid period to the end of the Safavid period should be considered more related to their number, shape and proportions, which can be attributed not only to the creativity of local architects, but also to the architects’ complete awareness of the role and function of the stiffeners. These structural elements prevent the destruction of domes due to thrust forces (wind and earthquake). Wooden struts also make it possible to create a better connection between the stiffeners and external shell, as well as the connection between the components of the dome.
Bulbous domes are among discontinuous double-shell domes and were built in Iran in the early nineth century A.H. Previous domes were shaped pointed and there was no bulge coming out beyond their base diameters. But in the Timurid period, dome profile was changed so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. The main question is that what are the reasons for the changes in the appearance and structural elements between two shells after the initial formation of these domes in Central Asia and then their evolution in Iran. This research is written with the aim of finding the hidden aspects in the development of bulbous domes based on both historical documents, and architectural remains, and also examines the reasons of the changes created in these kinds of domes during four centuries in the context of cultural Iran. This study has a descriptive-analytical approach for exploring case studies, which are selected based on primary and secondary sources and also field research. The appearance changes of bulbous domes include removing flutes from the outer shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating more bulge at the place where the outer shell joins the drum. In this article, the structural changes to improve the strength of the domes, the change in the number and proportions of the stiffeners to prevent the damage of the dome, as well as the shape and arrangement of the wooden struts to increase domes flexibility against seismic shocks, have been examined.
Keywords: Bulbous dome, narrow ribs, stiffeners, wooden struts, Timurid-Safavid architecture.
Introduction
Since the most obvious feature of Timurid architecture is its splendor, the architects of this period paid special attention to the dome than other architectural elements. In this era, domes were raised on high drums, and in order to achieve desired height on the exterior, architects usually built another shell on the top of the internal one. In such a way the dome profile is changed, so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. Therefore, the bulbous dome is one of the innovations of the Central Asian architects during the Timurid period. The first cases of the bulbous domes in Central Asia have flutes on the outer shell; in addition, they have an oval-shaped structure. Construction of this domes continued with a few changes during the reign of Timur’s successors in Great Khorasan and within the current borders of Iran. To put it more clearly, after the Timurid period and during the rule of Safavids in Iran, construction of these domes continued with few changes. This study is dedicated to the analysis of the process of changes and also reasons for these changes in the appearance and structural elements of the bulbous domes according to the case studied in Central Asia and Iran during the Timurid and Safavid eras. The main question is, what changes have occurred in the appearance as well as structural elements, and as a result, the stability of these domes in the Timurid and Safavid periods in Central Asia and Iran, and what were the reasons for them.
Theoretical method of this research is based on the cultural history approach. Therefore, each case is viewed as a culture. Concerning this, three domes were selected from different regions of Central Asia (Turkestan, Samarkand, and Herat) and seven cases from Iran (Khorasan and Isfahan). Three main criteria for selecting the case studies can be listed: 1. Geographical and historical context; 2. Similarities of the cases during the Timurid period in Central Asia and the Safavid period in Iran, and; 3. Authenticity of the domes.
Discussion
All the studied domes in Central Asia have a lofty cylindrical drum. The height of the drums was adjusted in Iran during the Timurid era, in Khorasan and also in the central regions of Iran. It is worth to mention that, construction of high drums in Central Asia, during the reign of Timur, and in Iran, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, can be seen as an expression of the visual effects of architecture as a manifestation of the power and reflection of the perfectionist personality of those Kings.
The most important exterior characteristic of the studied domes is in the external shell (Avgon), where the drum and the external shell connected to each other. Therefore, in the bulbous domes, part of the weight load of the outer shell at the junction of the dome and drum is directed inward and less pressure is applied to the base of the monument.
Flutes move from their common place at the top of the external shell to the bottom, and transfer forces and lateral loads to the inside, and enhance the resistance of the dome against the thrust forces.
In Central Asia’s domes, we couldn’t find narrow ribs on the surface of internal shell. This is despite the fact that in most of the studied cases from the Safavid period, narrow ribs were used to transfer the weight of the stiffeners to the lower parts and base of the monument. It seems that, utilize of the narrow ribs in the Safavid domes was the invention of the Iranian elite architects to give cohesion to the double-shell domes, especially bulbous ones.
From the earliest bulbous domes, we can see stiffeners between two shells. These elements have different shapes. Establishing stiffeners, especially in the Avgon part, greatly reduce the destruction of the dome during earthquakes and shows the architects’ awareness of stiffener’s structural role and function.
The wooden struts are arranged somewhat circularly to help connect the stiffeners to increase flexibility against earthquake shocks.
Conclusion
Changing process of bulbous domes in Iran includes removing the flutes from the external shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating an avgon with more bulge at the junction of the external shell and drum. Domes with flutes in the Central Asia were a main characteristic of monuments. It seems that use of flutes, in addition to structural reasons, also had an aesthetic aspect; because, vertical and parallel concave and convex lines on the external shell make the domes look higher and add to the glory of the whole monument. Moreover, flutes help in transferring the thrust forces entered into the building and have a function like an avgon at the place of joining the dome’s drum. It seems that removing the flutes from domes in Iranian architecture of Timurid period should be considered as a result of the lack of a single political power in different regions of the country. Among other fundamental changes, we can notice domes with more bulge. During the Safavid period, architects learned and experienced the basic stages of bulbous domes and gained sufficient skill with regard to the morphological elements of dome and its strength. In this way, for aesthetic purposes, structural solutions such as creating narrow ribs on the internal shell of the dome and deepening the stiffeners in the avgon part have been used to maintain the integrity of the external shell. One of the reasons for the construction of narrow ribs is to transfer the compressive force of the stiffeners to the lower parts and bases of the dome and to strengthen their stability. In some cases, ribs were not used to connect stiffeners to the internal shell due to small diameter of the dome span. The changes made in the stiffeners from the Timurid period to the end of the Safavid period should be considered more related to their number, shape and proportions, which can be attributed not only to the creativity of local architects, but also to the architects’ complete awareness of the role and function of the stiffeners. These structural elements prevent the destruction of domes due to thrust forces (wind and earthquake). Wooden struts also make it possible to create a better connection between the stiffeners and external shell, as well as the connection between the components of the dome.
Mostafa Rezaei, Maryam Mohammadi, Kazem Mollazadeh,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
One of the main aspects in understanding past cultures is the study and analysis of pottery works in ancient sites. The passage of communication routes such as the Khorasan highway during the historical period, especially in the Islamic period, has caused the emergence of many pottery cultures in this part of the country. Considering the influence of Hamedan pottery cultures and consequently the Qoroq site from large pottery areas of the Islamic period, in this research, an attempt is made to answer these questions. In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? What are the most important types of pottery in this area from the 5th to 8th century AH? And which type of pottery has native characteristics? The main purpose of this writing is to identify the types of pottery indicators of the study site, which is done through the study of archaeological data obtained from modern surveys. In the present research, the descriptive-analytical research method and information gathering has been done in the form of library studies and field comparison of the findings of this area with other areas. The results show that the pottery art of this area can be seen in terms of construction and decoration techniques influenced by the art of neighboring areas such as Zolfabad, Aveh, Soltanieh, Takht-e Soleiman, Kangavar and Boroujerd. Also more than 10 types of pottery from the fifth to the eighth century AH have been identified, which include different types of unglazed and glazed pottery, each of which is divided into simple, patterned and multi-colored subsets under the glaze. In the meantime, specimens such as Dishes with multicolored decoration on white glaze probably have local characteristics.
Keywords: Qoroq Site, Hamedan, Typology, Pottery, 5th to 8th Century AH.
Introduction
Qoroq site is located 9 km north of Hamedan city, in the east of Bahar city. In terms of topography and geological features, this area is located in the alluvial, eastern and northern parts of the Alvand mountain valley habitat and in the middle of the vast and fertile plain of Hamedan (Fig 1 & 2). According to historical texts and archaeological evidence, Qoroq site is one of the leading cultural centers of the Islamic period, the peak of its prosperity is related to the seventh and eighth centuries AH (Fig 3). Surface studies on the pottery of the Islamic period of Qoroq site show that in this region, various known pottery styles have been prevalent in different regions of Iran. The Survey and analysis of various types of pottery index during the fifth to eighth centuries AH, The relationship of this area with neighboring areas and also the identification of local samples is one of the objectives of this Research. The most important research questions are: 1- In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? 2- What are the most important types of pottery in this area? And 3- which type of pottery has native characteristics? According to the results of the research, underglaze and overglaze varieties with monochromatic and multicolor motifs are among the most important pottery works of this area. It is probably the multi-colored type on a white glaze background from the local pottery of the western regions of Iran in the 7th and 8th centuries AH. (Table 7 b). In the present article, the data are collected by documentary and field methods and the research approach is “descriptive-analytical”. The pottery pieces were studied by “sampling” method as “simple random” and based on “qualitative characteristics”.
Archaeological studies by faculty members of Bu - Ali Sina University in the region during the years 2006 to 2012 have referred to the pottery data of the Islamic period of this region and its flagship hills, including Qoroq site (Mohammadifar and Motarjem, 2006; Motarjem and Belmaki, 2009; Nazari Arshad, 2012). “Survey and analysis of the typology of pottery from the beginning of the Islamic period to the end of the Safavid period in Hamadan”; (Zarei and Shabani, 2019) is another research that has studied the totality of Islamic pottery in Hamedan province, including the Qoroq site, which has been obtained through excavations and studies.
Data
In this research, the pottery fragments of Qoroq Islamic site are divided into two groups of unglazed and glazed pottery. According to the type of decoration, unglazed pottery can be seen in three groups with molded decoration, incised pattern and added pattern. Glazed parts can be classified into two groups, monochromatic and multicolor. Also, according to the type of motifs and patterning method, it is divided into monochromatic motifs (carved, molded, embossed) and underglaze and overglaze motifs. Glazed pottery is divided into Sultanabad style, esgraffiato, black pen under turquoise glaze, silhouette, blue and white, Azure with gold decorations and several colors on white glaze (Table 1-7).
In the Islamic period, especially from the 3rd to the 8th century AH, historians and geographers have made important references to the routes between Hamadan and the neighboring regions, which can be known to some extent about the main and most important roads of this region and the neighboring regions. These routes are: 1- Hamadan-Holwan route (Istakhri, 1961: 163-162; Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 103-102; Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 24; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Maghdasi, 1982: 599-600; Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164) which passed through the western regions of the country, including the cities of Asadabad, Kangavar, Bisotun. 2- Hamedan-Qazvin route (Istakhri, 1961: 163), which passed through the cities of Razan and Avaj. 3- The southern road of Hamedan (Demeh road, Raman/Jarfadghan/Isfahan/Khuzestan) which was flowing from the cities of Jokar, Nahavand and Borujerd towards the southern and central regions of the country (Istakhri, ibid.: 163; Natanzi, 2013: 254). 4- The route from Hamedan to Saveh and Ray (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 25; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Hamavi 2001, Vol. 1: 651; Katebe Baghdadi, 1991: 38-37) which passed through the eastern parts of Hamedan, including the villages of Gorgaz and Bozenjerd. 5- Hamadan-Soltanieh route (Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164; Hamedani, 2007: 126), the northern road that passed through the cities of Kabudarahang and Shirinsu.
Here, many similarities can be seen between the pottery of the Qoroq Islamic site and the examples found in the significant cultural centers within the region (Bashqortaran, Dargzin and Babakhanjar sites in the north, Arzanfoud and Troglodytic Samen sites in the south, and Qale juq site in the northeast). Also, the ability to compare some of the samples found with pottery from outside the region such as Qorveh, Kangavar, Bisotun, Garos, Aghkand, Soltanieh, Zalfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray, and Borujerd has shown the connections of this site with its western, eastern, northern, and southern neighbors. Among these routes, which had a significant impact on the political, economic and cultural life of the region, is the Great Khorasan road that entered the Hamadan basin from the eastern parts of the plain.
Conclusion
According to the study of pottery left over from this area and the abundance obtained from them - as one of the cultural centers with valuable archaeological data - its peak of brilliance belongs to the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. Among the pottery fragments of the area, all kinds of single-color pottery (plain and patterned), underglaze and overglaze patterns typical of the western regions of Iran have been obtained. Among the types of glazed vessels, esgraffiato vessels with linear and simple geometric motifs repeated in the middle of the frame (spiral, zigzag, rhombus and triangular circle motifs) on a light green and cream background, and multi-colored decorated vessels on white glaze with mixed geometric motifs. (horizontal parallel lines, continuous crossed lines) and a simple plant (flowers with several leaves, mesbek and pichan) in the inner part is considered one of the most important types of local pottery of this place. Similar to the samples studied based on the construction technique, decoration method, color and shape in other pottery centers inside and outside the region, especially in the neighboring prominent areas which are on the most important communication routes from Hamedan to Kangavar, Bisotun, Qorveh, Soltanieh, Aghkand, Garos, Zolfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray and Borujerd were placed, it has been popular. The designs used on the pottery have shown the extensive cultural relations of the population centers in the middle Islamic centuries. According to historical and archeological evidence, the main factor influencing the pottery art of this region from neighboring regions in the Islamic period was the trade and pilgrimage routes that entered the Hamedan plain from the east, central plateau, west and northwest. As can be seen, during this period, all exchanges from the most important city of Jebal, i.e. Ray, to the western regions of the country, including the Hamedan Plain, were carried out through the Khorasan road. Therefore, Hamedan is located in the center of one of the four important communication routes between north and south and east and west of Iran, and the similarity of the cultural materials of this region with other regions is due to its location in the chain of political, cultural and commercial communication in the west of the country.
One of the main aspects in understanding past cultures is the study and analysis of pottery works in ancient sites. The passage of communication routes such as the Khorasan highway during the historical period, especially in the Islamic period, has caused the emergence of many pottery cultures in this part of the country. Considering the influence of Hamedan pottery cultures and consequently the Qoroq site from large pottery areas of the Islamic period, in this research, an attempt is made to answer these questions. In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? What are the most important types of pottery in this area from the 5th to 8th century AH? And which type of pottery has native characteristics? The main purpose of this writing is to identify the types of pottery indicators of the study site, which is done through the study of archaeological data obtained from modern surveys. In the present research, the descriptive-analytical research method and information gathering has been done in the form of library studies and field comparison of the findings of this area with other areas. The results show that the pottery art of this area can be seen in terms of construction and decoration techniques influenced by the art of neighboring areas such as Zolfabad, Aveh, Soltanieh, Takht-e Soleiman, Kangavar and Boroujerd. Also more than 10 types of pottery from the fifth to the eighth century AH have been identified, which include different types of unglazed and glazed pottery, each of which is divided into simple, patterned and multi-colored subsets under the glaze. In the meantime, specimens such as Dishes with multicolored decoration on white glaze probably have local characteristics.
Keywords: Qoroq Site, Hamedan, Typology, Pottery, 5th to 8th Century AH.
Introduction
Qoroq site is located 9 km north of Hamedan city, in the east of Bahar city. In terms of topography and geological features, this area is located in the alluvial, eastern and northern parts of the Alvand mountain valley habitat and in the middle of the vast and fertile plain of Hamedan (Fig 1 & 2). According to historical texts and archaeological evidence, Qoroq site is one of the leading cultural centers of the Islamic period, the peak of its prosperity is related to the seventh and eighth centuries AH (Fig 3). Surface studies on the pottery of the Islamic period of Qoroq site show that in this region, various known pottery styles have been prevalent in different regions of Iran. The Survey and analysis of various types of pottery index during the fifth to eighth centuries AH, The relationship of this area with neighboring areas and also the identification of local samples is one of the objectives of this Research. The most important research questions are: 1- In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? 2- What are the most important types of pottery in this area? And 3- which type of pottery has native characteristics? According to the results of the research, underglaze and overglaze varieties with monochromatic and multicolor motifs are among the most important pottery works of this area. It is probably the multi-colored type on a white glaze background from the local pottery of the western regions of Iran in the 7th and 8th centuries AH. (Table 7 b). In the present article, the data are collected by documentary and field methods and the research approach is “descriptive-analytical”. The pottery pieces were studied by “sampling” method as “simple random” and based on “qualitative characteristics”.
Archaeological studies by faculty members of Bu - Ali Sina University in the region during the years 2006 to 2012 have referred to the pottery data of the Islamic period of this region and its flagship hills, including Qoroq site (Mohammadifar and Motarjem, 2006; Motarjem and Belmaki, 2009; Nazari Arshad, 2012). “Survey and analysis of the typology of pottery from the beginning of the Islamic period to the end of the Safavid period in Hamadan”; (Zarei and Shabani, 2019) is another research that has studied the totality of Islamic pottery in Hamedan province, including the Qoroq site, which has been obtained through excavations and studies.
Data
In this research, the pottery fragments of Qoroq Islamic site are divided into two groups of unglazed and glazed pottery. According to the type of decoration, unglazed pottery can be seen in three groups with molded decoration, incised pattern and added pattern. Glazed parts can be classified into two groups, monochromatic and multicolor. Also, according to the type of motifs and patterning method, it is divided into monochromatic motifs (carved, molded, embossed) and underglaze and overglaze motifs. Glazed pottery is divided into Sultanabad style, esgraffiato, black pen under turquoise glaze, silhouette, blue and white, Azure with gold decorations and several colors on white glaze (Table 1-7).
In the Islamic period, especially from the 3rd to the 8th century AH, historians and geographers have made important references to the routes between Hamadan and the neighboring regions, which can be known to some extent about the main and most important roads of this region and the neighboring regions. These routes are: 1- Hamadan-Holwan route (Istakhri, 1961: 163-162; Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 103-102; Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 24; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Maghdasi, 1982: 599-600; Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164) which passed through the western regions of the country, including the cities of Asadabad, Kangavar, Bisotun. 2- Hamedan-Qazvin route (Istakhri, 1961: 163), which passed through the cities of Razan and Avaj. 3- The southern road of Hamedan (Demeh road, Raman/Jarfadghan/Isfahan/Khuzestan) which was flowing from the cities of Jokar, Nahavand and Borujerd towards the southern and central regions of the country (Istakhri, ibid.: 163; Natanzi, 2013: 254). 4- The route from Hamedan to Saveh and Ray (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 25; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Hamavi 2001, Vol. 1: 651; Katebe Baghdadi, 1991: 38-37) which passed through the eastern parts of Hamedan, including the villages of Gorgaz and Bozenjerd. 5- Hamadan-Soltanieh route (Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164; Hamedani, 2007: 126), the northern road that passed through the cities of Kabudarahang and Shirinsu.
Here, many similarities can be seen between the pottery of the Qoroq Islamic site and the examples found in the significant cultural centers within the region (Bashqortaran, Dargzin and Babakhanjar sites in the north, Arzanfoud and Troglodytic Samen sites in the south, and Qale juq site in the northeast). Also, the ability to compare some of the samples found with pottery from outside the region such as Qorveh, Kangavar, Bisotun, Garos, Aghkand, Soltanieh, Zalfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray, and Borujerd has shown the connections of this site with its western, eastern, northern, and southern neighbors. Among these routes, which had a significant impact on the political, economic and cultural life of the region, is the Great Khorasan road that entered the Hamadan basin from the eastern parts of the plain.
Conclusion
According to the study of pottery left over from this area and the abundance obtained from them - as one of the cultural centers with valuable archaeological data - its peak of brilliance belongs to the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. Among the pottery fragments of the area, all kinds of single-color pottery (plain and patterned), underglaze and overglaze patterns typical of the western regions of Iran have been obtained. Among the types of glazed vessels, esgraffiato vessels with linear and simple geometric motifs repeated in the middle of the frame (spiral, zigzag, rhombus and triangular circle motifs) on a light green and cream background, and multi-colored decorated vessels on white glaze with mixed geometric motifs. (horizontal parallel lines, continuous crossed lines) and a simple plant (flowers with several leaves, mesbek and pichan) in the inner part is considered one of the most important types of local pottery of this place. Similar to the samples studied based on the construction technique, decoration method, color and shape in other pottery centers inside and outside the region, especially in the neighboring prominent areas which are on the most important communication routes from Hamedan to Kangavar, Bisotun, Qorveh, Soltanieh, Aghkand, Garos, Zolfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray and Borujerd were placed, it has been popular. The designs used on the pottery have shown the extensive cultural relations of the population centers in the middle Islamic centuries. According to historical and archeological evidence, the main factor influencing the pottery art of this region from neighboring regions in the Islamic period was the trade and pilgrimage routes that entered the Hamedan plain from the east, central plateau, west and northwest. As can be seen, during this period, all exchanges from the most important city of Jebal, i.e. Ray, to the western regions of the country, including the Hamedan Plain, were carried out through the Khorasan road. Therefore, Hamedan is located in the center of one of the four important communication routes between north and south and east and west of Iran, and the similarity of the cultural materials of this region with other regions is due to its location in the chain of political, cultural and commercial communication in the west of the country.
Mohammad Hossein Taheri,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The investigation and study of the plains and valleys between the mountains of South Zagros in Iran from a geographical and cultural point of view leads to a deeper understanding of how the archaeological cultures of those regions were formed and expanded; The southern parts of Zagros have their own geographical and cultural areas, while the northern regions include Abadeh, Eghlid, and Semirom; The Ghabr-e Keykha river basins and Semirom region are significant for the study of cultural interactions and areas of expansion of the archaeological cultures of Fars province because of their location at the intersection of the archaeological cultures of South Zagros. Therefore, we started the studies to investigate the prehistoric settlements and demographic fluctuations of the Ghabr-e Keykha river basin and to identify the oldest habitation in the central part of Semirom. The current research was based on a season of the archaeological survey with a habitat analysis approach in the central part of Semirom city (Figure: 1); After preparing the required maps, we surveyed the target area, and random sampling was done. Due to the low environmental capabilities, the sites were not in the dimensions and size of settlements in the central parts of Fars. It has been considered from sources of water and quality soil and living in the closest distance to rivers and reliable sources of water; It is interesting to note that, unlike in the central parts of Fars, there is no evidence of a sharp decrease in the number of enclosures and a change in the lifestyle from a sedentary farmer to a nomadism, and we are witnessing the size of Sites and the increase in population during the Banesh period.
Keywords: Archaeological Survey, Prehistory, Semirom, North Fars, Southern Zagros.
Introduction
Semirom county has an area of about 5224 square kilometers and an average height of 2400 meters above sea level, and its location is in the south of Isfahan province on the slopes of the Zagros highlands. This county is in the middle of South Zagros and the eastern slope of Dena highlands. What turned Semirom County into a distinctive locale in the prehistoric and later periods was its obvious location at the interface of the three major Iranian cultural zones, namely Fars to the south, Bakhtiari to the west, and the central plateau to the north. Thus, the region represents a significant focal point for exploring the cultural interactions of the cited zones. What is evident with regard to the regional archaeological investigations is the lack of systematic surveys, local chronology, excavated sites, and knowledge of the cultural evolutions in prehistoric times. From another geographical point of view, Semirom lay in the southernmost part of Isfahan, that is the lowermost focal point of the central plateau cultures, wherein the penetration of the Bakun culture cannot be ruled out.
The basic question concerns the circumstances of settlements and population fluctuations at the prehistoric sites in Central District of Semirom, focusing on the factors of settlement size, water resources and arable lands, in particular during the Bronze Age, to determine whether there are comparisons with the central parts of Fars? Another question is: Given the location of the Semirom region at the convergence point of the cultures of the central Fars, are there any evidences of cultural interactions with the latter cultures? Furthermore, since at the current status of our understanding, grounded in the excavations of Tall-e Mash Karim (Sardari and Taheri 2015, 266; Taheri 2015, 233), and Gol-Afshan (Taheri 2009, 345; Taheri, 2020), the region’s earliest occupations date to the Bakun period, we were looking for information about potential earlier Paleolithic and Neolithic settlements. Judging by previous surface surveys, albeit their partial coverage of the region, and excavations, I assumed that the region was under the influence of Fars archaeological cultures, and indications for influences from the Bakhtiari region and the central Iranian plateau are absent. Thus, testing this hypothesis called for carrying out more careful intensive surveys in parts of Semirom.
Discussion
From the Middle Paleolithic period, we identified three open sites, two of which were created on the terraces dominating the rivers, and one site with a long distance from the permanent water resources at the exit of one of the northern valleys of the region is surveyed. Earlier, the settlement in this area was dated to the Bakun period. But it dates back to the Middle Paleolithic period, according to new surveys and evidence of human activities identified from the Paleolithic period. From the Neolithic period, we identified only one site related to the Shams Abad period, but with the beginning of the Bakun period(Chalcolithic), like Fars, we see an increase in settlements from one Neolithic site to seven sites in the Bakun period and four sites in the Lapui period. Various causes can be involved in this increase in population. First, with the warming of the region after the late Holocene, in a way that was not much different from the current climate of the area (Sadat Hosseini et al., 2015), better conditions were provided for the expansion of settlements and human habitation. We can see its appearance at the beginning of the Shams Abad period and the identification of one site. On the other hand, with the revelation of the Bakun culture in the Kur river basin, which had progressed in the economic and social contexts, more possibilities and abilities were obtained to exploit the environment, such as the expansion of irrigation canals began in the Shams Abad era and reached its peak during this period. They used more diverse animals in their food chain through hunting and animal husbandry. Although, like Fars, we see an increase of sites in the Bakun and Lapui periods. it seems that the Semirom region should be introduced as one of the peripheral regions of Fars and influenced by the archaeological cultures of this region with its cultural characteristics, in terms of dimensions and number of sites, livelihood patterns, and pottery motifs. That needs to be studied separately and consider its specific climatic and geographical conditions in the framework of the archaeological cultures of Fars.
In the Banesh period, the number of sites is reduced to three. It seems that this region, unlike Fars, in this period, not only has not a noticeable decrease in population compared to the Lapui period, but we can see the stability of the population and the size of the sites. Also, observing the beveled rim pottery (Figure: 7) in this region is an important issue that doubles the need for a more detailed study of the entire county in this period.
Conclusion
The results indicated the influence of environmental factors in the selection of sites, and factors such as distance and proximity to reliable water resources, fertile lands with easier access to water, and a suitable slope were the main factors for choosing a place of habitation. In all prehistoric times, most of the sites were very close to the main branches of the rivers (Map: 3); Most of them have settled in the middle of the plain, where the ground is less steep and has better soil. The reason that we identified no areas in the foothills of the mountains and at a greater distance from the rivers is because of the factors such as more difficult access to water resources due to the greater depth of the valleys in the initial parts, the lack of good soil, and the impossibility of exploiting water resources through canalization. There may be other factors involved which require more research to identify. In this lifestyle, the location should be chosen more carefully because the stay duration was longer, and the soil and water resources use was continuous and planned. In the end, based on the model that most archaeologists use to estimate the population and their interpretations, i.e., determining 100 to 150 people for each hectare in prehistoric periods (Alizadeh, 1392: 159), we predicted a population of over 200 people for the central part of Semirom in the Neolithic period, considering that we identified only one site with an area of 15,000 square meters. After that, during the Bakun period, the total area of seven sites was 27,500 square meters, and the estimated population was about 550 people. In the Lapui period, the total area of all the sites was 18,000 square meters, with an estimated population of about 350 people. In the Banesh period, the total area of all the sites was 50,000 square meters, which reached around 1,000 people with the increase in population. This analysis clearly shows the beginning of the increase of the sites with the beginning of the Shams Abad period. It continues to increase in the Bakun period. In the Lapui period, we are facing a 40% decrease in the number of sites. Again, in the Banesh period, the size of the sites increased a lot, and we estimated the largest population for this period.
The investigation and study of the plains and valleys between the mountains of South Zagros in Iran from a geographical and cultural point of view leads to a deeper understanding of how the archaeological cultures of those regions were formed and expanded; The southern parts of Zagros have their own geographical and cultural areas, while the northern regions include Abadeh, Eghlid, and Semirom; The Ghabr-e Keykha river basins and Semirom region are significant for the study of cultural interactions and areas of expansion of the archaeological cultures of Fars province because of their location at the intersection of the archaeological cultures of South Zagros. Therefore, we started the studies to investigate the prehistoric settlements and demographic fluctuations of the Ghabr-e Keykha river basin and to identify the oldest habitation in the central part of Semirom. The current research was based on a season of the archaeological survey with a habitat analysis approach in the central part of Semirom city (Figure: 1); After preparing the required maps, we surveyed the target area, and random sampling was done. Due to the low environmental capabilities, the sites were not in the dimensions and size of settlements in the central parts of Fars. It has been considered from sources of water and quality soil and living in the closest distance to rivers and reliable sources of water; It is interesting to note that, unlike in the central parts of Fars, there is no evidence of a sharp decrease in the number of enclosures and a change in the lifestyle from a sedentary farmer to a nomadism, and we are witnessing the size of Sites and the increase in population during the Banesh period.
Keywords: Archaeological Survey, Prehistory, Semirom, North Fars, Southern Zagros.
Introduction
Semirom county has an area of about 5224 square kilometers and an average height of 2400 meters above sea level, and its location is in the south of Isfahan province on the slopes of the Zagros highlands. This county is in the middle of South Zagros and the eastern slope of Dena highlands. What turned Semirom County into a distinctive locale in the prehistoric and later periods was its obvious location at the interface of the three major Iranian cultural zones, namely Fars to the south, Bakhtiari to the west, and the central plateau to the north. Thus, the region represents a significant focal point for exploring the cultural interactions of the cited zones. What is evident with regard to the regional archaeological investigations is the lack of systematic surveys, local chronology, excavated sites, and knowledge of the cultural evolutions in prehistoric times. From another geographical point of view, Semirom lay in the southernmost part of Isfahan, that is the lowermost focal point of the central plateau cultures, wherein the penetration of the Bakun culture cannot be ruled out.
The basic question concerns the circumstances of settlements and population fluctuations at the prehistoric sites in Central District of Semirom, focusing on the factors of settlement size, water resources and arable lands, in particular during the Bronze Age, to determine whether there are comparisons with the central parts of Fars? Another question is: Given the location of the Semirom region at the convergence point of the cultures of the central Fars, are there any evidences of cultural interactions with the latter cultures? Furthermore, since at the current status of our understanding, grounded in the excavations of Tall-e Mash Karim (Sardari and Taheri 2015, 266; Taheri 2015, 233), and Gol-Afshan (Taheri 2009, 345; Taheri, 2020), the region’s earliest occupations date to the Bakun period, we were looking for information about potential earlier Paleolithic and Neolithic settlements. Judging by previous surface surveys, albeit their partial coverage of the region, and excavations, I assumed that the region was under the influence of Fars archaeological cultures, and indications for influences from the Bakhtiari region and the central Iranian plateau are absent. Thus, testing this hypothesis called for carrying out more careful intensive surveys in parts of Semirom.
Discussion
From the Middle Paleolithic period, we identified three open sites, two of which were created on the terraces dominating the rivers, and one site with a long distance from the permanent water resources at the exit of one of the northern valleys of the region is surveyed. Earlier, the settlement in this area was dated to the Bakun period. But it dates back to the Middle Paleolithic period, according to new surveys and evidence of human activities identified from the Paleolithic period. From the Neolithic period, we identified only one site related to the Shams Abad period, but with the beginning of the Bakun period(Chalcolithic), like Fars, we see an increase in settlements from one Neolithic site to seven sites in the Bakun period and four sites in the Lapui period. Various causes can be involved in this increase in population. First, with the warming of the region after the late Holocene, in a way that was not much different from the current climate of the area (Sadat Hosseini et al., 2015), better conditions were provided for the expansion of settlements and human habitation. We can see its appearance at the beginning of the Shams Abad period and the identification of one site. On the other hand, with the revelation of the Bakun culture in the Kur river basin, which had progressed in the economic and social contexts, more possibilities and abilities were obtained to exploit the environment, such as the expansion of irrigation canals began in the Shams Abad era and reached its peak during this period. They used more diverse animals in their food chain through hunting and animal husbandry. Although, like Fars, we see an increase of sites in the Bakun and Lapui periods. it seems that the Semirom region should be introduced as one of the peripheral regions of Fars and influenced by the archaeological cultures of this region with its cultural characteristics, in terms of dimensions and number of sites, livelihood patterns, and pottery motifs. That needs to be studied separately and consider its specific climatic and geographical conditions in the framework of the archaeological cultures of Fars.
In the Banesh period, the number of sites is reduced to three. It seems that this region, unlike Fars, in this period, not only has not a noticeable decrease in population compared to the Lapui period, but we can see the stability of the population and the size of the sites. Also, observing the beveled rim pottery (Figure: 7) in this region is an important issue that doubles the need for a more detailed study of the entire county in this period.
Conclusion
The results indicated the influence of environmental factors in the selection of sites, and factors such as distance and proximity to reliable water resources, fertile lands with easier access to water, and a suitable slope were the main factors for choosing a place of habitation. In all prehistoric times, most of the sites were very close to the main branches of the rivers (Map: 3); Most of them have settled in the middle of the plain, where the ground is less steep and has better soil. The reason that we identified no areas in the foothills of the mountains and at a greater distance from the rivers is because of the factors such as more difficult access to water resources due to the greater depth of the valleys in the initial parts, the lack of good soil, and the impossibility of exploiting water resources through canalization. There may be other factors involved which require more research to identify. In this lifestyle, the location should be chosen more carefully because the stay duration was longer, and the soil and water resources use was continuous and planned. In the end, based on the model that most archaeologists use to estimate the population and their interpretations, i.e., determining 100 to 150 people for each hectare in prehistoric periods (Alizadeh, 1392: 159), we predicted a population of over 200 people for the central part of Semirom in the Neolithic period, considering that we identified only one site with an area of 15,000 square meters. After that, during the Bakun period, the total area of seven sites was 27,500 square meters, and the estimated population was about 550 people. In the Lapui period, the total area of all the sites was 18,000 square meters, with an estimated population of about 350 people. In the Banesh period, the total area of all the sites was 50,000 square meters, which reached around 1,000 people with the increase in population. This analysis clearly shows the beginning of the increase of the sites with the beginning of the Shams Abad period. It continues to increase in the Bakun period. In the Lapui period, we are facing a 40% decrease in the number of sites. Again, in the Banesh period, the size of the sites increased a lot, and we estimated the largest population for this period.
Poorya Heydari Mehr, Farshid Iravani Ghadim, Ahmad Aliyari,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
The Kermanshah Province is one of the significant regions studied by archaeologists, where numerous studies have been conducted so far. This research focuses on the examination of megalithic graves in the towns of Gilan-e Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah Province. Megalithic graves are among the burials that possess unique structures and architecture, which have been less explored and researched in Iran, particularly in the studied region. By studying these graves, it is possible to gain some limited knowledge about the culture, beliefs, and way of life of the people who owned these graves. The most important questions of this research are: What have been the architectural features of these graves’ structures? How has the distribution of these graves been and what pattern can be defined for this distribution? The research method is considered to be applied-historical in terms of its objective. The categorization of the form and structure of graves has been carried out descriptively. In this regard, while conducting field research in the area, an initial comparison of the typological data and relative chronology of graves was performed. Subsequently, using GIS software, an analysis and identification of the burial distribution pattern in the region were carried out considering various geographical factors. Based on these, variables such as elevation, slope, and rivers were analyzed. In general, the identified graves in this study are divided into two main groups: Cist graves and Cromlech ones, the latter encompassing various subtypes. Finally, studies and excavations have been conducted on these graves in the Caucasus, Anatolia, and northwestern Iran, which demonstrate the migratory lifestyle of the tomb owners. In this article, a portion of the cultural materials collected from the 2015 archaeological survey in the western towns of Gilan-e-Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah province is presented.
Keywords: Megalithic, Cist Graves, Cromlech Graves, Distribution Pattern, Typology, GIS.چ
Introduction
The word ‘megalithic’ refers to large stones, derived from the Greek word ‘Mega’ meaning ‘large’ and ‘lithos’ meaning ‘stone’ (Midgely, 2008: 23). In Persian and Iranian archaeology, it is referred to as a ‘large stone’. Megalithic graves are large, uncut stones that are sometimes formed with wood, soil, and other small stones (Shaw, 1999: 390). Studying the structure of Megalithic graves can play an important role in identifying the tribes that constructed them and is effective in dating these tombs, given the scarcity of ancient evidence and data. By conducting typological studies of these graves, their structural patterns can be reconstructed, and by comparing the surrounding areas, it is possible to date these tombs. Extensive studies have been conducted on megalithic graves in the north and northwest of Iran, but independent and specialized research on these tombs has not been carried out in Kermanshah province. Since the tombs in this area have not been methodically excavated yet, it is difficult to present a precise structural design of the tomb architecture. In this study, the typology will be based on the surface structure, and the dating of the tombs will be conducted through comparative studies. Research questions include the following: What are the types of megalithic graves? What are the characteristics of the architectural structure of these tombs? What is the distribution area for these species, and what pattern can be identified in this distribution?
In order to achieve the desired goals in this study, a set of field activities was performed, including sketching, photography, documenting and recording findings, and design. The research method used for classifying the shape and structure of graves is descriptive and also relies on comparative and library studies. This includes the collection of maps, reports, articles, and all useful information available in the region. The preparation and collection of the locations where the graves are situated are recorded using a GPS device. In the analysis of the distribution pattern of registered graves, a geographic information system (GIS) has been employed. In the study of the factors influencing the distribution of graves, various factors such as topography, water resources, elevation, and slope have been examined.
By identifying these factors, analyzing the data distribution pattern, and ultimately visualizing them on a map, it is possible to gain a partial understanding of why and how the areas are distributed and concentrated in the region.
Discussion
Research on the structure of cemeteries and graves can be conducted using two different approaches: Firstly, typological studies are conducted based on the shape, dimensions, and materials of the graves. Secondly, factors such as the orientation of the graves, their proximity to one another, and their relationship to water sources, roads, and expanses in the cemetery are examined (Orlet, 1392: 93). The important point to note is that the structure of graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, for instance, there is often an abundance of large stones and slates that can be utilized in constructing graves. Consequently, there are variations in the shape and material of these graves, primarily due to the differing types of stones found in each region (Ibid, 1392: 107). The graves identified in this study are categorized into two groups: Cist graves and Cromlech graves.
In the construction of cist graves, a pit was excavated approximately one meter deep from the ground, and its walls were lined with layers of large and small stones. Subsequently, after interring the deceased, the grave was sealed by placing large and extremely heavy boulders on top (Yukmen, 2003).
Cromlech graves are classified into following types based on the shape of the stone rings:
Mounded Cromlech refers to a type of grave that consists of one or more stone rings encircling a large stone tomb (Smith, Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2009: 106).
Paved Cromlech is characterized by its very low height from the ground, and its distinguishing feature is the scattering of small rocks on its surface (Ibid, 2009: 107).
Stepped Cromlech is defined by stone rings that encompass the central structure, exhibiting a vertical upward movement (Ibid, 2009: 108).
The elevation study of Gilan Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab towns indicates that Sarpol-e Zahab has the lowest elevation at 540 meters, while Gilan-e Gharb reaches the highest altitude of 1340 meters that suggests a higher prevalence of graves in colder areas.
Through the examination of the influence of rivers on the distribution of graves and by referencing the water network map, it becomes evident that the graves tend to be situated in proximity to water sources. This distribution pattern signifies the significance of close access to water and further highlights the correlation between the location and distribution of graves within the river basin. Considering that the megalithic graves belong to the nomadic tribes, this proximity may be indicative of the convenience of accessing water for the needs of them and their livestock.
Conclusion
The typology of graves and their classifications in the study area of Sarpol-e-Zahab and Gilan-e-Gharb in Kermanshah province is based on comparative and comparative studies with megalithic graves in the north and northwest regions of the country. These graves are categorized into Cist and Cromlech graves.
The Cromlech species exhibit various structural forms within each range. Commenting on the shape of the landscape of megalithic graves is a complex subject that requires specialized studies and extensive investigations covering a wide area. When considering the geographic distribution of these graves, it is important to take into account factors such as the natural environment, topography, and the number of areas containing this type of graves. Furthermore, it is crucial to acknowledge the limited availability of extensive and specialized studies on these graves. Based on general findings from studies conducted on the distribution of graves, it is possible to identify certain areas that are centrally occupied with burials, while other areas remain devoid of any kind of burial. For instance, in certain areas of Sarpol-e Zahab, the absence of megalithic graves can be attributed to the scarcity of stones. Certainly, this can be justified by one reason: landscape manipulations in later periods carried out by farmers to level the land for cultivation. This is prominently observed throughout Sarpol-e Zahab due to its geographical structure and favorable conditions for agriculture. In relation to the correlation between water resources and the distribution of megalithic graves in this area, it is worth noting that the information obtained from GIS maps concerning the water bodies in the region demonstrates the close proximity of these graves to water sources. This proximity can be attributed to the practical utilization of fresh water sources by the nomadic communities, particularly for the purpose of sustaining their livestock. Hence, the architectural structure of large stone graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, the abundance of large stones contributes to a higher concentration of these graves in such regions. Based on comparative studies and the analysis of architectural features and structures of these large stone tombs, in conjunction with similar tombs found in the northwestern and northern regions of Iran, as well as in Anatolia, Caucasus, Russia, and Georgia, the period ranging from the ancient Bronze Age to Iron Age III can be attributed to megalithic graves. This classification is further supported by the presence of metal and pottery artifacts discovered within these graves.
The Kermanshah Province is one of the significant regions studied by archaeologists, where numerous studies have been conducted so far. This research focuses on the examination of megalithic graves in the towns of Gilan-e Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah Province. Megalithic graves are among the burials that possess unique structures and architecture, which have been less explored and researched in Iran, particularly in the studied region. By studying these graves, it is possible to gain some limited knowledge about the culture, beliefs, and way of life of the people who owned these graves. The most important questions of this research are: What have been the architectural features of these graves’ structures? How has the distribution of these graves been and what pattern can be defined for this distribution? The research method is considered to be applied-historical in terms of its objective. The categorization of the form and structure of graves has been carried out descriptively. In this regard, while conducting field research in the area, an initial comparison of the typological data and relative chronology of graves was performed. Subsequently, using GIS software, an analysis and identification of the burial distribution pattern in the region were carried out considering various geographical factors. Based on these, variables such as elevation, slope, and rivers were analyzed. In general, the identified graves in this study are divided into two main groups: Cist graves and Cromlech ones, the latter encompassing various subtypes. Finally, studies and excavations have been conducted on these graves in the Caucasus, Anatolia, and northwestern Iran, which demonstrate the migratory lifestyle of the tomb owners. In this article, a portion of the cultural materials collected from the 2015 archaeological survey in the western towns of Gilan-e-Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah province is presented.
Keywords: Megalithic, Cist Graves, Cromlech Graves, Distribution Pattern, Typology, GIS.چ
Introduction
The word ‘megalithic’ refers to large stones, derived from the Greek word ‘Mega’ meaning ‘large’ and ‘lithos’ meaning ‘stone’ (Midgely, 2008: 23). In Persian and Iranian archaeology, it is referred to as a ‘large stone’. Megalithic graves are large, uncut stones that are sometimes formed with wood, soil, and other small stones (Shaw, 1999: 390). Studying the structure of Megalithic graves can play an important role in identifying the tribes that constructed them and is effective in dating these tombs, given the scarcity of ancient evidence and data. By conducting typological studies of these graves, their structural patterns can be reconstructed, and by comparing the surrounding areas, it is possible to date these tombs. Extensive studies have been conducted on megalithic graves in the north and northwest of Iran, but independent and specialized research on these tombs has not been carried out in Kermanshah province. Since the tombs in this area have not been methodically excavated yet, it is difficult to present a precise structural design of the tomb architecture. In this study, the typology will be based on the surface structure, and the dating of the tombs will be conducted through comparative studies. Research questions include the following: What are the types of megalithic graves? What are the characteristics of the architectural structure of these tombs? What is the distribution area for these species, and what pattern can be identified in this distribution?
In order to achieve the desired goals in this study, a set of field activities was performed, including sketching, photography, documenting and recording findings, and design. The research method used for classifying the shape and structure of graves is descriptive and also relies on comparative and library studies. This includes the collection of maps, reports, articles, and all useful information available in the region. The preparation and collection of the locations where the graves are situated are recorded using a GPS device. In the analysis of the distribution pattern of registered graves, a geographic information system (GIS) has been employed. In the study of the factors influencing the distribution of graves, various factors such as topography, water resources, elevation, and slope have been examined.
By identifying these factors, analyzing the data distribution pattern, and ultimately visualizing them on a map, it is possible to gain a partial understanding of why and how the areas are distributed and concentrated in the region.
Discussion
Research on the structure of cemeteries and graves can be conducted using two different approaches: Firstly, typological studies are conducted based on the shape, dimensions, and materials of the graves. Secondly, factors such as the orientation of the graves, their proximity to one another, and their relationship to water sources, roads, and expanses in the cemetery are examined (Orlet, 1392: 93). The important point to note is that the structure of graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, for instance, there is often an abundance of large stones and slates that can be utilized in constructing graves. Consequently, there are variations in the shape and material of these graves, primarily due to the differing types of stones found in each region (Ibid, 1392: 107). The graves identified in this study are categorized into two groups: Cist graves and Cromlech graves.
In the construction of cist graves, a pit was excavated approximately one meter deep from the ground, and its walls were lined with layers of large and small stones. Subsequently, after interring the deceased, the grave was sealed by placing large and extremely heavy boulders on top (Yukmen, 2003).
Cromlech graves are classified into following types based on the shape of the stone rings:
Mounded Cromlech refers to a type of grave that consists of one or more stone rings encircling a large stone tomb (Smith, Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2009: 106).
Paved Cromlech is characterized by its very low height from the ground, and its distinguishing feature is the scattering of small rocks on its surface (Ibid, 2009: 107).
Stepped Cromlech is defined by stone rings that encompass the central structure, exhibiting a vertical upward movement (Ibid, 2009: 108).
The elevation study of Gilan Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab towns indicates that Sarpol-e Zahab has the lowest elevation at 540 meters, while Gilan-e Gharb reaches the highest altitude of 1340 meters that suggests a higher prevalence of graves in colder areas.
Through the examination of the influence of rivers on the distribution of graves and by referencing the water network map, it becomes evident that the graves tend to be situated in proximity to water sources. This distribution pattern signifies the significance of close access to water and further highlights the correlation between the location and distribution of graves within the river basin. Considering that the megalithic graves belong to the nomadic tribes, this proximity may be indicative of the convenience of accessing water for the needs of them and their livestock.
Conclusion
The typology of graves and their classifications in the study area of Sarpol-e-Zahab and Gilan-e-Gharb in Kermanshah province is based on comparative and comparative studies with megalithic graves in the north and northwest regions of the country. These graves are categorized into Cist and Cromlech graves.
The Cromlech species exhibit various structural forms within each range. Commenting on the shape of the landscape of megalithic graves is a complex subject that requires specialized studies and extensive investigations covering a wide area. When considering the geographic distribution of these graves, it is important to take into account factors such as the natural environment, topography, and the number of areas containing this type of graves. Furthermore, it is crucial to acknowledge the limited availability of extensive and specialized studies on these graves. Based on general findings from studies conducted on the distribution of graves, it is possible to identify certain areas that are centrally occupied with burials, while other areas remain devoid of any kind of burial. For instance, in certain areas of Sarpol-e Zahab, the absence of megalithic graves can be attributed to the scarcity of stones. Certainly, this can be justified by one reason: landscape manipulations in later periods carried out by farmers to level the land for cultivation. This is prominently observed throughout Sarpol-e Zahab due to its geographical structure and favorable conditions for agriculture. In relation to the correlation between water resources and the distribution of megalithic graves in this area, it is worth noting that the information obtained from GIS maps concerning the water bodies in the region demonstrates the close proximity of these graves to water sources. This proximity can be attributed to the practical utilization of fresh water sources by the nomadic communities, particularly for the purpose of sustaining their livestock. Hence, the architectural structure of large stone graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, the abundance of large stones contributes to a higher concentration of these graves in such regions. Based on comparative studies and the analysis of architectural features and structures of these large stone tombs, in conjunction with similar tombs found in the northwestern and northern regions of Iran, as well as in Anatolia, Caucasus, Russia, and Georgia, the period ranging from the ancient Bronze Age to Iron Age III can be attributed to megalithic graves. This classification is further supported by the presence of metal and pottery artifacts discovered within these graves.
Cultural Landscape of the Persian Gulf in the Third Millennium BCE: Some Remarks on the Tarut Island
Nasir Eskandari,
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
year 7, Issue 23 (5-2023)
Abstract
Abstract
Persian Gulf, as a main trade route, has played an important role in the third millennium BCE cultural sphere of Southwest Asia. According to archaeological evidence, at least from the 5th millennium BCE, this waterway appeared to function as a channel for social interaction and exchange of material culture in the region. It seems that the Jiroft region as the hinterland of the Persian Gulf has been interacted with the contemporaneous civilizations from Indus to Babylonia via the maritime routes. The chlorite vessels produced in Jiroft have been obtained over a wide geographical range from the Indus valley to the north of Mesopotamia. The existence of the production workshops at Tepe Yahya, Hajjiabad- Varamin and Konar Sandal, and thousands of complete objects from the looted cemeteries of Jiroft, as well as their mines in Jiroft have made Halilrud region the center of production of these objects in the third millennium BCE. Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia is known as one of the ancient ports in the Persian Gulf trade sphere. More than several hundreds of fragments and complete chlorite vessels have been discovered in Tarut Island mostly from destroyed graves. Due to the large number of chlorite vessels as well as semi-finished objects, researchers of the Persian Gulf Archaeology refer to this island as a center for the production of chlorite vessels. In terms of iconography and raw material, chlorite vessels of Tarut are comparable with those recovered from the Halilrud Basin, Kerman province, Iran. In this paper, we will examine the hypothesis that Tarut was the production center of the chlorite vessels. In addition, we will discuss the relation of the Tarut and the Southeastern Iran, in particular the Jiroft region.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Jiroft Civilization, Tarut Island, Chlorite Vessels, Marhashi.
Introduction
This study aims to investigate the interactions between Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in southeastern Iran through the chlorite objects in the Bronze Age. This island was a very important commercial port on the southern coast of the Persian Gulf during the third millennium BCE, when the newly known Jiroft Civilization prospered in southeastern Iran. Most scholars, notably Piotr Steinkeller, believe that the Halil Rud/ Jiroft region was probably known as the land of Marhaši (in Sumerian) or Parahšum (in Akkadian), the most important political counterpart of ancient Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BCE.
One of the most significant cultural characteristics of the Jiroft civilization is notoriously the production and distribution, sometimes on long distances, of carved soft stone vessels with a quite distinct iconography, previously labeled “intercultural style”. These often beautiful and intriguing objects have been widely discussed. These artefacts actually appeared, although sometimes in limited amounts, in a very large corridor from Mesopotamia in Iraq via the Iranian plateau into the Indus valley. Mineralogical analyses on some of the ancient vessels as well as on the mines in the Jiroft highlands have confirmed their production in the southern Kerman.
The chlorite vessels’ inventory can be subdivided in two different productions, namely a “série ancienne” datable to pre-early Akkadian times (with elaborate figurative patterns), and a later “série recente”. Holly Pittman (2018) believes that the earlier group would be made exclusively with Iranian chloritic rocks, while the later one would have been made in the Arabian Peninsula from Omani rocks.
Materials and Methods
The materials of this study are mainly Bronze Age chlorite objects from both Tarut island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in SE Iran. In this study, chlorite assemblages of both regions were compared in terms of iconography and object forms to explore the cultural connections of this island with the Kerman region as the main center of production and consumption of the chlorite in the third millennium BCE. In addition, an attempt was made to explain the existence of Halil Rud/ Jiroft stone objects in Tarut island. Discovery of such a quantity of the Jiroft material in the small island of Tarut raises these important questions: Movement of people from the Jiroft region of the Tarut island happened as a colonizing group to take control of the Persian Gulf trade network in the mid third millennium BCE? Or a group of Marhashian/Jiroftian were settled in the Island as trade diasporas?
Discussion
There is still ongoing discussion regarding the chronology of the cultural artifacts discovered on Tarut Island. The artifacts discovered on Tarut Island suggest that, in the early part of the third millennium BC, the island harbor was consistently used as an important hub in the Persian Gulf region. Judging from the Babylonian pottery of Early Dynastic I and II date found on Tarut, this strategically located island must have already at this time assumed a position of some significance in the exchange networks. However, even if inscribed, sculpted chlorite vessels compatible to types found on Tarut are known to date from the Early Dynastic II period onward, it appears more likely that the sculpted chlorite traded into Tarut date to the Early Dynastic III and Sargonic periods (Laursen and Steinkeller 2017:10). Various artifacts found on Tarut Island provide evidence of trade with Babylonia. Among these artifacts, the limestone statue depicting a standing nude male with clasped hands in a traditional Sumerian devotional posture is particularly noteworthy. Experts have suggested different dates for this statue, ranging from the Jemdat Nasr period (around 3000 BC) to a more plausible dating in the Early Dynastic period. Other Babylonian-made artifacts found on Tarut Island with a broad Early Dynastic I-III date include a marble macehead and a copper bull’s head that is similar to the examples found on lyres from the Royal Tombs of Ur (For more, see Laursen and Steinkeller 2017). From southeastern Iran perspective, the most noteworthy discoveries from Tarut Island are the sculpted vessels and fragments made of chlorite. These were discovered by chance by local gardeners, likely from disturbed burials. Interestingly, there is a striking difference between the amount of sculpted chlorite vessels found on Tarut Island and the small quantities that have been discovered on the Oman peninsula. Apart from the chlorite vessels, another imported finds from southeastern Iran are painted ceramics, so-called Bampur black on grey ware. They have been found in limited quantities on Tarut Island as well as in mainland Saudi Arabia. It is noteworthy that the imports from southeastern Iran ceased to appear on Tarut Island by the end of the third millennium BCE, which coincides with the decline of the Marhashi Kingdom. The available evidence from Tarut Island indicates that this harbor played a significant role in linking the neighboring civilized regions within the Persian Gulf area during the Early Bronze Age. In other words, Tarut Island served as a meeting point in the commercial networks that facilitated trade in the Persian Gulf region.
Conclusion
The presence of many chlorite objects in the small island of Tarut in the southern part of the Persian Gulf shows that population groups of Jiroft civilization settled in this island for some time (at least one to two centuries) in the mid-late third millennium BCE. According to the fact that the mentioned chlorite objects were obtained from the destroyed cemetery of Tarut, it is clear that these objects were placed inside the grave as the burial goods and were not brought there to be displayed and sold in the Tarut market.
Despite the fact that most of the chlorite objects obtained from Tarut are exactly the same as the samples obtained in the Halil Rud Basin, there are a number of objects with motifs that are rooted in Mesopotamian mythology, among which the image of Anzu is the most obvious. This shows that Jiroft chlorite vessels were also produced on Tarot Island, or at least on the undecorated samples of Jiroft vessels, engraving with Mesopotamian themes was done on this island.
The main issue is the reason for the presence of Jiroft civilization people in Tarut Island in the Persian Gulf. Considering that in the middle to late 3rd millennium BCE, a wide maritime trade network was formed in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, it seems logical to imagine that a group of inhabitants of Jiroft / Marhashi civilization in the mid-late 3rd millennium BCE, as trade diasporas, have settled in this island to have control over sea trade and the movement of goods in the strategic waterway of the Persian Gulf. It is worth mentioning that in the first half of the third millennium BCE, this role was played by the Mesopotamians in Tarut Island. The provenance of Tarut artefacts has been a source of debate among archaeologists. Some scholars suggested their provenance in the southern part of the Persian Gulf even based on the chemical analyses. While the Jiroftian motifs on the vessels tell another story which makes this hypothesis questionable. More physical and chemical analyses are needed to investigate the provenance of Tarut materials.
Persian Gulf, as a main trade route, has played an important role in the third millennium BCE cultural sphere of Southwest Asia. According to archaeological evidence, at least from the 5th millennium BCE, this waterway appeared to function as a channel for social interaction and exchange of material culture in the region. It seems that the Jiroft region as the hinterland of the Persian Gulf has been interacted with the contemporaneous civilizations from Indus to Babylonia via the maritime routes. The chlorite vessels produced in Jiroft have been obtained over a wide geographical range from the Indus valley to the north of Mesopotamia. The existence of the production workshops at Tepe Yahya, Hajjiabad- Varamin and Konar Sandal, and thousands of complete objects from the looted cemeteries of Jiroft, as well as their mines in Jiroft have made Halilrud region the center of production of these objects in the third millennium BCE. Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia is known as one of the ancient ports in the Persian Gulf trade sphere. More than several hundreds of fragments and complete chlorite vessels have been discovered in Tarut Island mostly from destroyed graves. Due to the large number of chlorite vessels as well as semi-finished objects, researchers of the Persian Gulf Archaeology refer to this island as a center for the production of chlorite vessels. In terms of iconography and raw material, chlorite vessels of Tarut are comparable with those recovered from the Halilrud Basin, Kerman province, Iran. In this paper, we will examine the hypothesis that Tarut was the production center of the chlorite vessels. In addition, we will discuss the relation of the Tarut and the Southeastern Iran, in particular the Jiroft region.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Jiroft Civilization, Tarut Island, Chlorite Vessels, Marhashi.
Introduction
This study aims to investigate the interactions between Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in southeastern Iran through the chlorite objects in the Bronze Age. This island was a very important commercial port on the southern coast of the Persian Gulf during the third millennium BCE, when the newly known Jiroft Civilization prospered in southeastern Iran. Most scholars, notably Piotr Steinkeller, believe that the Halil Rud/ Jiroft region was probably known as the land of Marhaši (in Sumerian) or Parahšum (in Akkadian), the most important political counterpart of ancient Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BCE.
One of the most significant cultural characteristics of the Jiroft civilization is notoriously the production and distribution, sometimes on long distances, of carved soft stone vessels with a quite distinct iconography, previously labeled “intercultural style”. These often beautiful and intriguing objects have been widely discussed. These artefacts actually appeared, although sometimes in limited amounts, in a very large corridor from Mesopotamia in Iraq via the Iranian plateau into the Indus valley. Mineralogical analyses on some of the ancient vessels as well as on the mines in the Jiroft highlands have confirmed their production in the southern Kerman.
The chlorite vessels’ inventory can be subdivided in two different productions, namely a “série ancienne” datable to pre-early Akkadian times (with elaborate figurative patterns), and a later “série recente”. Holly Pittman (2018) believes that the earlier group would be made exclusively with Iranian chloritic rocks, while the later one would have been made in the Arabian Peninsula from Omani rocks.
Materials and Methods
The materials of this study are mainly Bronze Age chlorite objects from both Tarut island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in SE Iran. In this study, chlorite assemblages of both regions were compared in terms of iconography and object forms to explore the cultural connections of this island with the Kerman region as the main center of production and consumption of the chlorite in the third millennium BCE. In addition, an attempt was made to explain the existence of Halil Rud/ Jiroft stone objects in Tarut island. Discovery of such a quantity of the Jiroft material in the small island of Tarut raises these important questions: Movement of people from the Jiroft region of the Tarut island happened as a colonizing group to take control of the Persian Gulf trade network in the mid third millennium BCE? Or a group of Marhashian/Jiroftian were settled in the Island as trade diasporas?
Discussion
There is still ongoing discussion regarding the chronology of the cultural artifacts discovered on Tarut Island. The artifacts discovered on Tarut Island suggest that, in the early part of the third millennium BC, the island harbor was consistently used as an important hub in the Persian Gulf region. Judging from the Babylonian pottery of Early Dynastic I and II date found on Tarut, this strategically located island must have already at this time assumed a position of some significance in the exchange networks. However, even if inscribed, sculpted chlorite vessels compatible to types found on Tarut are known to date from the Early Dynastic II period onward, it appears more likely that the sculpted chlorite traded into Tarut date to the Early Dynastic III and Sargonic periods (Laursen and Steinkeller 2017:10). Various artifacts found on Tarut Island provide evidence of trade with Babylonia. Among these artifacts, the limestone statue depicting a standing nude male with clasped hands in a traditional Sumerian devotional posture is particularly noteworthy. Experts have suggested different dates for this statue, ranging from the Jemdat Nasr period (around 3000 BC) to a more plausible dating in the Early Dynastic period. Other Babylonian-made artifacts found on Tarut Island with a broad Early Dynastic I-III date include a marble macehead and a copper bull’s head that is similar to the examples found on lyres from the Royal Tombs of Ur (For more, see Laursen and Steinkeller 2017). From southeastern Iran perspective, the most noteworthy discoveries from Tarut Island are the sculpted vessels and fragments made of chlorite. These were discovered by chance by local gardeners, likely from disturbed burials. Interestingly, there is a striking difference between the amount of sculpted chlorite vessels found on Tarut Island and the small quantities that have been discovered on the Oman peninsula. Apart from the chlorite vessels, another imported finds from southeastern Iran are painted ceramics, so-called Bampur black on grey ware. They have been found in limited quantities on Tarut Island as well as in mainland Saudi Arabia. It is noteworthy that the imports from southeastern Iran ceased to appear on Tarut Island by the end of the third millennium BCE, which coincides with the decline of the Marhashi Kingdom. The available evidence from Tarut Island indicates that this harbor played a significant role in linking the neighboring civilized regions within the Persian Gulf area during the Early Bronze Age. In other words, Tarut Island served as a meeting point in the commercial networks that facilitated trade in the Persian Gulf region.
Conclusion
The presence of many chlorite objects in the small island of Tarut in the southern part of the Persian Gulf shows that population groups of Jiroft civilization settled in this island for some time (at least one to two centuries) in the mid-late third millennium BCE. According to the fact that the mentioned chlorite objects were obtained from the destroyed cemetery of Tarut, it is clear that these objects were placed inside the grave as the burial goods and were not brought there to be displayed and sold in the Tarut market.
Despite the fact that most of the chlorite objects obtained from Tarut are exactly the same as the samples obtained in the Halil Rud Basin, there are a number of objects with motifs that are rooted in Mesopotamian mythology, among which the image of Anzu is the most obvious. This shows that Jiroft chlorite vessels were also produced on Tarot Island, or at least on the undecorated samples of Jiroft vessels, engraving with Mesopotamian themes was done on this island.
The main issue is the reason for the presence of Jiroft civilization people in Tarut Island in the Persian Gulf. Considering that in the middle to late 3rd millennium BCE, a wide maritime trade network was formed in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, it seems logical to imagine that a group of inhabitants of Jiroft / Marhashi civilization in the mid-late 3rd millennium BCE, as trade diasporas, have settled in this island to have control over sea trade and the movement of goods in the strategic waterway of the Persian Gulf. It is worth mentioning that in the first half of the third millennium BCE, this role was played by the Mesopotamians in Tarut Island. The provenance of Tarut artefacts has been a source of debate among archaeologists. Some scholars suggested their provenance in the southern part of the Persian Gulf even based on the chemical analyses. While the Jiroftian motifs on the vessels tell another story which makes this hypothesis questionable. More physical and chemical analyses are needed to investigate the provenance of Tarut materials.