Abstract
A large part of Iran is located in dry areas, for this reason, various measures have been taken for water management, especially surface water. Dry weather, lack of rainfall, seasonality of river water and gradual drying of rivers, created the idea of water storage in the form of dams, aqueducts and cisterns in the human mind. The cisterns have different designs depending on the climatic and social conditions of each region. Also, the architecture of such buildings in different regions has been influenced by local architecture. Optimum management of low rainfall in a few days of the year in an area that due to the geological texture of the underground water table is insignificant and salty was a sign of the genius of the inhabitants of the Iranian plateau for water storage. With the progress of this tradition, especially during Islamic periods, the number of settlements in the region increased. One of the water storage structures is the cisterns, which were built along the flood path so that the surface water is directed to them after the rain and used for various purposes.  The question is, considering the scarcity of water in the region, is it possible to restore this structure in a modern way by reviving the past techniques? Due to the low but heavy rainfall in the south of the country, the ponds, in addition to providing an important part of the residents’ water, also act as floodgates, and with one rain at the end of the summer season and a few rains in the winter season, all the thousands of ponds in the south of the country are filled. But with the dependence of these areas on the water of the dams, in addition to the pressure on the country’s water resources, this historical tradition is gradually being forgotten. However, from the results of this research, based on the statistics, it seems that the restoration of the ponds -with government support and with a modern design based on historical patterns- will provide the possibility of water supply for the residents of the region.
Keywords: Barka, Ab-Anbar, Islamic Period, Fars, Hormozgan.

Introduction
The relationship between water and the world of existence can be defined from two perspectives: one is quantitative and experimental sciences and the other is spiritual issues of life and knowledge. Iran is considered one of the dry tropical regions of the world due to its special geographical position and very scattered unevenness’s and the influence of other factors. With this description, being located in the dry and water-scarce regions of the world, water has always had a high value and dignity in Iran, and for this reason, many advances and innovations have emerged in the field of water extraction and transportation. Among the most important of these developments, we can mention aqueducts, reservoirs, dams and weirs, as well as other types of structures and management operations that have been used. Therefore, the creative solutions of human connection with water have played a remarkable role in alleviating harsh natural conditions and in the meantime, the construction of water reservoirs has become popular in the extremes of Iran and water reservoirs have been built in many cities. Reservoirs with their interesting architecture are usually built in arid, desert and semi-arid areas to store rainwater more than in other places.
Iran’s governments in Islamic eras, with emphasis on issues related to hygiene and purity, built water reservoirs as an essential element in the lives of Muslims in or near mosques. And they became more common near them, with the evolution, development of agriculture and trade in this era, the construction of water reservoirs in villages led to the development of village, and as a result, the increase in population along the caravan roads led to the expansion of roads. It became commercial and accordingly it became commercial. At the same time with the development of Islam in different countries and the expansion of cultural exchanges, thanks to the blessing of the religion and the unified central government, construction techniques developed a lot. Construction of cylindrical-shaped tanks became common in Iran during this period due to the relatively low cost of construction and the greater resistance of its body against water pressure. Perhaps the method of making spherical or conical domes appeared in Iranian architecture from this period and for this reason. During this period, with the emergence of new cities and neighborhoods, reservoirs were placed next to mosques, schools, markets and government palaces like centralizing elements, and therefore it seems that reservoirs were a place for various social interactions. One of the prominent features of the city in Islamic era was the facilities such as mosques, bazaars, reservoirs, aqueducts, etc. The reservoir in the center of the neighborhood or city, in addition to providing water, is an excellent sign of There was a need for urban social life, for this reason, these buildings were sometimes built as a complex, such as a caravanserai complex, a reservoir, a guard house, a watchtower, and a refrigerator. The main passages or alleys sometimes branch off and lead to one or more houses. In addition to the possibility of reaching the neighborhood centers and the city center, the crossings also provide the possibility of quick and easy access to water reservoirs.

Conclusion
The lifestyle of Iranians, especially with the end of the Qajar period, became different from the past, one of which is fresh water piping. At the same time, the management of water resources in local ways caused the economic prosperity of the country based on the existing surface resources and underground water tables and the lack of pressure on them. Water cisterns have been a historical investment from the distant past, which, in addition to drinking, have also been used for industrial and agricultural purposes. Considering that currently one of the management problems is still the supply of drinking water in different regions of the country, it is suggested to provide part of the water problems of arid and semi-arid areas by restoring water reservoirs and creating examples of them in larger dimensions. Since the biggest management problem of water is its production, the past taught us that even in places where the underground water table is salty and there is no permanent river on the surface of the earth, fresh and pleasant water can be produced with some measures, and these methods will bring prosperity to the population and Roads have been expanded and the population has increased. Today, the experiences and techniques of the past should be used with today’s science to develop country and prevent consequences of dehydration and drought. Therefore, this article is a proposal in which the Ministry of Energy;  Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts; Ministry of Agriculture; Ministry of Roads and City Planning; Iran Water and Power Resources Development Company; Country Water and Wastewater Engineering Company; Iran Water Resources Management Company;  Organization of forests, pastures and watershed management of country; And, of course, local communities play a significant role in maintaining and building water reservoirs as water storage tanks.

Abstract
Pottery can perhaps be considered one of the most important data found in archaeological excavations in order to help clarify the unknowns of any ancient site and answer questions. This data shows one important part of human interactions in the past. By examining this data, various approaches are available to archaeologists, the prerequisite of which is to be purposeful and act correctly in pottery typology. By studying the pottery of the Parthian period of the and the spread of its types in the Persian Gulf, one of the hand, the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the south of Iran an on the other hand due to its geographical expansion in the south of the Persian Gulf, the seafaring of the Parthians in the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. The purpose of writing this article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements  in the north and south of the Persian Gulf , then to present a picture of seafaring in the Persian Gulf and the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the Arabian Peninsula. In this article, the Parthian pottery types of the Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question in this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron, then we are looking for the question that the cultural development of the Parthian period based on the findings of the Tom-Maron was formed under what factors? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making the color of the body and the paste, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified in Tom-Maron. The species identified with the sites of the coasts and islands of the northern Persian Gulf, such as Qeshm Island, Makran regions, and also the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, such as the Maliha site, form a cultural domain. 
Keywords: Pottery of the Parthian, Rodan Plain, Tom-Maron, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Investigating the cultural materials of different cultural periods in the areas along the Persian Gulf, as a historical and strategic waterway, has always been of interest to rulers near and far, and has been the place of passage for ships of culture and civilizations of the East and the West for thousands of years. In the meantime, due to its location on the banks and back banks of the Persian Gulf and its vital and strategic waterways, namely the Strait of Hormuz, throughout history, the Rodan plain has a very important position from a historical-cultural, political-social, and of course, economic point of view. (Hessari, 2018).
The purpose of writing the article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements in the north and south of Persian Gulf. In this framework, cultural interactions will be discussed in this period in order to pottery a suitable picture of the relations between the two coasts of the Persian Gulf, which showed the cultural expansion of the Parthians through seafaring in the Persian Gulf. In this article, the pottery types of the Parthian period of Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question of this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron can the distribution of these types be a sign of cultural interactions on both sides of the Persian Gulf? Then the cultural development of the Parthian period was formed under what factors based on the findings of the Tom-Maron? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making, the color of the body and the paste in the Tom-Maron, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified. About 10 samples of Parthian period pottery were found in this area (Table 1). Among the prominent examples of the Parthian period, we can mention Namord and Lando (Figure 8) was found in prominent sites in the north of the Persian Gulf, such as Reyshahr (Whitechouse & Williamson, 1973). Dambkouh (Basafa, 2008: 24, PL), (row 9, table 1). Regarding the chronology of this type of pottery, Potts has classified them into two old Parthian periods, the first and second centuries AD, and the new type in the early Sassanian period (Potts, 1998: 211).
Single yellow glazed pottery (Fig 6), turquoise monochrome (Fig 7) and pottery with gray paste (Fig 5) are also examples of Parthian pottery from this area in the northern regions of the Persian Gulf , especially in the Qeshm region (Khosrowzadeh , 1392) has been obtained (rows 4,5&6 of Table 1). Other types of pottery with pea-colored paste (Fig 3) and brown brick- like paste (Fig 2) have also been introduced as pottery of this period due to their placement in the layers of the Parthian period , in terms of the comparative of these pottery with the sites of northeastern Iran, such as the Ismail Abad Neishabour site (Davari et al, 2017). In this context, it can be said that one of the most important types of pottery found in this area is Namord pottery. Considering the widespread distribution of Namord pottery in the southeast of Iran and the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, this type of pottery was probably exchanged in the Persian Gulf as a commodity in a limited and local trade between the northern and southern areas of the Persian Gulf. Although Williamson has proposed the Rodan plain and Minab region as the production area of this type of pottery (Williamson. 1972), the Namord type pottery of Tom-Maron area is also similar in terms of identifying comparable samples in areas such as Kush (Kennet 6.fig :2002). Maliha was obtained on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf.

Conclusion
The connection of the Persian Gulf of Iran is not limited to its geographical proximity, but this sea along with its islands and coasts has been a part of Iran’s territory and culture in different historical periods and is a symbol of the manifestations and works of Iranian culture. In this research, according to the distribution and typology of Parthian period pottery in the Tom-Maron area, the relationship of this area with the areas of the same period was investigated. Based on the present research, 10 types of Parthian period pottery were identified. The results of the typological comparisons show that the similarities between the Parthian pottery of the Rodan region and the neighboring regions, as well as their differences with the distant regions, indicate a wide connection between these regions. Based on the characteristics and typology of the pottery of Tom-Maron site and the remains of pottery kilns, it can be concluded that this site was one of the main centers of Parthian pottery production on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf. The pottery of the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf, Kerman, northeastern Iran, and the southern coastal areas of Persian Gulf have the most similarities with the pottery of Tom-Maron. Also, based on the archaeological excavations of Tom-Maron and the evidence and data obtained, it seems that the Parthian period sites in Rodan plain follow a homogeneous cultural pattern with other sites on the same horizon in the cultural area of the Persian Gulf. The examples of Parthian pottery in the southern countries of the Persian Gulf also apply due to areas from the northern Persian Gulf and its extensive production in those settlements.

Abstract
One of the key issues of the Paleolithic archaeology is pathways and expansion routes of Pleistocene human populations into Asia. Recent discovered Paleolithic sites in the southern coasts and hinterlands of Iran, indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. The 1977 joint French-Iranian geological survey carried out by Thibault, Dufaure, Mercier and Kadjar, gave rise to one of the important contributions to Paleolithic knowledge on the northern coastline of the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea in pre-revolutionary years. During this survey, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected above a sequence of successive pediment surface, but unfortunately, the final report of Paleolithic finds, was never published. The lithic collections kept at the Paleolithic Department of National Museum of Iran. In this paper, the techno-typological characteristics of this collection is presented. The most prominent feature of this collection is the core-flake industry of the Lower Paleolithic; although we are not sure about the Acheulian evidence. The Middle Paleolithic artifacts in the collections are defined by Levallois debitages, discoid/semi-centripetal cores, and scrapers on flakes, especially transverse and oblique scrapers; however, it is not enough to attribute these finds to the Mousterian culture. The low frequencies of the blades and the lack of bladelets make it difficult to draw conclusions about the Upper/Epipaleolithic industries. The small number of blades and the presence of single platform blade/bladelet core, as well as a truncated blade, are possible evidence of Upper/Epipaleolithic presence in these assemblages. These assemblages can be considered as a new insight into technological behavior of Pleistocene hunter-gatherers in this poorly known part of the Iranian plateau. They show the high capacity of northern shores and littoral of the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea for Pleistocene archaeological studies, and a notable place to test hypotheses such as Out-of-Africa and coastal expansions.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Oman Sea, Pleistocene Archaeology, Paleolithic, Lithic industries, Coastal Dispersal.

Introduction
An important aspect of Paleolithic archeology relates to pathways and routes taken by Pleistocene human groups in Asia. Discovered Paleolithic sites along the northern coasts and hinterlands of the Persian Gulf, Strait of Hormuz and Oman Sea (Thibault, 1977; Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980; Sarlak et al. 2004; Dashtizadeh, 2009, 2010, 2012a, 2012b; Ali Talesh, 2012; Biglari et al. 2012; Barfi et al. 2013; Zarei & Ravaei 2013; Anjomrooz, 2019; Rahmati & Dashtizadeh, 2019; Zarei, 2021) indicate the importance of these zones in the Pleistocene human dispersals. One of these region that produced a substantial body of evidence is the northeastern shores of the Strait of Hormuz in the Hormozgan Province.
The first Paleolithic material discovered along the southern coast of Iran was by Vita-Finzi during his 1974 and 1975 fieldwork along the Makran coast. It constituted a surface collection with Middle Paleolithic characteristics, including the use of the Levallois method (Vita-Finzi & Copeland, 1980). After that, the French-Iranian joint team with the supervision of Claude Thibault and Mohammad Hassan Kadjar surveyed this region during April and May 1977. During this mission, remarkable lithic assemblages were collected on the surface of a succession of pediment surfaces (Thibault, 1977; Dufaure, 1978). Unfortunately, the final report of this survey was never published due to the untimely death of Thibault (Thibault, 1977; Amirlou, 1986; Biglari & Shidrang 2006). The lithic assemblages kept in the Paleolithic Department of the National Museum of Iran, has been studied by the author for a Master thesis (Zarei, 2015). A small part of the survey finds was taken to Bordeaux University by Thibault for further analysis and therefore were excluded from this study (F. Biglari, personal communication, Jan 2014). In this paper, I present the techno-typological characteristic of this lithic collection.

The 1977 Joint French-Iranian Geological Mission
The French-Iranian joint field mission included the following: C. Thibault as Quaternary geologist and Paleolithic archeologist; Jean-Jacques Dufaure as geomorphologist and Jacques Mercier and M. H. Kadjar, both structural and regional geologists, all arrived together in April 1977 with base camp in Minab. On the very first day of field work along the Hassan Langi to Roudan road section, Thibault began picking up lithics material left behind on a pediment surface superposed on a magnificently exposed reverse fault. Unfortunately, with the untimely death of Thibault in a car accident during an archeological mission in Algeria, a final publication concerning these Paleolithic finds was no longer possible but accompanied with a preliminary field report (Thibault, 1977). Dufaure, also wrote a detailed review and synthesis of his observations (Dufaure, 1978). After two decades, a new French team came back to the Minab area to set up a GPS network for Neotectonic studies. Regard and colleagues also measured in situ produced 10Be in quartz boulders exposed on the top surfaces of Late Quaternary sequences (Regard et al. 2005).
With the initial establishment of Center for Paleolithic Research (later Paleolithic Department) in 2000 and officially starting this center, all lithics were taken out from warehouses of museum and organized at this center. Meanwhile, Thibault’s collection was obtained and transferred to the Paleolithic Department and the was briefly studied by Biglari and Shidrang (2006). Initially, the assemblages which consists of 430 lithics, were divided into 6 general categories based on the locations in the tags which include: Minab-Roudan Road, Minab, Sadich, Hassan Langi, and two untitled locations. These locations contain 22 sampling points based on the combination code of the tags. Due to the presence of geofacts in the initial observation, the geofacts and lithic artifacts were separated, which resulted in the identification of 160 lithics (37.2%) and 270 geofacts (62.8%).

Conclusion
Paleolithic research in Southern Iranian coasts, began in 1974-77 following the geological studies of east Hormozgan. During the geological survey of French-Iranian joint mission by Thibault and Kadjar in 1977, a significant lithic assemblage was collected. The typo-technological characteristics of Lower Paleolithic core-flake in these assemblages shares some similarities with Baluchistan region and Arabian Peninsula. In addition, possible artifacts attributed to Acheulian culture are comparable to the Arabian Peninsula; however, such evidence has not been reported in more northern regions such as Kerman, Fars, and Southern Zagros. On the other hand, the use of Levallois method along with some scrapers in the Middle Paleolithic period is comparable to the examples of Arabian Peninsula, Southern Zagros, Fars, and Kerman. However, these assemblages do not provide sufficient information to identify the Upper Paleolithic/Epipaleolithic culture on the southern coasts of Iran and its comparison with the neighboring regions.
The surface of the Persian Gulf has been affected by changes in the mean sea level and these changes caused the Gulf to pull back to follow the Strait of Hormuz during the Middle and Upper Pleistocene and in several phases dried completely (Rose & Petraglia, 2009; Rose, 2010; Armitage et al., 2011). According to the recent finds, it is possible that Pleistocene human groups entered the northern shores of the Persian Gulf after passing the Arabian Peninsula and crossing the dry Strait of Hormuz. However, the route of distribution from Southern Zagros to the northern shores of the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman is also worth considering and must be tested. To gain more concise details regarding the Pleistocene human distribution in this region, intensive and systematic survey, excavation of in situ deposits, absolute datings and more accurate knowledge of the typo-technological characteristics are needed, that should be expected in the near future.
 

Abstract
Cultural Iran according to historical evidences, archaeological remains and cultural features such as language, ceremonies and customs, it covers a wide range from Central Asia to parts of the Indian subcontinent to the Caucasus and Asia Minor and throughout the Middle East and parts of the north of Africa. Throughout the history of the governments that ruled the Iranian plateau, at certain points in time have dominated a large part of the ancient world that, while political domination, have left their cultural influence directly and indirectly in various aspects in these realms and areas. These effects on the mentioned areas are so deep that they can be considered as part of the cultural Iran. Material evidence of this influence and cultural influences can be found in the material remains left in the form of cities, as well as the character of buildings, ancient hills and historical sites and  their dependent effects related to them, including the formation and patterns of pottery, architectural decorations, as well as cultural influences such as language, clothing, customs, and mythology. In this regard, trade and exchange in the form of transfer of artificial products from Iran to other lands also has a particular importance. In this regard, some pieces of tile decorations in Qalhat site were obtained during the archeological survey of the Iranian mission, which are clear examples in this field. The ancient port of Qalhat in Oman is one of the lands that owes part of its history to the presence of the Iranian element there; According to evidences, the presence began at the beginning of the historical period of Iran, ie the Achaemenid period, and has continued for centuries. In this article, we are going to introduction this ancient port to answer the question that tile decorations obtained from the archeological survey of the Iranian mission how confirm the trade and cultural exchange between Iran and this port ? Another question is: from which center or tile production center in Iran have been these tiles traded? This research is descriptive historical type and seeks to answer the research question with an archaeological approach based on evidences and remains from survery and library studies, including refering to historical texts and other sources.
Keywords: Qalhat Island, Bibimarim, Zarinfam Tile, Iranian Archaeological Board, Kashan.

Introduction
The ancient port of Qalhat is located 15 km north of the port and industrial city of Sur in the eastern province of Oman. Qalhat is one of the most important ports in Islamic lands along with other ports such as Sohar and Nazwa in Oman and Siraf in Iran, which has been of special importance throughout its history due to their location. This port is located in a triangle area where the natural and geographical features including mountains and sea have formed. The city covers an area of around 60 hectares from the west to the heights of Jabal Al-Hijr, from the north to the alluvial valley of Wadi Al-Helm, and from the east to the sea, and from the south to the city fence wall. Cultural exchanges of 
The results of the study program showed that the first period of settlement in this place reaches the third millennium BC (Bronze Age of Oman). Also, historical information confirms the continuation of the activity of the inhabitants of this place in the Iron Age, and periods of Parthian, Sassanid, early Islamic, Islamic Middle Ages - Seljuk period - until the sunset of the peaks in the seventeenth century AD. Accordingly, we are witnessing a period of about four thousand five hundred years of residence and prosperity in this port city.

Description
At the end of its life, this port was occupied by the Portuguese during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid. The Portuguese at this time in order to expand their colonies and dominate on the Persian Gulf, the Sea of Oman, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean and control the lucrative trade of these parts and compete with the Dutchs and the Britishs who at this time realized these lucrative areas, Sent warships and units of their navy to these areas and occupied important areas including several islands and ports, which can be mentione areas such as Gambron port - Bandar Abbas - Hormoz and Qishm islands in Iran and ports of Qalhat, Ras al-Hadd, Sohar, Nazwa and Qoryat in Oman. In 1639, following the revolt of the inhabitants of the people of Qalhat against the occupiers and the recapture of the city, the defeated Portuguese retreated using explosives placed in the city on one side and with the cannons of their ships on the other targeted the city with severe attacks and completely destroyed it , so that except for the tomb of Bibi Maryam and the water reservoir of the city that was adjacent to it, all urban structures were destroyed. Some have attributed the non-destruction of the tomb to the Portuguese respect for Maryam’s name. In any case, this destruction was so widespread that it led to the destruction and abandonment of the people, and thus this important port disappeared for ever.
Following the conclusion of an agreement between the Cultural Heritage Research Organization of Iran and the Ministry of Archeology and Culture of the Oman, Two research programs were conducted in the Qalhat area under the supervision of the author. During the first season in the winter of 2007, this area was archaeologically surveyed and all its architectural remains were mapped and documented. In this regard, the important places of the port, including the areas around Bibi Maryam’s tomb and Qalhat Mosque, were surveyed with more focus.  In the second season, in the winter of 2008, based on the knowledge obtained from the archaeological survey conducted in the previous season, a place was selected for excavation, which resulted a building with the use of a khan or travelers’ residence.

Conclusion
One of the sites surveyed by the Iranian archaeologists is the remains of the ruined Mosque of Qalhat, which is located in the southeastern part of the city and overlooks the sea. This mosque has a square plan and was constructed with materials including rubble and light coral stones, like other buildings in the city, and from the surface artifacts, it can be seen that it was decorated with a lot of decorative elements related to architecture. The tiles used in this building are of the star and cross type in turquoise and green colors.
The most important building in this city is the tomb of Bibi Maryam, which has a quadrangular building with a crypt tomb; A building that, as mentioned, has survived the pervasive destruction of the city by the Portuguese. Bibi Maryam, the wife of “Ayaz”, the ruler of the Ilkhanid period, was in Hormoz, who sat on the throne for 2 years after the death of her husband around 696 and 697 AH.  According to the available evidence, parts of the inside and outside of the tomb were covered with tiles. Except for a few pieces, none of the tile decorations are left on this building, at now, but existed evidences on walls indicate that many parts of the building are covered with different types of tiles.  The study indicated that, pieces of several types of tiles were used as ornament for the tomb. In this article, we have introduce the tiles obtained from the study and discussed how to transfer these cultural materials in the form of trade and compare and them with similar examples in Iran. 

Abstract
Sasanian Silver Bowl at the National Museum of Iran, known as the “dancer-musicians scene”, has been one of the museum’s most archaeological works for the past sixty years. According to Ali Sami, this bowl was purchased in 1334 (1955); it is attributed to the north of Iran (Kelardasht of Mazandaran). The palm-shaped head of this bowl shows four dancer-musician-singers with four different well-known musical instruments as well as a figure of a pheasant in the center. In all previous scholarly works, as well as in the many exhibitions in which this bowl has been displayed, this work has been referred to as the motif of the “female dancers-musicians”. However, doubtful interpretations of musical instruments of the motif can be found in the same scholarly works. Obviously Iranian scholars to the internally held exhibitions have followed previously mentioned works. The author will first challenge the “femininity” of these four dancer-musician-singers and will testify the view that three of them are only masculine. Secondly, I will present a new proposal to the readers with a different interpretation of these Iranian music instruments. Also, the author considers this bowl to probably be a heritage from the Persian Gulf (southern, not northern Iran). Furthermore, I will also focus on the identity of these dancer-musicians in such a musical group scene as “Indian gypsies” or at least inspired by such a musical style. The author will also refer to two other lesser-known similar bowls of the Museum. Meanwhile, the author will present a new perspective on the date of this silver object which is based on its motif details and two more Silver Works at the National Museum of Iran. In this comparative study, I will draw a line between the three motifs (of the bowls, especially two of them) based on the two seasons of “winter and spring (or summer)”!
Keywords: Sasanian Silver Bowl, National Museum of Iran, Musician-dancers Scene, Kelardasht, India Gypsy, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Much has been said and written about the Persian Gulf. Since more than 500 years ago until now, about cultural landscapes, art, music, clothing, food styles to different harbors and etc. through foreign travelogues and Iranian documents can be attributed to colorful valuable data on the Persian Gulf. Archaeology has also testified a large tangible data about Iranian identity over the Persian Gulf. Pre-historic objects to the valuable inscription of Darius the Great obtained from the Suez Canal to other archeological finds from Bushehr, Siraf, Kharg, Qeshm, Hormoz, etc., are proof of this claim. Zoroastrianism legacy in Saudi Arabia and especially Yemen to recent Sasanian coins from the United Arab Emirates, Sasanian fortresses in Oman (cf. Potts, 2012: online)... can be proof of our historical ownership of the Persian Gulf.
Nevertheless, the article stresses on a review of a Sasanian magnificent artistic relic in the National Museum of Iran. This masterpiece frequently has been referred for at least the lasxty years. This significant object has been displayed in most of exhibitions from the inside to the abroad. This Sasanian heritage has been published in most of the catalogs of the National Museum of Iran and international exhibitions. This very beautiful Sasanian work, “silver bowl” known as the “scene of dancer-musicians” with registry number 1332, weight 575.7, diameter 22.55 cm, and height 7 cm, obtained from Kelardasht (?), Mazandaran.

ConclusionUndoubtedly, the Sasanian silver bowl at the National Museum of Iran can be studied from a new perspective. This view can challenge all previous scholarly works from two different aspects.
First, the musical instruments portrayed on this work can testify to its interrelationship with the shores of the Persian Gulf. For example, Castanet or Sinj is a typical instrument. There is a golden shipwreck’s photo (with eight musicians-singers), has some similarities with the silver bowls of the National Museum of Iran, on the website of Asian Civilizations Museum in Singapore.6 According to the website, the work has been discovered from a Persian Gulf bound ship drowned near Indonesia. However, the author has doubts about authenticity of this report! 
Although there are few written archaic texts but these instruments have been valid from generation to generation in Iran as endorsed by sources in Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, oral history as well as archeological documents until they have reached our time. 
Most Post-Sasanian sources have preserved valuable information about Arghanun, sorena, lute (barbat) and even chime.7 Although Zoroastrian texts do not help on such a topic but the story of Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak (Oryan, 2004: 58) mentioned some of the best musicians: “harp-players, lute-players, wan players,8 tambour players, and reed players.” 
Chime (cf. Ibn Sina)9 is one of the oldest musical instruments in southern Iran. The Haft-Joush (seven parts) chime was also one of the most common of these musical instruments; the Indian type of which (made of bronze) had a special reputation in Bushehr (Darvishi, 2004: 540,32). Type of the short handled and tied to the fingers have been (and still are) the most common chimes in southern Iran (for the same instrument, see: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 191).
Another important fact is that the production and control of the melody with these four instruments were very difficult for females (women); three of them (bowl) still considered male instruments. In Taq Bostan too, sorena and a kind of arghanun (or bagpipe, maybe nay-e anban) are played by men where females are depicted as tambourine and harp players (farmer, 1964: 96). Both of these latter instruments have always been depicted and described in this way (female).
So, the gender of the musicians will be the second key point of this object. It is as if the previous works did not pay attention to the connection between the “type of instrument and the type of gender” which, according to the tradition, they were at least skilled players. 
The story of “ Khusraw ī kawādān ud rēdak “ (Oryan, 2004: 96) describes “a sweet-singing-dancer and a beauty with big breasts, wasp waist, black and long hair ...”. Here are two questions:
1. Whether the female musician-dancer figures on the Sasanian silver legacy, with big breasts, slim waist and charming disheveled hair (National Museum of Iran, cf. fig. 6) cannot be a seal of endorsing the above-mentioned Pahlavi text? If that is the case, which I believe it is:
2. Isn’t this (description) contrary to the motif of the musicians of the silver bowl at the National Museum?
This issue of course according to the type of make-up and body shape confirms that three of them are males. Therefore, in the dance-music scene of other objects, the shawl on the breast (or part of it such as Bishapur mosaic), from behind (such as the silver decanter at the National Museum) or above the head like a sunshade (fig. 9) can be seen. Here, the shawl is skillfully placed on privy parts (low body) by the craftsman in order to have observed Iranian ethics (of course with partial rotation of the body). If in other objects, the shawl plays a role in covering the breasts of women, here it covers probably their low bodies.  This is not very compatible with Roman art!
In the Sasanian silver decanter at the National Museum, despite a kind of decorated forehead, the hair of the musician is hung from both sides towards the shoulders but here typical long-braided hair can remind us of Indian style which impacted the Persian Gulf coasts. However, no trace of the hair of the above mentioned musicians can be seen here, and they wear a head-gear (with two different logos on the forehead in pairs) that is fastened with a bandage under the throat (it is unlikely to be a hair strand). On this bowl, the whole body (with details) is portrayed in front and the head is turned to another side (profile), something that does not occur much with other works. The highly balanced and professional limbs of these dancer-musician-singers indicate their affiliation with a professional group. The beautiful and balanced body as well as the “hairless face” of these three male musicians plus one female, is thought to be one of the reasons for calling these four dancers females.
Furthermore, a theme rarely seen in Sasanian art is a “harmonious music group”  (male and female) scene. Even in the royal hunting scene of Taq Bostan, less resemblance (coordinated group) can be found to this bowl.  The musicians of Taq Bostan cannot be called a scene of a group performance.
Another similar silver bowl (fig. 10) with the same motif (four dancer-musicians from Kelardasht) at the National Museum of Iran published by S. Ayazi (2005: 92-93) already. These two bowls differentiate each other by some significant details which have never been studied. In the second bowl, the relatively “thick cover” of the musicians along with the figures of the “birds” is very significant. It seems, to me, that the first one reflects summer or spring season but the second one clearly recalls the winter season. Figures of different birds (which can be discovered in the spring season) is a part of the claim (the second one). There is also a third bowl with the same scene, in the National Museum, which I will write about in more detail in the future.
The author believes that the motifs of these three bowls are merely radiant of a “simple secular feast” (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 55; also: Gunter and Jett, 1992: 200). Obviously, the Sasanian heritages can never have been recorded without religious traces, which subconsciously ruled the artist’s mind. Hence, the meaningful name of the owner of the first bowl  (Farrokh-hormozd not windad-hormozd) to the design of the black “ten” leaves of the palm branch, the pearl ring around the pheasant in the middle of the object, the number of pearls of the pearl ring, two ribbons and also the three branches in the beak (Glory, triple social casts  or the doctrine of the Zoroastrianism) are part of this claim.
 Although the existence of motif of birds and animals in Sasanian art (rock, art, bullae, etc...) is a normal subject, but the figure of a pheasant (center of the bowl) can remind us of the “Khorasan Art School” that goes as far as China (Akbarzadeh, 2020: 267). 
The author believes that there is no connection between this scene and the one from Roman legacy of Dionysian or the goddess Anahita (Catalog of Wien, 2003: 233; Gunter and Jett, 1992: 27), as mentioned in all previous works. The following reasons can support me to challenge the previous works: “the typical oriental type of dance of these dancer-musicians, which is evident from their body shape, the pheasant figure most unrelated to the Zoroastrian goddess, the partial nudity dancers, which is not compatible with the officially known Sasanian art (but they are covered on the second bowl), their instruments, the absence of any bold religious symbols etc... supposedly for their body shape (type of dance), type of head-bands, shawl pattern, typical southern chime (with base, like pliers), dancer-musicians in group scene ...” Also, the author points the finger at India, not the Roman heritage for such a coordinated group performance that Sasanian art lacked (cf. Boyce and Farmer, 1990: 60). 
The Indians have always been known as female-males dancer-musicians in group form (unlike individual Sasanian dancer-singers). Also, the figure of the peacock (bowls 2-3) can support this claim. Moreover, the presence of Indian musicians-dancers in the Sasanian period is a well-known issue. It is obvious that Bahram V (Gur), after treating the mental condition of the Iranian society, ordered many musicians from India to come to Iran and play in public. These musicians are known as “gypsies” in the history of Iran.10 In fact, the author evaluates this group of naked (and partly-covered) dancer-musicians (with a completely different body shape) on these Sasanian bowls as Indian gypsies. Their half-nakedness cannot be an Iranian tradition in dance. In a work, about such instruments, attributed to Ibn Khordadbeh (Mallah, 1963: 28; Sami, 1970: 49) narrates that: “Iranians usually played the lute with the flute and the tambourine and the sorna with the dohol (drum) and mastaj (chime) and the senj.” 
The author also believes that due to the to the accuracy in construction and high technic of these valuable bowls and the processing of artistic symbols, especially such a dancer-musicians in group scene, its attribution to the eighth century AD., Post-Sasanian period (given the socio-political situation of Iran), is questionable. If this bowl(s) was made in the geographical boundary of Sasanian Fars province (including parts from Khuzestan to Fars and the whole of present-day Bushehr province) (which is strongly believed to be the case), the eighth century AD. was the most difficult period of this part of the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, the artistic details of these objects are never less, if not more beautiful than the objects of the sixth century AD. (cf. Lawergren, 2009: online). The skill in the inscribed needle-shaped of the owner’s religious name, the exact size of the body of the musicians, the branches of the grape, colored lace and other details indicate that the creation of this work can be even brighter than the eighth century AD. 
Despite this, a fundamental problem will remain and that is the type of cover of the dancers on these three bowls. This coverage can mean a “seasonal difference”, that is likely to be the case. Based on this one, we should focus on the eighth century AD. The author suggests that the second bowl (covered dancers) can be a reminder of Mihragan Festival at the beginning of winter and the first one (naked) can be reminiscent of Nowruz Festival (or a summer fest). This six-month gap (between two seasons) is the least reason why the two group of the two objects can be considered the same. If we cannot opine about the time of Mihragan Festival, but the time of Nowruz Fest was not fixed at the beginning of spring in the Sasanian calendar. This event is related to the early Islamic periods and this one does not contradict the eighth century. In short, that discovery of this bowl (for whatever reason) from northern Iran will never be an excuse to consider its origin as northern, and of course this is not surprising in archeology.

Abstract
The native and traditional architecture of each region has been derived from the climate and geography of that region, and mosques as the most important permanent building of Islam in different cities and climates have developed and survived over time by maintaining their unique characteristics in accordance with the climate of each region. The survival of the structure of the historical mosques of Hamedan has also been influenced by the climatic indicators of the region and the climate has guaranteed the structure of the mosques for many years and has provided the possibility of peaceful coexistence of architecture with the environment and its integration. On this basis, this question can be asked that to what extent did climatic characteristics influence the process of forming mosques? In other words, to what extent have climatic factors been effective in creating similar shapes and forms in the building of Hamedan mosques? Its purpose is to recognize Hamedan’s climatic indicators in the structure of mosques by relying on study sources and field surveys to provide a basis for answering the mentioned questions .Considering that the quality of the structural model and the materials used in the mosques of Hamadan city have many similarities with each other due to the high foothill climate of the region ,and the design matching the climate in most of the mosques of this region is similar to other cities of the high foothill climate and mountainous has been observed, as a result, by studying and comparing architecture and climate, the degree of adherence to climate in the architecture of these valuable structures can be obtained. In order to understand the architecture of the historical mosques of Hamadan city, all the documentary, library and field data have been reviewed in a comprehensive way to reveal the effects of climate on the architectural structure of the mosques.
Keywords: Mountainous Region, Hamedan, Architecture, Mosques.

Introduction
In most of the historical and geographical sources of the Islamic era, the life and position of the city and its landmark works such as mosques, especially the Grand Mosque, have been talked about, and it has always had many study attractions for archeology, history and art researchers. In terms of urban identity, Jame Mosque of Hamadan has an old structure from the early Islamic era. However, the majority of neighborhood mosques were built in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period, and a number of mosques, which are related to the Islamic Middle Ages, were revived during this era and the Qajar era. The plan of these mosques is square-rectangular and they follow the pillared nave pattern, without minarets and garlands. The majority of these mosques are built along the bazaar or on the side of the main roads of the city and play an important role in the formation of the design systems and public image of the city. Despite such a key position in the context of the city, investigation and research on the structure of mosques has often been scattered and focused only on the expression of architectural features. Therefore, the role of some influential factors such as climatic indicators in the structure of mosques, which are adapted to the climate of each region as much as possible, has been less noticed. Based on the main objectives of the article, the author aims to examine the architectural structure of the mosques of Hamedan city based on the climate of the region in the time frame of the Islamic era .Based on the mentioned approach, the review of historical and contemporary written sources, archeological data, excavation documents, and field surveys can provide researchers with a comprehensive and complete analysis of the exact location of mosques in the urban context and their architectural analysis based on the region’s climate.

Introduction
The mosques of Hamedan city, as one of the prestigious cities of many centuries of Islam, are very important in the civilization of the Islamic era from various aspects of study and research. In most of the historical and geographical sources of the Islamic era, the life and position of the city and its landmark works such as mosques, especially the Grand Mosque, have been talked about, and it has always had many study attractions for archeology, history and art researchers. In terms of urban identity, Jame Mosque of Hamadan has an old structure from the early Islamic era, which has been repaired and restored in different periods and additions have been added to it. Investigations and evidence show that the majority of neighborhood mosques were built in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period, and a number of mosques, which are related to the Islamic Middle Ages, were revived during this period and the Qajar era. There is a mosque in each neighborhood of Hamadan city, among these mosques, we can mention Nazarbeg, Shalbafan, Chaman-Chopanha, Prophet, Imamzadeh Yahya, Gazran, Mirzataqi, Kalpa, Kebabian, Haji, Haj Kalbali and Alavian mosques. The plan of these mosques is square-rectangular and they follow the columned nave pattern, without minarets and garlands. Considering the importance of a significant number of mosques that are scattered in the city of Hamadan, each one is located on the path of one of the main neighborhoods of the city in the old context. The majority of these mosques are built along the bazaar or on the side of the main roads of the city and play an important role in the formation of the design systems and public image of the city. Despite such a key position in the context of the city, the investigation and research about the structure of mosques has often been scattered and focused only on the expression of architectural features. Therefore, the role of some influential factors such as climatic indicators in the structure of mosques, which are adapted to the climate of each region as much as possible, has been less noticed. Based on the main objectives of the article, the author aims to examine the architectural structure of the mosques of Hamedan city based on the climate of the region in the time frame of the Islamic era. Undoubtedly, this method of investigation and analysis can solve the study gaps regarding the architectural structures of mosques and climatic effects in them to a great extent. Based on the mentioned approach, the review of historical and contemporary written sources, archeological data, excavation documents, and field investigations can provide a comprehensive and complete analysis of the exact location of mosques in the urban context and the architectural analysis of mosques in Hamadan city. To provide researchers with the climate of the region.

Discussion
Although the historical mosques of Hamedan follow the general principles of mosque building, they have used methods to adapt to the cold climate of the region. The presence of courtyards in Hamedan mosques is often shown in three ways. Due to the unevenness of the city fabric in all areas, in sloping lands, part of the body of mosques is sunk into the ground. In addition to the external structure of mosques, often the internal parts are also designed under the influence of climatic conditions. Often, the roof of the mosques in this area is not dome or flat due to weather conditions and the amount of snow and rain. Comprehensive mosques are excluded from the general rule due to their centrality in the urban context of each region and often have a dome cover. Except for comprehensive mosques, keeping the balance in the ambient temperature as one of the design priorities has led the majority of mosques in this region to have flat or smooth roofs.
In some mosques of this region, there is only one nave with the characteristics of winter naves, and in other mosques, due to the more appropriate use of the nave space in different seasons, dual spaces have been considered for winter naves and summer naves. The axis of placement of the winter and summer Shabestan in the design of the mosque depends on the climatic pattern of the region. The number and dimensions of the openings in the mosque building imply maintaining the internal temperature, for this reason, in most mosques, the number and size of the openings and skylights of the external walls of the mosque are reduced to the minimum possible to control the heat exchange. The cold weather in the cold seasons of the year in the mountainous climate requires materials such as stone, brick and clay in the structure of buildings, especially mosques.

Conclusion
In the four regions of Iran, the body of mosques has been adapted as much as possible to the climate of each region so that in addition to meeting religious or political needs, human comfort needs are also provided in the space inside the mosque. Climatic factors are visible as influential factors in the structure of mosques in Hamadan city. The quality of the structural model and the materials used in Hamadan mosques have many similarities with each other due to the climate of Hamadan. In the review of 16 prominent mosques in the urban context of Hamadan, it can be clearly stated that the overall structure of the mosques does not have significant differences from each other. The plan of most mosques is often compact and square or rectangular. Most of the mosques, except Jame Mosque, Haj Kalbali Mosque and Sheverin Mosque, have a central tabernacle, and the materials used in all mosques are generally the same. Heavy materials such as brick and stone are prioritized due to their high thermal mass. All mosques have flat roofs, which causes snow to accumulate on the roof, and the only dome-shaped mosque in the city is Jame Mosque as the main mosque. The height of most of the mosques in this area is relatively short, except for the Grand Mosque. The dimensions of the openings and windows in the mosques of this area are few. The importance of the courtyard in other regions is not seen in such mosques. The layout of mosques is mostly integrated with the surrounding context such as alleys, streets, residential houses and markets, and the mosques are connected to the adjacent buildings, which is effective in maintaining the heat inside the mosques as well as the adjacent buildings.

Abstract
One of the most important and controversial prehistoric cultural periods is Proto Elamite period, which can be considered as a revolution in the development, growth and development of communication and interaction of the people of that period, in the period of 3300 to 3000 B.C Many changes took place in this golden age, which itself is due to the existence of political and social complexities. During this period, livestock unions were formed, which had an Proto Elamite  writting on the inscriptions of this period. The union’s livelihood was based on animal husbandry. The economies of monogamous and farming communities are fully integrated with the livestock nomadic economy, and farmers are therefore the direct economic dependents of nomadic unions. Of course, it goes without saying that nomadic ranchers also need farmers, but this was not always the case. Farmers provided some of the farmers’ grains, but the farmers continued to cultivate. They usually had rainfed agriculture. But in general, the most important livestock economy is herding, and farmers needed to migrate to find forage, and on the other hand, the very hot weather in the area of Susa was not tolerable for livestock, and farmers had to migrate to colder areas. The inscriptions are very important in this cultural period. Inscriptions changed from counting mode to scrolls for managing office and animal documents that were thought-provoking. One of the most significant areas of the fourth millennium BC is the area of Susa, which in this period has a lot of livestock inscriptions. In this article, the authors try to analyze the type and number of livestock inscriptions, the existence of a nomadic union, and subsequently the bipolarity of the Susa community in the early Elamite period.
Keywords: Fourth Millennium BC, Proto Elamite, Susa, Animal Husbandry, Inscription.

Introduction
Proto Elamaite refers to a period in history that chronologically shows 14 carbon samples obtained from millions of times between 3300 and 3000 BC.( Dahl et al, 2013: 358). But the end of this cultural period is not very clear yet (Pats, 1396: 99). Today, there are various sites from this period in Iran, some of which have been excavated, but according to the excavated sites, it covers a large part of the Iranian plateau, and so far 8 of its sites have been identified with an integrated writing standard.some of them like 1. Susa (Vallat, 1971) 2. Sialk (Ghrishman, 1938: XXXI) 3. Tal Geser (Alizadeh, 2014). Proto Elamite writing has an integrated structure in terms of form, writing and in terms of illustrating the ideas of the drawings. For example, in the field of animal texts, all of them have used a series of common or close signs, and in most cases, all of them have shown the difference between male and female goats, male and female sheep, and lambs with a single sign .Also, the same collection counting system is used.
Objective: To study the duality of the population of Susa (monogamous and nomadic) in the fourth millennium BC is based on the inscriptions of Proto Elamaite period, based on which it can be seen that Susa in Proto Elamate period is a bipolar society. Indigenous and probably in the same language, the Mesopotamian family is in the south of the Acropolis hill of Susa and a farming and pastoral community in the north of the Acropolis hill. Each nation provided the economic market for the other.
Research Questions: Has a union of animal husbandry communities been formed in Iran during Proto Elamaite period? Was Susa a community, farmer and cattle breeder in the Proto Elamite period?? What cultural connections have there been between livestock and monogamous communities?
Hypothesis: Considering the similarity of the structure and texts of Proto Elamite in the Iranian plateau, it can be seen that there was a connection between these areas and since the most consistency in the signs as well as the areas found in the herd. Early Elamite writings are related to animal texts, it can be seen that the livestock community may have played a role in this collection. These livestock communities in southwestern Iran were in close contact with Susa to meet their material needs, and probably half of Susa communities were forced to migrate to the highlands due to the large number of livestock in the warmer months of the year.
Research Method: In this research, the aim is to reconstruct the herdsman community living in the Susa area in the second half of the 4th millennium BC, which according to the statistical analysis of the number of livestock tablets compared to other Proto Elamite texts, shows that the most Note that these tablets have livestock provisions. In fact, it is possible to understand the type of livelihood of the Sush community in the Proto Elamite period from reading the tables, which is that the people of Sush were cattle breeders in the north of the hill and farmers in the south of the hill. The tablets obtained, which are mentioned in the research proposal, how to discover and decipher them, are very effective in achieving the goal of this research.

Proto Elamite inscriptions obtained from Susa
Proto Elamite inscriptions were first found in the excavations of Susa in 1900. (De Morgan, 1900: 130) Inscriptions are flattened clay fragments made by hand. They have formed. And are cooked at low heat or not cooked at all. In their study, the authors divided the Elamite inscriptions from Susa into two categories. One is the texts obtained from MDP.17, most of which were found from the north of Susa hill, and the other is the rest of the Susa inscriptions, which are generally obtained from the south of Susa hill. Demorgan’s large trench in MDP.6 had less than 10 percent of the animal texts But MDP.17 has the highest percentage of livestock statistics

Animal Texts of Susa
The content of all Elamite texts is administrative and related to the production, storage and distribution of the product (Dahl, 2015). In Proto Elamite texts, various signs are used for animals and livestock, but among them, only the sign of sheep and goat can be recognized with complete certainty due to the similarity with the example of the beginning of cuneiform can be distinguished from other animal signs. All livestock and domestic animal signs used in the herd are shown with abstract signs. Also, one of the most important factors related to livestock communities is the use of signs of livestock products.

Conclusion
Today, in the southwest of Iran, there are nomadic communities that have land in summer and winter, and apart from animal husbandry, whose main occupation is seasonal and rainfed agriculture, which does not meet the consumption of the whole year. And trade in livestock products and grains with the surrounding farming communities, and since the life of nomads depends on climate and environment, and since the end of the fourth millennium BC, major changes in water conditions and the weather in southwestern Iran has not happened. It is possible that the life of the nomads in Proto Elamite period was the same as now. By examining Proto Elamite tablets of Susa, it can be found that a significant part of them (nearly one third of the texts) are concepts related to wages, payment and in the field of livestock activity or collection and audit of livestock, and Attention is also regular with agricultural activity or payment of wages. By classifying the tablets and also according to the statistical concepts and percentages, it is determined that more than 32% of Proto Elamite texts obtained from Trench I of Domkenam in the north of the Acropolis hill are directly related to the counting and trading of livestock and may be part of the payment inscriptions whose goods Not specified, also related to livestock. According to Domkanem’s explanation, part of the inscriptions of the Great Trench of Damurgan is probably related to the texts of grain, storage and payment of labor wages, and at the time of publication, it was merged with a part of the tablets of the Great Trench in other Sush collections such as the book MDP.17 It has been reported that if they are separated, the number of livestock in the north of Shush Hill will probably reach a much higher number than %32. which in general can be understood the livelihood and life of the people of Susa in Proto Elamite period.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
Despite the importance, position and high role of the city of Hamadan in the political, economic, social and cultural developments of Iran during the Qajar era, targeted studies that determine the spatial organization and social structure of this city during that period have not been carried out, and there are many questions regarding the nature of the changes in the context. Its history remains unanswered. The current research seeks to answer questions about the transformation and development of the spatial structure of Hamedan city during the Qajar era by relying on written sources, architectural works and archaeological evidence. In order to achieve this goal, while using all the written sources related to this city in the mentioned period, the changes of the urban context and the structural characteristics of its spaces were determined and the factors affecting the growth and development of the city were determined during this period. The result of the research made it clear that due to its ancient background, special geographical location, benefiting from suitable environmental capabilities such as abundant water resources, and also due to its location on the path of important trade-pilgrimage routes in the Qajar period, Hamedan was one of the cities with social and economic importance and status. It has gained merit and accommodates a relatively large population and has attracted the attention of various social groups, especially merchants. Thus, suitable conditions have been created for the construction and discovery of numerous architectural works and monuments with different functions (defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, squares and plazas, markets and caravanserais, mosques, schools, baths, churches, etc.) and the urban space, especially in aspects The south and southeast have developed and expanded significantly.
Keywords: Iranian Cities, Qajar Era Cities, Historical Context of Hamadan, Spatial Structure, Written Sources.

Introduction
Cities are one of the main centers of the emergence of civilization and valuable cultural treasures, without knowing them, it is not possible to study the history of various developments in human life. For this purpose, the study of the cities left from the past plays a significant role in understanding the political, administrative, social, economic and cultural structure of the societies that created them (Krimian, 2014: 121-111) and can provide clear horizons in recognizing the physical, social and cultural structures And reopen the past civilizations to researchers (Krimian and Seyedin, 2009: 69). The study of the ancient living spaces of Iran and the historical contexts of the cities is a necessity that has allocated a part of the scientific activities of archaeologists. Although the historical fabric of Hamedan has suffered a lot of damage due to various reasons, including indiscriminate and irregular constructions, but a number of its historical and valuable buildings have survived the ravages of various times and manipulations. Recovered and recognized to a great extent. Hamadan is one of the few historical and ancient cities in the country that has survived historical developments with strength and has preserved its historical context to some extent. Undoubtedly, Hamedan’s location on the path of communication routes in different eras, as well as its special geographical location and the benefit of environmental capabilities are the main reasons for the continuity of this city throughout history. Fortunately, valuable elements of the architecture of the Qajar era have survived in this city, and by studying them, it is possible to analyze and restore the spatial structure of Hamadan city to a great extent.
The purpose of the Research: The main purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to find out how the physical structure and spatial organization of Hamadan was created, developed and transformed by relying on architectural works, archaeological evidence, written sources and visual documents left from the Qajar period.
Research Questions: In this study, we have attempted to answer questions about space structure, different types of architectural works, scope and physical realm, as well as the extent to which different social groups have been influenced by the space organization and architectural works of Hamadan in the Qajar era.
Research Method: The study presented in this article is historical -analytical in nature and content, and has been conducted in both field and library methods.
The original text of the previous article consists of several different sections. In the discussion of the research background, the most important studies on the historical context of Hamadan have been emphasized with the emphasis on the Qajar era. In the context of the structural characteristics of the Iranian cities in the Qajar era, the main characteristics and components of the identity of Iranian cities in the Qajar period as well as how the structural characteristics of Iranian cities from the Safavid era to Qajar has been discussed. The next section of the article is analyzed and explained by the Qajar Space Organization in the Qajar era based on written sources. Travelogues and historical texts from the Qajar era have formed the most important study sources in this section. In the other section, the urban spaces of Hamadan during the Qajar period are discussed. In this section, relying on written sources and existing architectural evidence, some of the most important physical and historical spaces recovered by the Qajar era of Hamadan, including defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, inter -and -outskirts, squares and squares, commercial spaces and markets And the disposal of sewage, mosques, baths, churches, and so on. It was also known that marketers and traders were more involved in the phenomenon of the city’s architectural works in the Qajar era than other social groups.

Conclusion
In the present article, it was attempted to find out what the space structure of Hamadan had in the Qajar period by relying on the written sources and existing architectural works. With what was done, it turned out that the city was forming from three internal (city center), middle (urban areas and neighborhoods) and exterior (fence and suburbs). Hamadan Space Agency is also influenced by the pattern of Islamic cities of Iran, has a citadel (government, bureaucratic and administrative headquarters), Jame Mosque (Religious Center) and Market (Economic Heart) and other urban elements (schools, blessed shrines, intra city caravans, baths And ...) Somehow they were related to these three. Relying on written documents, it can be said that areas outside the city’s defense walls were exploited for agriculture and horticulture. During the Qajar period of Hamedan, with the center of the mosque and the bazaar in the south and southeast direction, it expanded and some new neighborhoods, along with urban elements such as mosques, baths, etc., are being constructed in this area. Most of the reasons for the expansion of the city’s texture in this area can be considered as the proper slope of the land and the lack of natural effects that could have been a barrier to construction. Due to the flow of the four rivers inside and outside the city during the Qajar period and their annual floods that occur as a result of heavy and long -term rainfall, as well as the slope of the city in the south -north, as a result of the flooding of the northern parts, as well as the natural complication. The so -called Mosalla hill in the eastern part, which prevented the development of the city’s physical structure, was the best way to develop it, southern and southeast side, along the rivers in the inner -city rivers of al -Wawsger and Davin. According to written and illustrated documents as well as existing architectural works and archaeological evidence, it can be said that the city of Hamedan in the Qajar period from the north to the Goulan Heights, Nazarbaig and Shalabafan, from the east to the neighborhoods of Imamzadeh Yahya and Zandis, from the West to the Bonehbazar and Sabadbafan neighborhoods were confined to the Kolapa, Doroudabad and Doguran neighborhoods from the south. Also, the result of studies on the role and influence of different social groups and classes in the formation of Qajar architectural works of Hamadan indicated that the traders and marketers of the marketers top the list of builders and sponsors of various buildings (religious, commercial, residential and public).

Abstract
Qal’eh Dokhtar, as one of the important historical sites on the eastern outskirts of Kerman, has been described in historical texts with different names such as Qal’eh Kooh and Qal’eh Kohan, as a place of political and social events. One of the important features of this castle is its special location in Kerman plain, as well as the extent of its architectural structures and type of materials. The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature, function, and chronology of Qal’eh Dokhtar. This study was done based on the results of an archaeological survey, sounding, and archaeological excavation in 2019 in this site. This study can explain the role and position of Qal’eh Dokhtar in the social and political developments of Kerman during the Islamic era. Data collection was done by documentary and field methods and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The questions are: When were the foundations and renovations of Qal’eh Dokhtar made and what were the functions of this complex? For this purpose, the data of previous archaeological research and recent field activities of the authors were studied and reviewed, and while studying the historical geography of the region, a correct idea of the nature, formation, and function of this building in relation to cultural developments, Political and social of this area in the different period were presented. The study of cultural materials along with the study of historical sources shows that this site is probably almost continuously inhabited from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the tenth century AH. The results show that this structure has played a decisive role in the political and social developments in the region. It seems that Qal’eh Dokhtar was probably constructed and reconstructed from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the Safavid era for establishing a military and defense base, as a place to hold political prisoners, a treasury, a safe haven for sit-ins and the rulers and their families.
Keywords: Qal’eh Dokhtar in Kerman, Qal’eh Kooh, Qal’eh Kohan, Historical Castles, Islamic Architecture.

Introduction
Based on historical evidence, Kerman city was founded due to an economic-military necessity. The necessity that required the important branch of the Khorasan arterial road, that is, the spice route of India and the coasts of the Oman Sea, passes through the deserts of Kerman and Baluchistan and connects to the Khorasan arterial road. The Kerman region was located in the center of the intersection of the mentioned roads (Zarei and Heydari, 2013: 202). Because of this special situation, Kerman was also subject to internal and external attacks since historical times (Bastani Parizi, 2016: 40). Therefore, large castles were built for military and defensive purposes to prevent damage and protect lives and property from enemy attacks. Qal’eh Dokhtar is one of the important castles that was founded in response to such needs. In its ups and downs history, this castle has been one of the most famous and eventful castles, especially during the Islamic era, compared to other historical castles in the southeast. Based on the historical sources, political events in the history of Kerman in different periods are connected with this castle (see: Afzal al-Din Kermani, 2016: 124; Vaziri, 2016: 102; Monshi Kermani, 2018: 62; Sykes, 2016: 80).
Despite this, none of the above studies gives a detailed understanding of the nature, function, and chronology of this monument in connection with the social and political developments of Kerman. Historical sources also show a number of contradictions about the date of construction and function of Qal’eh Dokhtar. Most of these contradictions have been caused by the lack of detailed and comprehensive investigation or the ignorance of historians. Considering that the previous researches related to Qal’eh Dokhtar were only descriptive, the importance of the research is that it studied the nature and use of this castle with an analytical approach.
Materials and Method: In this research, by studying historical texts and architectural structures and cultural data (including the remains of pottery from the archaeological excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar), an attempt was made to create a clear understanding of the history of construction, the process, and stages of renovations, its functions based on the developments. Data collection in this research has been done by field and documentary methods. Based on this, the study and analysis of the findings of the authors’ excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar has been done to explain the construction chronology, the process and stages of renovations, and the functions of the castle. Also, the historical texts related to this work have been analyzed in the “content analysis” method, and by matching the data from these documents with the archaeological findings, new analyzes have been tried to be presented about this work.

Data
Qal’eh Dokhtar is built on a high rock overlooking the landscape of Kerman plain. This high rock is stretched lengthwise from east to west and its length is more than 720 meters. The architecture of Qal’eh Dokhtar follows the topography of this rock. Some of the architectural spaces of Qal’eh Dokhtar were formed on large stone slabs, and in some others, space was provided for construction by carving the mountain rocks, and buildings were formed with mud-brick, crushed stone, Sarooj, plaster, and lime. In the eastern part of the complex, architectural evidence of two and three stories has been left. In the northernmost part of the middle section, the architectural structures of this section were probably the ruling buildings. In the northwest of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there is a wide and half-ruined gate, a small pedestrian gate, and a high and solid tower. In the south of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there are remains of a brick water basin.

Discussion
Analyzing the content of historical sources provides information about the functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar during the Islamic era. For example, the first function of Qal’eh Dokhtar as a “place for opponents of the government” can be mentioned (Monshi Kermani, 1328: 23; Hafez Abro, 1375: 53-52). The second function of Qal’eh Dokhtar was based on the analysis of the content of historical texts, “a place to store government treasures” (Katabi, 1985: 100; Hafez Abro, 1996: 157). The third function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can also be considered as “the residence of rulers and their families” in some periods (Afzal al-Din Kermani, 1977: 124). The last function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can be seen as a shelter for besiegers (Khabisi, 1994: 187). In addition to these, we can also mention the role of Qal’eh Dokhtar in keeping political prisoners, which is hidden in historical sources (Monshi Kermani, 1949: 15; Hafez Abro, 1996: 20). Based on this, Qal’eh Dokhtar has had different functions in different eras and as a part of the spatial organization of Kerman city, it has played a special role in the political and social developments of this city in the Islamic era.

Conclusion
Qal’eh Dokhtar in the east of Kerman city was one of the important castles that was founded in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic period due to the need to deal with the threat of invading tribes on the south and southeast highway of the country, and it became the throne of the rulers of Kerman in different periods. For two reasons, Qal’eh Dokhtar played a role as a military and defense structure along with other castles in Kerman in providing security to the east of Kerman and the highways of the region. The First reason is “its location on top of the natural elevation and dominates the Kerman plain”, and the Second is “the important position of the city of Kerman from a military point of view during the Sassanid era”. However, the analysis of the content of Islamic written sources and the study of archaeological evidence, including pottery and architectural structures, show a basic reconstruction phase in the 4th century AH, a deliberate destruction phase in the late 6th century AH, two phases of reconstruction in the early and at the end of the 7th century A.H. and a stage of reconstruction took place in the second half of the 8th century A.H. in Qal’eh Dokhtar. Along with these developments and renovations, other functions were added to the security and defense functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar. As it has functioned as a place to keep political prisoners, in other times as a place to keep government treasures, sometimes as a safe haven for the opposition and in other periods as a residence of rulers and their families.

Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to Dr. Asadullah Jodaki Azizi for his advice.

Abstract
Miankouh Area is contractually known as a district of southern part of the Central Zagros in the southwest of Iran. Despite its small area (680 km2), due to its location between highlands there are two distinct micro ecozones with natural resources and an abundance of plant and animal species and has been suitable for the vertical seasonal movements throughout the year in order to access to various resources in the subsistence from the Pleistocene to the present. Our knowledge of its Mousterian cultures is derived from three-season field surveys between 2009 and 2011 years in both Low Altitude (LAZ) and High Altitude Zones (HAZ) with an average altitude of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l). This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ? Totally, 1454 stone artifacts were collected from the Middle Paleolithic Open-air sites of both zones. Preliminary results show that the MP hunter-gatherers of Miankouh exploited both zones with relatively a homogeneous tool kit influenced by the permanent rivers in LAZ and pool resources available in HAZ within the daily radius of movement at a distance of 5 to 20 km, which had often been turned into flakes and various tools using several techniques. They also used the type of tools that are commonly recognizable in the stone industries of other MP cultures of Zagros.
Keywords: Zagros, Bakhtiari Highlands, Stone Industries, Mousterian.

Introduction
One of the largest bodies of research on montane adaptation comes from the Zagros Mountains of Iran and Iraq. Most of the Palaeolithic archaeological researches of Zagros have focused on, north, south (Azadi, 2017; Dashtizadeh & Hosseini, 2008; Conard et al., 2006; Rosenberg, 1985) as well as the north parts of Central Zagros (see Abdi, 1999; Adams, 1954; Biglari & Abdi, 1999; Coon, 1951; Dibble, 1984; Jaubert et al., 2009; Trinkaus & Biglari, 2006; Young & Smith, 1966; Roustaei et al., 2002; Roustaei et al., 2004). Broadly, it can be declared that there is no comprehensive evidence about conditions of the Palaeolithic sites in the Bakhtiari region in Southern part of the central Zagros.
This paper presents an analysis of a group of MP lithic assemblages collected from a set of open-air localities during field surveys conducted in both Lower Altitude (LAZ) and Higher Altitude Zones (HAZ) of Miankouh District with an area of approximately 680 km2 and an average elevation of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l) in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (ChB) Province, Iran (Khosrowzadeh, 2011, 2010a, 2009).
For the aims, these assemblages provide insights into mobility, landscape-use, and lithic technological decision-making in high-altitude environments by the MP hunter-gatherers in the Zagros Mountains and beyond.
These data presented in the current paper originates from the area of the Miankouh highlands (Bahraminia et al., 2022) from where MP evidence can help further elucidate the issues identified with the Zagros Mousterian as an explanatory framework for MP seasonal mobility and land-use patterns in the Zagros Mountains (Lindly, 1997; Skinner, 1965).
This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ?

Materials and Methods
To record the surface findings, as soon as the first artefact was found, a radius of 200 meters around the point of this find was evaluated in different directions by a group of five people. By focusing on the MP period, 177 MPO locales in the form of points with XY coordinates incorporating 1454 stone artefact were analyzed. In order to assess the techno-typological aspects of the lithic assemblages in the region we used advanced analytical tools (SPSS tool boxes) at the local landscape level. 

Results
From the surface of both ecozones a low density of lithic artefacts ranging from 1 to 36 pieces was identified for the MP each identified here as a specific “locale”. The area under study provided a large number of cultural materials including lithic artefacts from MP UP and EP as well as a considerable amount of potteries from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic as well as the Late Islamic period. For the purpose of this paper, we only examined stone assemblage of the MP period. 
A total of 1454 lithic artefacts (whole and fragmented) were collected during the Miankouh survey, with 874 pieces from 113 MPO locales coming from LAZ, and 580 pieces from 63 MPO locales from HAZ. We identified four main groups including core, tool, unretouched flake, and debris.
In terms of lithic technology, preferential and recurrent Levallois methods are clearly used in the production of flakes. Recurrent methods of unipolar, bipolar, and centripetal were used to knap the flakes. Moreover, the dorsal scar patterns among the cores, tools and unretouched flakes indicate non-Levallois semi-pyramidal and discoidal methods are other debitage techniques in the MP stone industry of Miankouh.
For 970 artefacts which were categorized as tool, scrapers and blades represent highest frequency of tool types in assemblage which were followed by retouched flakes, points, notch/denticulates, borer/burins, and hand axes. In process of tool-making have generally been used the Plain/flat and faceted platforms more than other types. Points of both LAZ and HAZ are the end products in this group because about 82 % of them do not have any cortex on their dorsal face. Also, 50.88 % of total unretouched whole flakes have cortex on the dorsal face. Geneste has already classified such samples in the early stages of the reduction system in the tool production cycle (Geneste, 1985). 

Conclusion
The use of Levallois technique was initially reported not to be present in the Mousterian Zagros assemblages (Skinner, 1965). Its widespread use within Zagros Middle Palaeolithic assemblages was however eventually confirmed by Dibble (1984) (Bahraminia et al., 2022) (and papers in Olszewski and Dibble, 1993). That the utilization of Levallois technique in the region cannot however be expected to be universal has recently been established through excavations at Qaleh Bozi close to the Miankouh field survey area, where a relative absence of Levallois technique was reported (Biglari et al., 2009).
Unfortunately, we do not have reliable metric core data and other lithic artefacts from other MP sites of the Zagros in order to support our results. In order to better understand the effects of elevation on size and weight as well as its effect on the quality and quantity of MP toolkits, we need to measure metric values of lithic assemblages from other sites/locales within the Zagros Mountains at different elevations from a ‘landscape-oriented’ or ‘siteless’ approach.
The overall composition of the Miankouh lithic assemblage from a techno-typological point of view includes relatively short flakes. Retouched pieces on flake are other features of this collection. A glance at all cores from Miankouh reveal that in LAZ usually larger stone cobbles have been used as cores in comparison with HAZ. The mean weight of those from LAZ is 56.66 grams while in HAZ it is 41.98. In the case of core reduction strategies, the high frequency of cortical flakes, unretouched flakes, irregular retouched flakes, and typical tools suggest that the knapping processes were accomplished at some of localities of LAZ. It seems that the production of tools on cortical flakes (for example notch/denticulates) has been a common tool making tradition in the study area. The presence of short flakes in the Miankouh lithic assemblage may reflect the fact that the use of short flakes had been a common tradition at the MP sites in high-altitude environments. It can be raised that some Mousterian debitage strategies for the production of flakes and tools were commonly presented in Miankouh where stone raw material in the form of river pebbles and chert nodules of limestone outcrops were available in this mountainous region.

Abstract
The troglodytic architecture complex in Arzanfoud (Arzanpoul) is located 30 km southeast of Hamadan, 2 km south of Arzanfoud village. The complex accidentally recovered following mining activities at 2010. There have been four seasons of archaeological activities including excavations, documentation, earthworks, and identifications. According archaeological activities, more than 70 troglodytic spaces revealed that dated to historic and Islamic periods relying on pottery findings. There are questions on variations, forms, techniques, and decorations including 1) what dates are pottery types of troglodytic spaces? 2) What are common techniques and decorations of potteries? Considering descriptive-analytic method, findings, collected of fieldworks and bibliographic studies, qualitatively analyzed. Conclusions indicate that pottery findings date to historic period, Parthian and Sassanid, and middle and late Islamic periods (Seljuq, Ilkhanid, Timurid, and Safavid). Among the most important historic potteries are Clinky wares, grooved rims, and hump-like rims; while the most significant Islamic potteries are stamped wares, painting underglaze, lusterwares, Sgraphiato, enamled wares, and blue and white. Regional soils studies, and nearby Mica and Quartz mines indicate that potteries with Mica and Quartz in temper are, probably, local productions, while the others are probably exotic.
Keywords: Hamadan, Arzanfoud (Arzanpoul), Handmade Troglodytic Architecture, pottery, Historical, Islamic.

Introduction
One of the goals of archaeological research is the study of cultural changes, and in this regard, examining and analyzing the material culture of the past is of particular importance. In the term of archaeologists, these remains are called data. In order to achieve the general goal of archeology - the reconstruction of the past life of mankind, these data must be examined in a specific and logical framework and turned into evidence. In general, pottery is one of the most abundant archaeological data, which is of particular importance in any archaeological analysis. Due to its abundant and continuous production, pottery has always adopted various transformations and innovations in its shape and role, some of which have arisen due to the development and internal growth of cultures over time. Another part of these changes emerges due to cultural and economic links with far and near societies. In fact, pottery is considered the best cultural indicator in order to know societies and it is very important for communication between different units of a regional culture on the one hand and trans-regional cultures on the other hand. Now, according to the above-mentioned materials and referring to the importance of pottery in the process of examining and studying the pottery of different periods in various areas, it is necessary to carefully analyze the typology of pottery and the decorations used in the pottery according to the methods of pottery making and analysis to provide a logical answer to the following questions: 1) what dates are pottery types of troglodytic spaces? 2) What are common techniques and decorations of potteries? Considering descriptive-analytic method, findings, collected of fieldworks and bibliographic studies, qualitatively analyzed.

Discussion
The unique types of this architecture can be set handmade troglodytic underground architectural complex at Arzanfoud in Hamadan noted that was discovered by accident in 2010 as a result of mineral exploration activity. This area is located 30 km South East of Hamadan city (provincial capital) and is situated 2 kilometers south of a village with the same name. The area of the Alvand Mountains, located in the heart of pristine nature and intact. As you explore the collection of handmade troglodytic of Iran was faced with numerous questions, The most important questions were raised about whether this complex of Arzanfoud when created, What time period was used in this series as well as a vast range of different spaces for what purpose and the user was created. According to the first season of archaeological research questions in this category sponsored Ali Khaksar was started in 2010 and the second and third chapters of this research will follow in subsequent years 2011 and 2015. This research programs (identification, documentation, clearing and archeological excavations) in this area were conducted. These results identify more than 70 hand-made underground spaces including rooms and halls with variable depth from 3 to 7 meters. Several hypotheses have been raised in line with spaces this set of user talk ritual, habitat, refuge and exile has been the case so far as the draw of any archaeological activity has been approved. Also according to studies cannot accurately determine the time to create this collection, but this complex be used to set time periods during the middle and late Parthian and Islamic centuries been used on. The underground spaces are connected to the surface via stairs-like entries in the schistose bedrock. This set covers all the spaces are arched, it works well in most areas, this collection strikes a sharp object (possibly pick) clearly observed. It also sets the foundation lamp oil lighting spaces that were in the wall spaces. In some places the walls of adjacent platforms (made from stone-ground or wall stile), water channels and sources are visible. It should be noted that the surface area of architecture can be seen as evidence that more archaeological research is needed to provide comments.
The pottery found in the Arzanfoud area can be divided into two groups of historical periods, including the Parthian and Sasanian periods, as well as the Islamic period. Parthian period pottery includes types: Clinky, Pottery jar with one vertical handle and jar with two vertical handle; Sassanid period pottery includes types; the plate with a simple flat edge turned outwards, the bowl with a Pigeon head rim, Bowls with convex and prominent edges and Pottery with grooved edges (three edges). 
potteries of the Islamic period can be divided into two main types, including unglazed (Decorations removed and added on pottery, bottom image, silver colored mica particles on pottery, Pottery with carvings, . potteries with a pattern of birds in a circle, Stamped pottery from Arzanfoud and comparable samples and Pottery with inlaid decoration) and glazed (Pottery with single-color of lapis lazuli glaze, Potteries with a prominent pattern under monocolor glaze, Sgraffiato pottery, Zarinfam pottery, Pottery with animal motifs, underglaze painting type, Pottery with underglaze painting (Ghalam Meshki), Pottery with underglaze painting and Pottery with blue and white glaze).

Conclusion
The pottery found in the Arzanfoud area can be divided into two groups of historical periods, including the Parthian and Sasanian periods, as well as the Islamic period. Parthian period pottery includes types: Clinky, Pottery jar with one vertical handle and jar with two vertical handle; Sassanid period pottery includes types; the plate with a simple flat edge turned outwards, the bowl with a Pigeon head rim, Bowls with convex and prominent edges and Pottery with grooved edges (three edges). 
The pottery of the Islamic period of this site belongs to the middle and late Islamic centuries (Seljuq, Ilkhanid, Timurid and Safavid), among which the pottery of the Ilkhanid period in Arzanfoud is of considerable importance. According to the archaeological research conducted in Arzanfoud, no evidence of a pottery kiln has been found so far, but surface evidence and findings related to pottery production have been observed in the area. On the other hand, silver and gold mica and quartz particles can be seen in much earthenware, which, due to the location of mica and quartz mines in the area and the vicinity of the area, can probably be the production of some earthenware in the area. One of the interesting points of interest in the historical and Islamic pottery of Arzanfod is the great similarity with the pottery types of other historical and Islamic sites of Hamadan province, including: Hegmataneh Tape, Zainoabad Tape of Bahar, Laodiceh of Nahavand and especially the architecture of the Samen underground handmade troglodytic in Malayer, which has the most similarity with Arzanfod’s pottery findings, which shows extensive cultural connections.

Abstract
Coin minting is basically a symbol of the formation and confirmation of a political sovereignty. The Shiite rulers of al-Boyeh were among the local and regional governments of the geographical area of Iran, that  after the establishment of a political government in the year 322 AH and in imitation of the previous governments, according to the usual practice, coins were minted after the formation and stability of the political government. It seems that in the early days of the rule, the Al-Buyeh family used some of the symbols of the Abbasid dynasty and before it in their coins to validate and legitimize their political rule. that with the passage of time and the entry of this Shia political rule into the middle and final period; All the symbols of other local and regional governments have been removed from the front and back of the coins and replaced by symbols that show Shiite vision and thinking, and gradually with the passage of time, these symbols have reached a stage of maturity and complete guidance . It is one of the very important topics that the current research has aimed at, in addition to searching and analysing historical sources and new researches, to explain the reasons, motivations, and existing platforms for this change and transformation in the coins of Al Boyeh. to do and the nature of using these symbols and why not using another symbol as well as their growth and excellence from 322 to 454 Hijri, a period of 123 years with this question; What are the indicators of the minting of the coins of the Shiite Albuyeh rulers in Iran? How to challenge its adaptations, innovations and differences to other coins? Preliminary studies show that the Albuyeh ruling family, like other ruling families of their time, had to first legitimize the newly established system. They use the symbols of Bani-Abbas and before that in their coins and with the passage of time and the establishment of political rule, they tried to include Shia and Iranian symbols on their coins and their rule by minting dinar coins. (gold) and dirhams (silver) to everyone.
Keywords: Coin, Al-Buyeh Coins, Symbols of Shiite Coins, Symbols of Al-Buyeh Coins, Abbasid Coins.

Introduction
Al Boyeh rulers are the first Shiite rulers who were able to make a name for themselves in the history of Iran for 132 years from 322 to 454 AH and devote some pages of historical texts to their history. Investigating the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history requires knowing and knowing the sources that explain the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history (Faqihi, 1378: 16-17- Boseh, 1363: 220-221- Bahmanyar Kermani, Beta: 18- Ibn Athir 1373/11: 4825). Coins are one of the many important sources that can provide valuable information in all political-military-economic-social-cultural-artistic-literary-religious fields. Coins are actually the most truthful narrators of history, who have left valuable information in their hearts, which cannot be found in any of the historical texts or other surviving works of the past ages with complete accuracy and certainty. From the study of numismatic data of a historical period such as gender, metal, weight, carat, lines and motifs and slogans contained in the coins as well as the place of their minting from the intellectual, religious, cultural, political and social approach of each of the dynasties. Historically obtained useful information. From the study of the numismatic works of the Al-Buyeh period from the beginning to the year 322 (A.H.) until the fall of this government in the year 454 (A.H.) it can be seen that the coins of this period underwent many changes and many ups and downs, has gone through. So that these changes can be clearly seen in all political, social, administrative, economic, religious and cultural fields and even in architecture and coins. Research shows that the rulers and founders of the first new Al-Buyeh rule at the beginning of their work to formalize and legitimize their power structure in their efforts to benefit and adapt the civilizational, administrative, political, military and economic stages from others such as the Umayyads. They are the Abbasids, After adapting this index, they maintained it until the middle period of their 132-year rule, and after the changes and developments in the civilized, administrative, political, military, and economic fields, they replaced it with new indices, so this process continued until the fall of the rule. Albuyeh’s politics is quite tangible. In works such as Sarafraz: Avrzamani (2010); Pakzadian: 1380, Rezaee Baghabidi, (1393), Quchani, (1374); Eshraq, (1389), Quchani, (1383), Tridville (2001), George Miles (1938) The ups and downs of Al Boyeh coins developments from 322 AH to 454 AH, the end of the political rule of Al Boyeh Iran in metal, Weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans... can be seen. Al Boyeh Shiite rulers in the very beginning of their work from the symbols of the Umayyad and Abbasid governments such as; The image of the Sassanid king (Khosro II or Yazdgerd III) was inserted on the coin (Ishraq, 1385: 3) The appearance of the name of the caliph or ruler in Pahlavi script - The appearance of inscriptions with Pahlavi script on the coin - The face of the Sassanid kings, half-faced and full-faced, appeared Appearance in the coins (Ishraq, 2015: 2) - the entry of the Islamic slogan into the Kufic script in the margin - the presence of Zoroastrian fire pits on the back of the coins - the presence of two fire guardians on the back of the coins - the appearance of inscriptions on the sides of the coins - Entering the date and place of production in Pahlavi or Kufi script- The appearance of inscriptions on the back of the coins usually used Pahlavi or Kufic script (Miles, 1363: 318-319- Sasanian Arab coins before Bani Umayyad 1-2). From the evidence and historical documents, it appears that the rulers of Buya, like the Umayyads and the Abbasids, minted gold (dinar), silver (dirham), scales or copper coins. It seems like this, when the rulers were in a good political, economic, and military situation, they minted gold or silver coins, and basically, gold and silver coins were minted in the main center of government. Later, with the gradual disappearance of the political, economic, and military influence, as well as the political rule of Al-Buyeh approaching the end of their rule, gold (dinar) and silver (dirham) coins were gradually replaced by gold coins Due to the distance from the centre of government - the reduction of central power - the lack of concentration and supervision over other states - the coins became popular in the political sphere of Al-Buyeh. From the historical and archaeological evidence and documents, it appears that the Shia rulers of Buyeh used to mint coins in many canters, and many titles and titles were used in their coins - from different styles, such as the Iraqi-Jabal-North-Shirazi style They used- Unlike the coins of the contemporary periods (Abbasians, Samanids, Ghaznavids, Seljuqs), they use the inscription script - the names of local emirs appear on the coins - they imitated the Sassanid coins and put the name of the emperor on the coin - from poems Shiites have not used it in the minting of coins - at first the grade and purity of the coins was at a high level (98%) - with the passage of time, the grade and purity of the coins gradually decreased and decreased to 50% - the name of Caliph Abbasi is on the back of the coin It was minted continuously - words such as Muhammad Rasulullah, La ilaha ila Allah, Wahadh Lashrik Leh, etc. are seen in most of the coins. So that these indicators and characteristics can be seen from the coins obtained in fifty mint centers of Al-Buye such as Qoms, Bastam, Damghan, Semnan, Gorgan, Estrabad, Amol, Sari, Frame, Hossam, Isfahan, Helwan, Dinur, Shapurkhashat, Saveh, Sinjabad, Qarmisin, Qazvin, Mah Al Kufa, Mohammadiyeh, Nayin, Hamadan, Armenia, Bardsir, Bam, Jiraft, Sijan, Arjan, Ardashir, Khoh, Janaba, Darabgerd, Shapur, Siraf , Shiraz, Fasa, Kazeroon, Kordfana Khosrow, Ibadan, Ahvaz, Izhaj, Shushtar, Jundishapur, Ramhormoz, Souq Al Ahvaz, Askar Makram, Baghdad (an overview of the distribution of minting centers in the political territory of Al Boyeh (cf. Miles, 1363: 326- Mitchiner, 1977: 121-126).

Conclusion
Al-Buye’s numismatic studies show that the coins of the political rulers of this Shiite family have experienced many ups and downs over time based on their geographical location, distance and proximity to the canters of power, followed by political, economic, cultural and social issues. In order to formalize their political rule, the Shiite rulers of al-Buyeh first followed the plan of their predecessors and after the political, economic and military changes and developments; they separated their administrative structure from the previous rule and announced the coinage of their independence to others. The minting of dinar (gold) and dirham (silver) coins is a sign of this approach, following the emergence of signs of weakness and weakness as well as the reduction of political and economic power; Coins were gradually reduced from gold to silver and with the passage of time to copper coins, and numerous changes in color, shape, inscriptions and distinguishing signs were evident in them. According to the practice of their predecessors, the first rulers of the Boyeh ruling dynasty have taken models from the coins of others, and like other contemporary ruling families, by imitating the Abbasid coins, they gradually removed their symbols and replaced them with Islamic and Shia symbols, and by adapting some of the initial coins of the regime. With the coins of the middle and final period of this dynasty, it can be seen that there are fundamental differences in the coins of this period (Baha al-Dawlah Deilmi coin - cf. http: // malekmuseum.org). This symbol has fundamental differences compared to other coins of the previous era due to the approach of the Al-Boyeh family in assigning it to the family of innocence and purity and on the other hand to Iranian’s. Although the essence of the work of the coins of this period is exactly imitation and adaptation of the Abbasid coins; But in some aspects such as color, shape, inscriptions and recognition marks, it is associated with a new approach that separates it from other coins, which can be seen in the use of many titles and titles; and also the use of styles such as Iraqi, Jabal and North, and Shirazi; It made them more distinct compared to their contemporary coins. The coins of the first period of Al-Buyeh are used with the names of local rulers and the names of Sassanid kings appear on the early coins of the rulers of Buyeh. They had a mind. In addition to this issue, to confirm their political sovereignty, the Buya emirs had to include the name of their contemporary Abbasid caliph in their coins. This symbol is less visible in the early coins of Al-Buyeh and more in the middle and final period of their rule, and later this symbol was added to it along with the symbol of nationalism and Shia rituals, so that the emirs of Al-Buyeh appointed themselves to the Zaidi and Shiite family show. In addition to this issue, except for the initial period, the Shiite ruler . in their coins. Al-Buyeh rulers dominated parts of Iran and Iraq from 322 to 454 (AH) for 132 years and made great efforts to expand their political rule over other cities in the region; But like other governments, after a period of ups and downs and the decline of their political, military, economic-social power, as well as the emergence of new powers and the court of Al-Buye being caught up in internal conflicts and family rivalries - political-economic similarities - caused it to decline in front of other powerful and coherent powers of the region such as the Seljuqs, and with the decrease of their power, the material, metal, weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans, etc., of the final coins of this period changed A lot appeared.

Abstract
Since there are few works of painting from the Seljuk period, and on the other hand, most of them were written without data and place, so there are no common opinion about most of the painting works of this period. On the other hand, because most researchers, do not use the correct scientific method in their research, it adds to the existing problems in this field. One of the painting works of this period, which is the subject of this research and has a writing data, is the Al-Tariaq book attributed to Galen, which has written in 595 AH/1199 AD, written and kept in the National Library of Paris. Due to the fact that the place of its writing is not included in this manuscript, there is a difference of opinion about where the said version was written and illustrated. This version has been attributed by different people to different places such as Iran, Jazireh, Dyarbakr, Mousel and Baghdad. Therefore, the basis of the main problem of the current research is the location of the place of writing and illustration of this manuscript, which is analyzed and criticized by descriptive-analytical and comparative methods based on library studies, and the views of researchers will be examined with comparison, it will be shown that the version of Al-Tariaq cannot be attributed to any other country than Iran. By examining and comparing the illustrations of this book and other Iranian works of arts, especially pottery and metalwork, it can be said that the view of most researchers of the illustrations of Al-Tariaq book is more similar to the way of recording Iranian art than to Iraq, so, it can be said that the origin of this manuscript is Iran and other views are incorrect. 
Keywords: Al-Tariaq, , Iran, Jazireh, Baghdad Method, Mosul.

Introduction
Since there are few works left about book painting and illustration in Seljuk period Iran, and on the other hand, most of them are without date and place of writing, so most of the works of painting of this period are discussed and disputed. Apart from these problems, the failure to apply the correct scientific method and also the involvement of some prejudices, which of course are not worthy of a scientific research, have caused the existing problems in the field of painting in this period to be added, one of the works of this periods, which fortunately has a writing date, is a copy of the Al-Tariaq book attributed to Galen, which was written in 595 AH and is kept in the National library of Paris. Due to the fact that the place of writing is not mentioned in this manuscript, most of the researchers, if it is found in the text in its entirety, argued with very weak reasons and without scientific basis that this version was written in the Jazireh or Mosul and has nothing to do with Iranian art, so the purpose of this the research is a complete review of the writing and illustration of the Al-Tariaq book.
Research question and hypothesis: The main proposition of the research is to locate the place where the manuscript of Al-Tariaq was written and illustrated in Paris, and by examining the artistic style and the role of the materials used in the illustrations of the Al-Tariaq book, the question is raised, which one of the most similar styles and materials of this book are there art school? By assuming the connection and compatibility of the motifs illustrated in the mentioned book with various works of art, including the paintings of Iran’s enameled and gold-colored pottery, as well as the motifs used on the metal works of the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods, it is possible to determine the place of its writing and illustration, attributed to Iran. 
Research Method: The research method in this research is a descriptive-analytical and comparative method based on library studies in criticizing the views of the researchers about the Al-Tariaq manuscript, which is related to the enameled and golden pottery and also the role of the materials used on the metal works of this period in Iran. The research problem has been discussed. 

Inroduction of the Manuscript of Al-Tariaq
The book of Al-Tariaq is a translation from the book of Galen, a Greek physician and pharmacist who lived in the second century AD. This book was translated from Greek to Arabic by Ibn-Ishaq in the 9th century AD. The subject of the book is written about toxicology and antidotes, which the author narrates with legendary stories. There are two illustrated versions of this book. The first version was written in 595 AH and is kept in the National library of Paris. The second version is undated and it is attributed to the middle of the 13th century. This manuscript is kept in the Vienna National Library. In this research, the dated version of the National library of Paris will be examined. This version has 12 images, the first of which begins with an image that is repeated twice. In the middle of the painting, a woman is sitting holding a moon crescent and two people are standing on either side of her. This page is surrounded by a frame made of intertwined dragons. 4-winged people can be seen on the four sides of this frame (Fig 1). After that, nine doctors of the period, including Galen himself, have been settled along with their names and biographies (Fig 2).

Conclusion
Based on the investigations and the comparison made between the pictures of Al-Tariaq book with the paintings of Zarinfam enamel pottery and Iranian metal vessels, it was found that there is a complete similarity in terms of stylistics, the way the pictures are drawn and the composition between the Al-Tariaq book and these works. Therefore, attributing this manuscript to the Jazireh is incorrect. The only reasons mentioned by some researchers are human monographs and other interwined dragons, however, if it is mentioned in full, similar to it has been seen in other regions, the image of two interwined dragons, a completely similar example of which is depicted in Mianrodan, but on the golden bowl from Kashan, so based on what has been described, this manuscript is Iranian and has the characteristics of Iranian art of Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods. The titles of the book are also written in Kufic script, which all researchers agree that it is Iranian. It is appropriate to attribute ir to Iran rather than to the Jazireh. It is necessary to remember that based on the available evidence, it has sometimes been seen that a copy has the artistic characteristics of one region but was illustrated for ruler another land. In such examples, the issue is not out of two situations, or that the copy in question was made outside the territory of the said ruler and was given to him or written on his order. There are many examples of this type. Like Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, which was written in Tus and sent to Sultan Masoud’s court in Qazneh. Or, an artist migrated from one place to another and painted there, in which case he followed the style of his origin and his art shoud be attributed to his origin, to the place where the art is performed. Apart from all of these, the examples of paintings that are attributed to the Mousel or the Jazireh, were mostly influenced by the style of Baghdad, although the influence of Seljuk painting can also be seen in some of them, like the ways of drawing clothes, there are two ways of working in the paintings of this area, one is Baghdad style and the other is a combination of Baghdad style and Iranian painting. This method is mostly seen after the Mongol attack on Iran. In this method, some clothes are made in the style of Baghdad, which are pleated and shaded and others are drawn in the Iranian way. In Iranian paintings, the clothes are mostly simple or geometric and plant designs can be seen on them, however, in some examples the influence of Baghdad style pleated clothes can be seen. The faces are also influenced by Iranian art, but they are drawn a little more formally and seriously. As mentioned earlier, among the examples of mixed works illustrated in Mosul, we can mention the copy of Al-Aghani’s book, in which the clothes of the clothes of the courtiers are painted in the style of Iran. The expression of the faces is also influenced by Seljuk art, but it has differences from it, which can be clearly seen by comparing them with the Al-Tariaq version. Therefore, if this version was painted in Mosul or on the Jazireh, these clothes or a part of them should be pleated in the style of Baghdad, if such a thing is not visible in them. (Fig 28). But where was this version written and painted, finally, it can be said that it was during the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods, according to the illustrations in the Al-Tariaq book and the examples compared with Iranian pottery and metal vessels. It is believed that this version was mostly likely painted by an artist in the Isfahan region, especially Kashan, less likely elsewhere in Iran. 

Abstract
Archeology is the scientific study of human activity through the recovery and analysis of the remained material culture. The prerequisite for the development of archeological knowledge in the country is access to equipped laboratories, hiring experienced specialists, and expanding national, and international cooperation. Due to rapid advances in instrumental analysis, relevant people in the fields of art and archeometry should be aware of the advantages and limitations of different types of instrumental analysis. In this paper, facilities and research opportunities in analytical archeometry using natural science in Iran are presented and discussed. To introduce the technical capacities of the country in this field, the available equipment and facilities for performing nuclear analysis techniques and their related data analysis are investigated. Moreover, to identify the materials used in the cultural heritage samples and to determine their origin, characterization of some of these samples has been done using nuclear analysis methods. The activities performed in this research include X-ray and neutron imaging of the structure of an ancient jar belonging to the early Qajar period, elemental analysis of miniature in an ancient manuscript using elemental analysis method, investigation of the golden threads in the precious carpet belonging to the Safavid period using elemental and structural, and elemental analysis of luster tiles belonging to the Kashan using elemental analysis. The results of this research show that the existing technical capacities in the country can provide new opportunities for archeologists to understand the nature of the cultural heritage samples in more depth and to provide more accurate analysis of the investigated samples.
Keywords: Analytical Archeometry, Cultural Heritage, Elemental Analysis, Structural Analysis.

Introduction
Archeology is an interdisciplinary science that studies ancient artifacts using analytical methods of various sciences and provides a deep insight into biological, social, cultural, and economic processes, and technologies used by humans throughout history. From the 20th century, cultural heritage researchers used the experts of all sciences and their new methods for the comprehensive reconstruction, biological and cultural transformation of humans, and knowledge of ancient artifacts and previous civilizations. As a result of this synergy, the recognition of cultural findings from archaeological excavations went beyond their mere description and classification, and more detailed analyzes of them were presented. Today’s archeology can be seen as the result of chemical studies in archeology since 1795 in Europe (Pollard, 2007: 5). These studies included preliminary investigations regarding metals, minerals, glass, and some organic remains. In 1853 A.D, in the archaeological reports, the first appendices related to chemical analysis were presented by the archaeologist Austen Henry Layard, which was the beginning of the scientific and systematic cooperation in the two fields of chemistry and archaeology (Layard, 2018: 9).

Materials and Methods
Neutron and X-ray radiography: A jar sample from the Qajar period has been used for radiographic images. Figure .1 shows the results of the experiment. 
PIXE analysis of the miniature: The PIXE analysis of the miniatures from the 15th century is measured in this work. Figure 2. Shows the setup of the experiment. 
Micro-PIXE and RBS of the gold fibers in the Safavid carpet: Figure 3 shows an exquisite carpet from the Safavid period from the Iran carpet museum. The elemental analysis of the fibers used in this carpet is performed by micro-PIXE and RBS. The detail of this experiment is presented in (Torkiha, 2010: 17).
PIXE-PIGE analysis of the Zarrinfam tiles: Figure 4 shows the ancient Zarrinfam tile related to the Tapehsilk shrine in Kashan. To check the presence of the Azure pigments in the blue color, the PIXE-PIGE analysis of the carpet is performed. The detail of this experiment is presented in (Ghadiri, 2015: 9).

Data
The elemental map of the fiber of the carpet obtained by micro-RBS and PIXE is shown in Figure 5. The PIXE and PIGE of the Zarrinfam tiles are presented in Figures 5 and 6, respectively. 

Discussion
The structural investigation of a jar from the Qajar period by the X-ray and neutron radiography showed that neutron radiography can show the detail of the sample. The PIXE analysis of the blue pigment in the miniature shows that the origin of this pigment is Lazorite stone (Kakuee, 2014: 124). The presence of the characteristic element of the mercury in the pink pigment shows that the origin of this color is the mineral Shangerf, which was also used to make red color in the Iranian ancient times. The bright pink color is also due to the green malachite pigment added to the main pigment of Shangerf (Kakuee, 2012: 178). The composition of the elements in the yellow pigment also indicates the use of gold in this pigment in order to increase its brightness. The use of gold to decorate the paintings in this form is still used. Regarding the black color, due to the presence of the characteristic element Mn in this pigment, its origin can be attributed to the mineral Pyrolusite (Clark, 2002: 7).
The micro-PIXE and RBS of the gold fibers in the Safavid carpet shows that there are large amounts of the sulfur element in the composition of all 3 fibers which is related to the silk thread used in making the fibers. The elemental distribution map of all 3 samples shows that gold, silver, and copper were used to make and decorate these fibers. In other parts of the fibers, no other characteristic element indicating the presence of pigment in the fibers was observed. Therefore, the silk used in making these fibers is raw and without dyeing. Micro-PIXE elemental analysis also shows that in the old samples of Golabatoon fibers, a thin layer of gold is covered on silver wires.
The PIXE analysis of the ancient Zarrinfam tile related to the Tapehsilk is performed by WinQxas (WinQxas, 2009) and the PIGE analysis is done by Fitzpeak software (FitzPeaks, 2011). Elements with an atomic number greater than aluminum have been detected using the PIXE analysis and elements F, Na, and Mg have been detected by PIGE analysis. The characteristic element for identifying lapis lazuli is Na, which is detected in large quantities in the samples 2 and 3. The amount of Na element in the sample 1 is very small and sample 4 also lacks this element. To confirm the results, all the 4 samples were exposed to the proton beam. In this case, induced light emission was detected only from the samples 1 to 3. Therefore, we can safely say that sample 4 is not lapis lazuli. Moreover, as shown in Table 2, the high amount of Co element in Zarrinfam tile distinguishes it from lapis lazuli stone. In fact, the combination of Co element with a glaze of Na alkaline elements in the sample is the origin of the azure color in Zarrinfam tile. The results of this research provide a suitable solution for determining the origin of lapis lazuli in the ancient samples and can be a suitable solution for monitoring of the economic and cultural relations of the past.

Conclusion
In this article, the scientific and technical capacities of the country and the active centers in the field of archeology, the state of analysis and software related to the data analysis are presented. To identify the active laboratories in the field of analysis of ancient artifacts, several active laboratories in the field of the analysis of archaeological samples and cultural heritage were introduced in this paper. Moreover, the results of the analytical archeology using several techniques were presented and discussed. 

Abstract
The Iron Age in the Middle Asia and an important part of it that called Khorasan is a Transitional period between prehistory and historical period. This period always has many ambiguities and questions; Especially in Khorasan, where the lack of archaeological studies is strongly felt. In this area, the Neyshabur Plain has a special position in terms of archeology and is undoubtedly influential in understanding the cultural components of the Iron Age in the region. In the current study, Milad Tape, which is located almost in the middle of Neyshabur Plain, was sampled as a systematic survey. The purpose of this work is to obtain information that can be used to advance the long-term goals of interpreting the Iron Age in Khorasan, especially Neyshabur. In this regard, the most important question is how Iron Age in the perspective of recent studies of Khorasan cultural field. In Milad Tape, whose surface is flat and smooth, sampling of cultural materials has been carried out in the framework of a systematic survey in order to study the Iron Age in a comparative approach with the typology and classification of pottery. Also, by using the settlement pattern of the area and other settlement components of Milad Tape, it is possible to fully examine and read part of the unknown structures of the Iron Age of the Neyshabur Plain and, accordingly, Khorasan. According to the research results, Milad Tape, which has a settlement sequence in the Iron Age, can be interpreted in the framework of the Early to Late Iron Age of the region. Pottery typology studies, also show similarity with the Central Asia Iron Age, which is known as Yaz I to III based on the material cultural of Yaz Depe area. In general, in the comparative approach, Milad Tape samples are closely related to Yaz pottery tradition.
Keywords: Iron Age Khorasan, Neyshabur Plain, Yaz, Milad Tape.

Introduction
Among the archaeology and cultural periods of Khorasan, there is a lack of studies in the second and first millennia BC.  Although the first study of this region that led to the recognition of the Iron Age, dates back to the 1980s (Riccardi, 1980). In recent decades, archaeologists have tried to make the knowledge of this period more complete (Vahdati, 2015, 2018; Basafa, 2021, 2020, 2015, 2016). The most important archaeological investigations consist of Atrak River project in North Khorasan (Dana, 2015 and 2019; Vahdati, 2016), Daregaz Plain (Basafa & Hedayati, 2020), Neyshabur Plain (Basafa, 2017), Roshtkhar Plain (Rezayi, et. al., 2018), Gonabad Plain (Basafa, 2021) and Birjand Plain (Dana, 2014).
From the mentioned researches, it can be understood that neighboring cultures are very important, such as the ancient Dahistan culture in the northeast of the Mazandaran Sea, which can also be seen in the plains of Gorgan and North Khorasan (Lecomte, 2005) and Yaz culture (Kohl, 1984: 193).
In completing the archeological information of Khorasan Iron Age, Neyshabur plain sites are very important because of the location of Neyshabur plain and its environmental potentials (Rezaei & Basafa, 2019). Milad Tape (Fig. 1) is located in this geographical environment, which belongs to the Iron Age. Milad Tape and other sites like Se Tape can show new evidence of local cultures and cultural interactions with Central Asia.
Materials and Methods: This research relies on the material cultures that collected from the systematic survey of site. It’s most important cultural materials are potsherds, were first studied in a statistical approach and then analyzed comparatively in comparison with neighboring cultures.

Data 
In the sampling conducted in Milad Tape, were obtained various stone tools such as blades and chips, metal melting slags, furnace welds and a significant number of potsherds. A total of 1586 pieces of potsherd have been sampled from the surface of the site, and among the three general categories of rim, body and floor, the most abundant pieces belong to the body. From the total samples that can be dated in Iron Age I, the rim has a frequency of 1%, the body 93% and the bottom 6%. In the Iron Age II and III, the rim and the bottom with an abundance of 3% and the body with 93% of the total have the most parts. Among the examples that can be dated in this site, where a comparative approach was used, three periods can be distinguished from the Early to the Late Iron Age. 

Discussion 
Looking at the most important cultural material of Milad Tape, we can say that its pottery components are closely related to Central Asia. In the Early Iron Age, in this site, an important phenomenon is low-quality handmade pottery, which is considered one of the main characteristics of Yaz I. In the middle and Late Iron Age, the previous statements also apply, and its morphology also shows that similarities in terms of construction and form can be seen in Milad Tape pottery in these periods as well. In this context, double-lobe pottery, which is defined as the most important characteristic of Yaz II and III cultures, was produced in a wide range with minor changes in the Neyshabur plain.
In completing the studies, environmental factors are very important, and based on this, Milad Tape is located in the range of 900 to 1200 meters above sea level in terms of height, and in terms of the settlement pattern, it is located in the lowlands of the Neyshabur plain (Fig. 7), which has suitable land for population development. The study of Milad Tape water resources, which undoubtedly played an important role in choosing the location of the sites, shows that there is a direct relationship between the water resources and the location of the site, so that its small distance from the water sources has caused it to grow well in terms of dimensions. Milad is located near Kale-Shure in the center of the plain (Fig. 8) where many waterways and streams flow into it, the most important of which flowed a short distance from the site. This satellite has been able to facilitate access to water resources for agriculture and livelihood. The study of land use (Fig. 9) also shows that Milad is in a good agricultural position and probably suitable water sources have caused agriculture to be carried out by hydroponics in this area. Based on this, the location of the settlement surrounded by suitable pastures has provided the conditions for animal husbandry and livestock breeding for the livelihood of the population of the area. Based on the mentioned materials and in the general view, Milad Tape has created suitable conditions and platform for the use of agriculture in the region. On the other hand, the existence of pastures has provided the grounds for subsistence economy based on animal husbandry. 

Conclusion 
Due to the strategic location of access to water resources and the use of fertile soil, Milad Tape is one of the important sites and settlements in this area, along with other sites, especially Set Tape. By analyzing the cultural materials, a settlement sequence from the Yaz I period and its continuation to Yaz II and III was observed, which shows that it was of special importance in the Neyshabur plain and was efficient in drawing chronological horizons and presenting cultural components along with other sites. The few analyzes of the settlement pattern of Milad Tape also show that suitable water sources were available and the agricultural land was ready. This location selection pattern is also observed in Central Asia. Based on biological patterns, fertile soil, and agricultural use in the effective use of land in the Milad Tape area, it shows that there was a permanent settlement with a livelihood based on agriculture in its settlement area, which may have been three hills. The influence of the cultural characteristics of Central Asia and Yaz culture in Milad Tape, according to the typology of pottery, shows the influence and cultural interactions. 

Acknowledgments
We would like to gratitude and appreciation to the respected of the cultural heritage department chief of Neyshabur city, Mr. M. E., Etemadi, for his support in the field activity.

Abstract
The concentration of activities and sites Iron Age excavations carried out in Iran in the quarter-northwest Iran. It covers the west, northwest, north of the center, and the west bank of the Caspian Sea. The important point is that the chronological basis of the Iron Age in Iran is also based on the excavation of several sites in a small part of the northwest and its extension to the whole of Iran. Thus we see the Iron Age archaeological activities at the eastern part of Iran and especially North East is very unknown. Iran has long been the entry point for people without a nomadic component steppes of northeastern North Asia region is the Iranian plateau. According to written sources the oldest nations that have entered the Iranian plateau, known as the Indo-Iranian or Aryan tribes from the steppes of northern Asia to the south and in the land of the Pamir Mountains to Anatolia widely dispersed. Many scholars consider the gradual movement of these tribes to be from the second millennium. A period that is almost synonymous with the Iron Age in the region. But our knowledge of the Iron Age northeastern Iran today virtually all North Khorasan Province and the northern part of Khorasan Razavi province involved is negligible. This paper is based on the latest research picture of the Iron Age northeastern part of the country, with emphasis on the upper basin Atrak be provided. According to the study and identification carried out in this basin, the Iron Age of the upper Atrak basin is part of the Yaz 1 culture.
Keywords: Northeastern Iran, Iron age, Upper Atrak basin, Yaz 1 Culture, Archaic Dehistan, Settlement Patterns.

Introduction
It has been less than a decade that steps have been taken to understand the Iron Age in Northeastern Iran through surface explorations and excavations. Based on this, it seems that some parts of northeastern Iran are in the cultural area of Archaic Dehistan and another part is in the cultural area of Yaz I (Basafa 2017, Dana & Hejebri Nobari 2019, 2021, Vahdati 2016, 2018). The upper Atrak basin is an almost rectangular valley with a length of 90 km and an average width of 20 km. This region is one of the most important regions of northeastern Iran in terms of population movement because it connects the north of Kopet-Dagh to the interior regions of Iran and the center of the Iranian Plateau (Fig.2). Northeastern Iran has long been the place of entry of nomads from the northern steppes to the inner regions of the Iranian plateau. Due to the geological feature, Kopet-Dagh act as a barrier between the Karakum desert in the north and the fertile areas in the south, which cannot be crossed except through a few natural passages. 
More than 500 sites were identified in the archaeological surveys of the upper Atrak basin, among which 23 sites were dated to the Iron Age (Fig.3).

Iron Age Sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
The 23 Early Iron Age sites identified in the upper Atrak basin are listed in Table 1. In the surface survey of these sites, the only available data was pottery. In all Iron Age sites of this basin, the dominant pottery is Yaz 1 hand-made pottery. These pottery are poorly made, rough and in the range of buff and bright red, and the motifs are usually drawn geometrically with ocher and jujube red colors, and most of them are mixed with grog. 9 of the identified sites can generally be attributed to the Iron Age, and traces of Yaz I painted pottery were not found in the surface surveys. The pottery of these 9 sites are similar in form to the pottery of the Archaic Dehistan culture, but unlike them, they are in the buff and red spectrum.

Location based on ٍlevation Factor
The Iron Age sites of the region are located at an altitude between 1007 and 1718 meters above sea level. The size of the smallest site is 0.01 and the largest is 10 hectares. Examining the Pearson correlation coefficient regarding the area of the enclosures with the height factor shows -/299 (Table 2), which indicates a negative but moderate correlation. This means that as the height above sea level increases, it is expected that the size of the enclosures will decrease due to the limitations of natural factors.

Water Resource Factor
The distance of the Iron Age sites in the region from permanent water sources, including rivers and other running water sources, ranges from 0 to 6395 meters, and their average distance is 1441 meters. Pearson correlation coefficient/313. (Table 2) states that this figure shows the relationship between the direct and average level of significance between the size of the sites of the region with the factor of distance from permanent water sources. 

Land Use Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the region with the soil type factor of the location of the sites shows -.054 (Table 2). This figure is weak and small. It is expected that there are large sites in the sedimentary plains and smaller sites on the edge of the plains and mountain slopes, and this is not the case in this area.

Slope Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the sizes of the sites of the region with the slope factor of the location of the areas is 0.72. (Table 2). The figure shows a very weak relationship between the size of the sites and the degree of slope of their location. 

Slope Direction Factor
Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the area with the slope direction factor of the location of the areas shows -240 (Table 2). This phenomenon shows that some of these sites have not been used for a long time or that the different slope directions were not so important for the residents of this site in different seasons.

Communication Routes Factor
The sites of the region are located at a distance between 0 and 15355 meters from the main communication routes today. The Pearson correlation coefficient shows -114 (Table 2), this figure shows a very weak and small and inverse relationship. In other words, as we move away from the main communication routes, we should expect the size of the enclosures to decrease and become smaller.

Distribution of Iron Age sites in the Upper Atrak Basin
In this research, in order to obtain the distribution pattern of settlements in the region and to better analyze and understand the distribution of archaeological sites in the region and to find a pattern that fits environmental variables, the statistical method of cluster analysis has been used. Based on statistical analysis and their clustering, three patterns were obtained (Table 3, Chart 1).
Settlement distribution pattern 1: Settlement distribution pattern 1 includes 6 enclosures (Chart 1, Table 3). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plain and the highlands, their small size, which is less than half a hectare, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as temporary and seasonal settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 2: There are 14 enclosures in this pattern (Chart 1). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plains and the highlands, their small size, which is less than two hectares, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as agricultural and livestock settlements.
Settlement distribution pattern 3: There is only one site in this group, and the reason for their placement in a cluster or separate pattern is its very large area compared to other sites. The size of this site is 2.2 hectares. The characteristics of this site, especially being located at a high altitude and a long distance from water sources and communication routes, and other characteristics show that it is similar to model 1, and only because of the difference in the size of this site, it is placed in a separate group.

Conclusion
The largest sites in the upper Atrak basin (except the IUA03 site) are located almost in a vertical line and very close to each other, Tappe Yam with 10 hectares, Tappe Ja’far Abad with 2.8 hectares and Sofalgaran-e Zadak site with 3 hectares, for a total of about 16 hectares from the total 33 hectares, half of the size of the Iron Age sites cover this basin. Today, these sites are located around the city of Faruj and almost in the middle of the plain. This area can be considered as the crossroads center of important roads in the region.
The important point in the reconstruction of the roads is the mountainous conditions of the region, which does not allow passage anywhere. With these conditions, there is only one possible way in the south, and that is today’s Binalud-Shah Jahan road, which goes from Quchan to Sabzevar. Near this road, there is Tappe Golshan Abad, which is actually located in the entrance area of this mountain pass. 
However, it is a little difficult to determine the northern route to pass Kopet Dagh and go to its north due to the number of valleys and the connection of some valleys with each other. By carefully examining the existing routes in the area and their connection with the Iron Age sites, a route is suggested that includes the sites of Tappe Yam, Dalan Tappe Kukach, Dalan Tappe Bozorg and Unnamed Tappe of Milanlu.
The western road along Atrak River connects the upper basin to the middle Atrak basin.
The eastern road also continues to the Kashaf River basin and the Mashhad plain without any natural obstacles.
Today almost all researchers agree that the people had Yaz I culture, nomads. Since Yaz I remains in a wide area of Greater Khorasan and the southern parts of Transoxiana, the route of population migration will inevitably pass-through Greater Khorasan through the north-south routes that connect the steppe regions of North Asia to its inner regions in the Iranian plateau. In this view, the upper Atrak basin is located in the area of Yaz I pottery culture, and due to its strategic location, it plays a very important role in the arrival of people with Yaz I culture to the inner parts of the Iranian plateau.

Abstract
The ancient site of Dinavar, known by the locals as the city of Khāvarān, is located northeast of Kermānshāh, on the Kermānshāh-Sonqor road. The importance of the site is still evident despite environmental damage such as floods and earthquakes and agricultural development. Historical findings and archaeological evidence show that the central hill and the surrounding areas were inhabited from the Seleucid period to the present day. This site is the city of Dinavar. A city that was one of the cultural centers of western Iran in the first centuries of Islam and this issue is received from the list of thinkers attributed to Dinavar. During the surveys, in addition to the potteries, a collection of mills and large weights were observed, which indicates a pressing workshop in the site. The typology of the pressing method in this workshop and its chronology is the main issue of this research, which is addressed by asking two questions: first, what period does this data belong to, and second; What products have been produced in this workshop? Given the needs of urban communities and the need to manage and plan workshop activities, a hypothesis based on the data belonging to the time of the flourishing of the city of Dinavar and the production of oil and grape syrup is proposed. Based on the comparison and study and study of environmental data, written sources and documents of archeology and ethnoarcheology, Dinavar workshop to the time of growth and prosperity of this area in the 2nd to 4th AH. It is attributed and in addition to the production of grape syrup, the possibility of oil-pressing is also raised. Since known specimens from central and western Iran belong to the late Islamic centuries, the site data reveal part of the history of this activity.
Keywords: Pressing, Dinavar, Archaeology, Typology, Chronology.

Introduction
The study of ancient technologies is one of interests to many researchers. Archaeologists study technology to make social and economic analyzes and study human societies. Pressing and related objects are one of these ancient technologies. The ancient site of Dinavar, whose data are classified from the Seleucid era to the present day, has been one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world and one of the most important cities in the Jebāl province. Some of the archeological data of this area show that the pressing workshop was active in it. This study identifies the pressing in Dinavar with the aim of relative chronology of this method. Pressing workshops that have been built since the Safavid era near the important cities of that time provide significant signs of technical architecture, access to these structures and the continuation of the activities of some to this day, they have led to a detailed study of these works. However, it is not clear what the workshops were before the Safavid era. The present study tries to deal with how this activity took place in the pre-Safavid period. The most important questions are: 1. What period does the pressing data of the Dinavar area belong to? 2. What products have been produced in Dinavar Workshop? Considering the environmental and ethnographic data, and the necessity of managing and planning the workshop activities that are possible in the shadow of the urban system, in answer to the research questions, the hypothesis of the activity of the Dinavar workshop at the time of flourishing and Its urban growth; And the production of oil and grape syrup is measured. Field survey data are compared with similar samples to determine how this activity works, and environmental data measure the oil and grape syrup production hypothesis, or grape syrup. Archaeological and pollenological data trace evidence of olive use in the fertile crescent to ancient Paleolithic and before the beginning of agriculture (Niklewski and van Zeist, 1970; Liphschitz et al., 1991., Lovell et al., 2010 and Zohary et al., 2012). But pressing in the general sense have arisen following the complexity of societies. Pollen and archeological data show that suitable species of this practice have existed in prehistoric Iran (Van Zeist and Bottema, 1977; Djamali et al., 2010, 2016 and Mashkour et al., 2010), but the mode of operation is known only on the basis of data from the late Islamic centuries.

Materials and Method
The Dinavar is a complex site including the central hill, the religious complex and the cemetery, the remains of a castle and a Qājār bath. In a recent study, the authors found stone objects in the north of the central hill, including a healthy mill sandstone, five damaged millstones of various conglomerate dimensions, and four large conglomerate weights. The data do not provide complete information on how to press, but due to the presence of weights and the presence of four millstones, the upper surface of which shows a depression with a depth of 10 to 20 cm. The use of lever and weight pressing is discussed. In Dinavar Plain, whose vegetation has changed due to agriculture, oilseeds are native. Written evidence of pressing silenced in and around the study area, but in addition to the Celine and Satyr, the Bistun object and the stone of Tāq Bostān collection, which is obtained from the east of Kermānshāh and is considered a part of Roman mill, shows that pressing was common in this region. Ethnorchaeological studies also confirm the use of castor oil as a lamp fuel in the Qājār period up to the Pahlavi. It is worth mentioning that Dinavar community has always been a rural community and its economy has been based on agriculture, from the beginning until today. This society became one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world in the beginning of Islam. It seems that the spread of workshop and production activities such as pressing is also possible in such a structure and with the help of management and planning of the urban system, as the establishment of similar complexes near large cities has been common and pressing the ones that have been identified so far show the economic prosperity of the great Safavid cities.

Conclusion
Pottery production, pressing, milling, and in general workshop and production activities, along with labor and energy, require management and planning. This management is formed in urban system and in order to meet the needs of the urban society. Historical texts about Dinavar urban society have been silent in the first centuries of Islam, but the splendor of this society and its cultural growth is evident from the long list of thinkers attributed to this land. In this urban society, which is formed in the bed of a rich plain, the pressing of fruits and oilseeds is common. The rich vegetation and vineyards of the region confirm the production of grape syrup and oil. Extraordinary data of the area and their location near the central hill where it was located from the beginning of Islam to the ninth century AH. It goes on to show that this activity was common in the form of lever and weight, and its growth was at least from the 2nd to the 4th AH, at the same time as the establishment and development of Dinavar city and culture. Accordingly, pressing objects in Dinavar provide the basis for the study of pressing from the beginning of Islam.

Abstract
The northern plains of the Alvand mountain range in Hamedan are known as part of the Median land and the capital of this period. Research and study on Iron Age III settlements with the aim of identifying and drawing an accurate pattern of the sites of this period was one of the goals of the writers in this region, which was carried out in recent years. Qale-dagh Tepe is one of the areas that have been reviewed and studied in this research. Qale-dagh or Aghdash area is located at an altitude of 2009 meters above sea level in the foothills of Arjanī mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain. The height of the area is 41 meters above the level of surrounding rangelands. The site was first identified and registered in 1381 AH and in 1385 AH in the comprehensive plan of archaeological survey of Hamedan city was reviewed. Despite much destruction, the site has not yet been studied and archaeologically excavated. Qale-dagh is a single period from the Iron Age III. It consists of single and dense brick building that can be seen in parts of the main walls and its gates. There is evidence of filling in the gaps between the back and the outside of the walls at an unspecified time. The pottery obtained from the study is small and contains non-significant samples of this period. There are questions about the condition of the area and its function in the heights of the Hamedan plain that this study has addressed. The research method in this paper is based on archaeological studies and comparative studies. Preliminary results show that Qale-dagh area is located in specific geographical location, architectural style, pottery data and compared with other sites of Median period such as Nush-I-Jan Tepe, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan is a religious place overlooking the capital of Med (Hegmataneh).
Keywords: Hamedan, Qale-dagh Tepe, Iron Age III, Median Period.

Introduction
In a series of surveys conducted from 2017 to 2018 regarding the spatial association of Iron Age III settlements in the Hamedan plain (Almasi, 2020), which is mentioned in historical sources as the first seat and political and governing center of the Median period, the known relics from the past years to the present, particularly the new relics in the last decade, were studied, and a question was raised. The question was “What were the function and nature of a group of monuments with characteristics such as individuality, being located outside the scope of settlement, similar style and method in architecture, especially in components such as the type of bricks, and finally their intentional filling at some points in time?”
One of these newly discovered monuments is a brick fortress named Qale-dagh Tepe located in the northern highlands of the Hamedan plain. The site is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain with a height of 2130 meters above sea level. Aghdash Village is the closest modern village to it, which is located at a distance of 3.5 kilometers from it. The site does not have an access road from the village, so that one can only reach the site on foot by crossing some agricultural fields and barren lands.
The Qale-dagh site with coordinates Y:3869857.31-X:290962.58 is the only brick structure that is located on a natural bed among the hills of the Arjanī Mountain. The current size of the site is 1 hectare. However, the Qale-dagh site has suffered massive destruction over time, much of which is related to human destruction. The site was discovered in 2002 (Pazuki & Shadmhr, 2005) and surveyed in 2006 (Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2006), and then the authors resurveyed it in 2017.

Data
The Qale-dagh site in appearance is divided into two sections: the northern section, which is a brick structure and remains up to a height of 3 meters, and the southern section, which is large and has a lower height (Map 3). The architecture of the northern section includes a thick wall with an approximate height of 3 meters and a diameter of 1.5 meters in the east-west direction. It appears that the wall has a buttress, since in the two sections of the wall, the remains of a brick pier with 1 meter in width and 2.5meter distance from each other can be observed. The distance between the two brick piers is filled with layers of pebbles and mud mortar (Image 2), Causing the wall to remain intact up to a height of 3 meters. On the northeastern side, several holes have been dug by unauthorized excavators, in one of which, the remains of more than 2 gates covered with a lancet arch can be observed from the outside (Image 4). From the inside of the gates, a corridor-like space with another lancet arch can be observed (Image 5). The width of the two gates is approximately 70 cm and lower than the height of 3 meters of the wall. The lancet covering of the arches is formed by laying bricks diagonally to each other. The materials used in the monument are bricks with dimensions of 42×23×11 cm and mud mortar with a thickness of 10 to 12 cm.
The pieces of pottery obtained from the surface survey include a bowl with an inverted rim, a simple bowl, a bowl handle, a base of a dish, and two pieces of a dish body (Image 7).

Analysis of Finding
In the survey of the architectural features and pottery pieces collected from the site, the history of settlement in the site appears to be related only to the Iron III period, as it was built on virgin soil. Such a procedure was used in some significant Median sites such as Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 236), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), Yalfan (Almasi et al., 2017: 70), Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 35) and Pishee (Almasi, 2020: 115).
In the northern wall, the remains of two brick piers are visible (Image 2), revealing the use of buttress in the construction of the main wall of the monument. The use of buttress, which is generally used on the outer front of the main walls of the monument, can also be observed in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronach & Ruf, 2011: 16), Godin (Young & Levine, 1974: 116-pl.37), Baba Jan (Goff, 1977: 104-Fig.1) and Ozbeki (Majidzadeh, 2009: 343).
The gate with a lancet arch created in the Qale-dagh site is also similar to the ones in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronakh & Ruf, 2011: 81), Godin (Gopnik, 2016: 293), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235) and Gunespan (Naseri et al., 2016: 131) (Table 1). The dimensions and sizes of the bricks used in the monument of the Qale-dagh site are similar to the dimensions of the bricks used in the monuments of sites of the same period (Table 2). Another characteristic of the site is the intentional filling of the monument (Images 2 and 3), so that this method of abandonment has been reported in the excavations of the sites of Nush-I-Jan (ibid: 163), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), and Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 106). 

Conclusion
Owing to the geographical feature of the site, which is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain and the connecting route of the Hamedan plain, it is possible to imagine a military use similar to the inter-road military forts. However, in the survey and comparison of the Urartian castles of the first millennium BC in the northwest, we observe considerable cultural data indicating long-term settlement in these places (Kleiss, 1980, Burney, 1966). On the contrary, such conditions are not observed in Qale-dagh. Hence, we can place emphasis on only the apparent characteristics of the site, such as the information obtained from the architecture and the results of comparing and matching it with the Median sites, particularly Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. From the excavations conducted in the three Median sites of Nush-I-Jan -Main Period, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan (Map 4), few findings of human activity (garbage production) were obtained, demonstrating a non-residential use in such places and their special use for the people. All the three sites were created on virgin soil, had intentionally filling, and were cleared before filling.
As no contemporary settlement was found near the site, a non-residential use can be considered for it. Furthermore, the height of the site above sea level and the steep slope of the site in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain indicate that it is not easily accessible.
The intentional filling of monuments, which is carried out with special care in layers, can also be used to protect the monuments. Ghirshman associates the fillings with the change of religious attitude in the later period (Ghirshman, 1976: 10-11).
As supported by extensive evidence, the Qale-dagh site is extremely similar to the sites of Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. 

Acknowledgments
The authors appreciate and thank the Hamedan Province Cultural Heritage Organization and Mr. Mohammad Shabani for making it possible to visit the site.

Abstract
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. The main queries are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.
Keywords: Tappeh Mokhar, Khorasan (Torbat-eJam), Bronze Age, Namazga 3 & 4, Achaemenid, Parthian.

Introduction
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from two types of archaeological programs: delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. In addition to chronology, the regional relationship of the site has been inferred from the comparative studies. The main queries of this research are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites within the northeast region and beyond. In fact, the ceramic studies suggest that the cultural relation of Tappeh Mokhar was mostly with the population centers of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran. 
Our information on the archaeology of eastern Iran and Khorasan is limited and those few research conducted few decades ago were concentrated on the sites in northern and central parts of the province. Tappeh Mokhar with its long sequence of occupation, representing at least four periods, provides a unique opportunity to study the cultural development in this part of Iran during the late prehistoric and historic eras. This research tries to provides a reliable chronology for the site based on studies of the ceramic collection recovered from both delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling conducted at the site. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is the quantitative and qualitative studies of the recovered collection and provides their classification and typology.  
Research Question: There are two main questions in this research: Which periods are represented by ceramic collection and cultural finds of Tappeh Mokhar; What are the main characteristics of Tappeh Mokhar ceramic collection; Which ceramic types of which periods are represented in the collection; and what they suggest about the cultural interaction of the site from an intra-regional and inter-regional perspective? 

Research Method
The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical, and is based on literature review and analysis of the archaeological materials. The main bulk of the materials studied is ceramic collection, recovered from delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling, which are analyzed on the basis on typology, technical characteristics, decorations. Finally, a relative dating is suggested for the site based on the aforementioned studies. 

Research Background
In 1975 two geologists, Ariai and Tiboult, conducted a fieldwork in north of the Torbat-e Jam County and in the Kashaf Roud basin, resulting in discovery of an important palaeolithic locale (Jam e Al – Ahmadi, 1387; Ariai&Thibault,1975:101-103; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 1975 and 1987, Bernard Ekin, and in 1988 Wilber and Glombeg published their investigation on the proceedings of Sheikh Ahmad Jami (Okeane, 1979; Okeane, 1987; Wilber& Golombek, 1988; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 2003 a large scale excavation and stratigraphy sounding at the Architectural Complex of Torbat-e Jam has been conducted by Mohmoud Toghraei (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:147). He also conducted a delimitation sounding at Tappeh Ghar of Torbat-e Jam in 2008 (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:151). The latest research about the Islamic Period Torbat-e Jam complex is coming back to the works by Ali Zarei, as part of his PhD dissertation (Zarei,1394). 
The first archaeologist who visited Tappeh Mokhar was Gunter Kerbel. He visited this site and also the Shah Abbasi Caravansarai complex in 1980 en route his trip to Afghanistan (See: Labbaf Khaniki,1391:144; Korbel,1983;18-57). After him, the area was archaeologically surveyed by Rajab Ali Labbaf Khaniki in 1985 on behalf of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, in which many site from prehistory to Islamic period were identified (Labbaf Khaniki,1364). The latest research at Tappeh Mokhar was conducted by Hasan Nami, of Neishabour University, in 2017 with the aim of defining the limit of the site by delimitation sounding (Nami,1394). 

Conclusion
The study area in which Tappeh Mokhar is located is part of the Qara Qum Basin, subsuming in the Jam and Hariroud Basin; Hariroud River originates from Afghanistan and the Jam Plain is very fertile because of the river sedimentation. In addition to several other environmental potentials, this factor is one of the main reasons of foundation of Tappeh Mokhar settlement. Along with natural factors, both historical and cultural factors were responsible for establishment of settlements during different periods in what is now Khorasan. Due to limitation in conducting basic, archaeological and historical research, identification and picturing the historical occupation of the study area is confronted with difficulties. Yet, thanks to increasing research during last two decades, our understanding on the ancient communities of the area is developing. The endangered site of Tappeh Mokhar was chosen in this part of Khorasan for getting a better understanding on the prehistoric and historical human developments, which proved that the site is a significant settlement during prehistoric and historic eras. 
Archaeological research at Tappeh Mokhar consisted of two approaches: a systematic surface sampling and a delimitation sounding, in which 30 small trenches were excavated around the hypothetical perimeter of the site, inferred from both topography and concentration of the surface materials. Most parts of the site have been leveled during last decades and it was used as agricultural land and also a depot for modern construction wasters. Based on our comparative studies, the site represents occupations from late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods; the latter is thought to be significantly represented. Future excavations at Tappeh Mokhar would potentially answer some important questions about the nature of prehistoric and historic settlements in this part of Khorasan.

Acknowledgments
My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Kourosh Rostaei (Associate Professor of RICHT), Dr. Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jolodar (Associate Professor Depart of Archeology, University of Tehran), Reza Haidareii (M. A of Archeology, University of Tehran), Dr. Hassan Basfa, Dr. Mohsen Dana and Dr. Seyyed Javad Jafari for their insightful comments on the manuscript.