Abstract
The tomb of Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian Empire, is one of the most important buildings of the early Achaemenid period in Pasargadae. The function of the tomb has changed over time, the most important of which is the transformation of it into a mosque in the Ataba-kan period and the construction of a miḥrāb inside the chamber of the tomb on the southern wall. In addition, the walls and stone surfaces of this building contain signatures of visitors, tourists, and pilgrims who have visited the building over time. Previous research has been done on the miḥrāb of Atabaki Mosque, but its inscriptions and memorabilia have received less at-tention. The purpose of the present article is to classify and identify the petroglyphs left on this tomb, which, as a result of a field study of all the motifs and lithographs, has been fully de-signed and documented. In the library study stage, all historical sources have been studied and, according to the inscriptions as well as the comparison of the signs engraved on the walls, each one has been studied separately. The following questions have been asked in this regard: What are the tomb’s oldest petroglyphs or inscriptions? Is there an inscription on the stone blocks of the tomb from the Achaemenid period? To which historical figures do the inscriptions on the tomb belong? The results of this research are the identification of more than one hundred in-scriptions and petroglyphs, the oldest of which are signs belonging to the Sasanian period. Many of the signs and inscriptions on the tomb belong to the contemporary era, which has led to the study of part of the historical course of this valuable building.
Keywords: Tomb of Cyrus the Great, Pasargadae, Memorial, Petroglyph.

Introduction
The tomb of Cyrus the Great has always been of interest throughout its life, and many people who have visited or lived around it have written inscriptions on its stone walls. From the com-mon people to European travelers and agents, Since many humans, animals, plants, and geo-metric motifs are engraved everywhere on the stones of the tomb of Cyrus the Great, a number of motifs were selected and studied from each category.
 The purpose of this article is to classify and identify the drawings, which were the result of a detailed study of all the stones in the tomb of Cyrus the Great. In the first stage, all the litho-graphs have been fully designed and documented, and in the next phase, by referring to the ex-isting books and documents, as well as comparative studies, he has analyzed and interpreted the lithographs and signs. The result of this research is the identification of more than one hundred inscriptions and engravings, the oldest of which are motifs belonging to the Sasanian period. Many of the motifs and inscriptions on the tomb belong to the contemporary era.
Azizi Kharanaghi and Ms. Salimi have studied the tombstone lithographs and one of the animal motifs of the tomb under the title “Pasargadae petroglyphs” (Azizi Khoranaghi and Salimi 2011). Also, Mirza Abolghasemi has already studied the Mihrab inside the tomb and the inscriptions on the columns and stone pieces under the title “Pasargadae inscriptions in the Islamic period” (Mirza Abolghasemi 2011). A comprehensive study of the signs on the tomb has not been done yet.

Inscriptions
On the stone blocks on each step, there are many inscriptions in Persian, Arabic, and Latin. Most of the themes are names, dates, prayers, and some poems, each written in a different size, style, and script. Many of these texts were written on top of each other; that is, at the point where the stone was flat, a text was written. After time and erosion, another person wrote the same text on the previous text.

Human Motifs
A scene of cattle grazing is carved on the stone blocks in the northwest corner of the tomb. In one part of this scene, two people are depicted standing with very light bodies. On the foot sur-face of the second platform on the south side of the building, a large number of engravings, in-cluding the face of a woman whose long hair is silver, by creating a line on the right side of her face and the left side by creating several parallel lines.

Animal Motifs
Most of the motifs are related to animals such as goats, sheep, and a number of dogs, which were probably created by cattle breeders and shepherds in later periods. The most interesting animal motifs that can be mentioned are the needle motif of five deer standing. The signs are created with shallow lines on the stone and some of the details of the animals’ bodies are finely silver-plated. These needle designs probably belong to the Sasanian period.

Plant Motifs
Five plant motifs are carved on the stone blocks of the tomb. The role of a flower with short stems and two oval leaves, which is very primitive and can be seen obliquely inside the tomb room and on the north walls, The wheat cluster on the blocks on the west side of the tomb, the role of a six-pointed flower on the platform on the north side, the role of a flower with a long stem, two leaves, and a very simple three-leafed flower, and next to it, the word Shirazi with number 39 on the third platform.

Geometric Signs 
Many different geometric signs can be seen on tombstones, including circles, squares, rhom-buses, and irregular geometric patterns that have been repeated over and over again. A marker for the qibla has been created in the southern corner of the third platform of the tomb with a diameter of 20 cm. The outer circle is about 20 cm in diameter and the inner circle is about 15 cm in diameter.
A square has been created in the western corner, the interior of which has been filled with inter-secting lines. Below this picture and attached to it, the two words “Action ------- Al-Hamdani” is written with a space between them.

Other Signs
Other motifs and works that can be mentioned are scissors, horseshoes, and instrumental mo-tifs. A grid square is one of the most notable works that has been seen several times on some of the petroglyphs.

Conclusion
In this research, the signs have been classified into six categories: more than 100 lithographs in Persian, Arabic, and Latin and 200 lithographs including human, animal, plant, geometric, and other signs have been identified. All the motifs and inscriptions identified in the tomb belong to the post-Achaemenid period. Given its style and subject matter, the needle motifs of the deer on the north wall of the tomb might belong to the Sasanian period. Some of the writings belong to famous people and officials from Iran and European tourists who have engraved their names or titles in Latin and beautiful script with history. The existence of a number of inscriptions and memorabilia of high-ranking officials and people shows the importance of this building in the Islamic periods. The present study has been written as a preliminary, and its supplementary studies will be published in the future.

Abstract
Archaeologists have considered Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari region as one of the most im-portant origins of nomadic livelihoods in the past few decades. Meanwhile, Kouhrang region plays a main role as one of the major nomadic territories of the Bakhtiari tribe. The small num-ber of studies conducted in this region have led some researchers to discuss the recent history of this livelihood. In contrast, recent studies indicate that the nomadic way of life in Kouhrang region dates back to at least the 5th millennium BC. Two seasons of rescue excavations in Bir-gan region, which were due to the construction of Kouhrang Dam, have provided a good oppor-tunity to learn more about people’s livelihoods in this region. This paper delves into the results of the excavation of the KR 385 site. The approach adopted to excavate the site for recording the layers and the discovered phenomena was the locus method. The main aim of excavation of the site was to discover the nature of the site and to be familiar with various aspects of ancient nomadic life, and one of our key research questions was to realize the extent of possible cultur-al interactions between this region and the surrounding areas, including the lowlands of Khuzestan and the Central Zagros regions. Our main assumption in this paper is that, in addi-tion to the 5th millennium BC. Kouhrang region has had cultural relations with some parts of central Zagros. Although today the nomads of Bakhtiari region have close relationships with the lowlands of Khuzestan, comparative studies conducted on the forms and motifs of potteries found in this region reveal similarities between these potteries and those found in some areas related to the Bronze and the Iron Age of Central Zagros; The subject that confirms the Iron Age of the site by the C14 absolute dating. In addition to the cultural ties between these two regions, similarities in the forms and motifs of potteries in this region and the above-mentioned sites demonstrate that the pottery traditions of the Bronze Age have continued until the Iron Age.
Keywords: KR 385, Ancient Nomadism, Kouhrang Bakhtiari.

Introduction
Bakhtiari region in the southwestern part of the Iranian plateau has always been of interest to researchers as one of the most notable sources of livelihood based on nomadism. Thus far, Kouhrang region has been a summer residence for nomads since ancient times and is one of the most prominent origins of life based on nomadic livelihood. Needless to say, the reason for this significance is the favorable environmental landscape and biological facilities that have long made this livelihood as the most effective environmental adaptation for the residents of this region. In addition to the evidence of modern life, archaeological evidence, including the iden-tification of a large number of sites with nomadic nature in the archaeological surveys of the region and the results of excavations carried out in some of these sites fully confirm this issue. Studies in the recent decade shows that this livelihood in Kouhrang region dates back to at least the 5th millennium BC.
Due to the construction of Kouhrang Dam and Kouhrang 3 Tunnel and two seasons of res-cue excavations carried out in Birgan region, the way has been paved for us to broaden our knowledge about people’s livelihood in this region. The second season of rescue excavations of Kouhrang Dam began and ended in November and December 2013 after a five-year hiatus. The sites considered for the second season of rescue excavations were all identified in archaeologi-cal surveys in Kouhrang region by Kourosh Roustaei. The extent to which the sites were ex-posed to danger during reservoir impoundment was our selection criterion for excavation them. After assessing the sites, 6 sites of KD 04, KR 415, KR 523, KR 385, KD 022, and KD 030 were selected for excavation (Figure 1). This paper discusses the results of the KR 385 site excava-tion. Awareness of the nature of the site and familiarity with various aspects of ancient nomad-ic life were the main targets of excavation, and one of our chief research questions was to find out the extent of possible cultural interactions between this region and the surrounding areas, including the lowlands of Khuzestan and the Central Zagros regions. Our main assumption in this paper is that, in addition to the 5th millennium BC. Kouhrang region has had cultural rela-tions with some parts of central Zagros. The research method in this paper consists of collect-ing and studying the papers related to the previous studies into this region and presenting the results of KR 385 excavation.

Discussion 
With an altitude of 2260 meters above sea level, the KR 385 site was identified in the third sea-son of archaeological survey of Kouhrang region in 2010. This site includes a small conglom-erate ridge overlooking the Birgan River. This rocky ridge is located approximately 50 meters from the river and is about 20 meters higher than its bed. The primary objective of the excava-tion in this site was to obtain the most accurate information about the nature of this site due to its flooding after the impoundment of Kouhrang Dam. To this end, three trenches (Figure 2) were created and excavated in three different parts of the site, which were thought to provide more information on its nature. Trench I measuring 5 × 5 m, was created on one of the stone depots on the southern slope of the site, assuming that it was a graveyard. Excavations at this trench did not reveal any evidence of cultural remains, and it was determined that this stone depot and similar specimens were the result of the collection of rocks from the site by locals and were gathered to make agriculture easier. Since excavating trench I did not produce any outcome, we decided to test other parts of the site to determine its nature. Trench II was created in a part of the site that seemed to be the remains of a past settlement with the final dimensions of 5×7 m (Figure 3). By the time the trench was excavated, three spaces (Space 1, Space 2, and Space 3) and a platform (?) could be defined and identified. Trench III, measuring 5×7 m, was created on a steep slope in the southern part of the site, in a section where two ancient graves (grave 1 and grave 2) were unlawfully excavated at the same time as the site excavations, and solid evidence could be easily found on the surface (Figure 7).

Conclusion
Excavations at the KR 385 site yielded significant results. Concerning the climatic characteris-tics of the region, its common way of life (nomadism), and similarities between constructs found in Trench II and the current structures used by Bakhtiari nomads, the collection of struc-tures and spaces identified in this trench is considered as a temporary nomadic settlement, in which evidence of daily life such as ashes, remains of food storage jars, grindstones, and stone slabs was found. Due to similarities in the forms and some motifs of the potteries obtained in trench II and trench III, potteries in the settlement part and the cemetery of the site probably indicate a cultural period. Although today the nomads of Bakhtiari region have close ties with the lowlands of Khuzestan, comparative studies conducted on the forms and motifs of potteries found in this site shows similarities between these potteries and those found in some Central Zagros sites such as Babajan, Noshijan, and Godin Tepe dating from the Bronze Age and the Iron Age.

Abstract
Excavations in the last five decades in northern Iran, especially in the Sepidrood catchment area, have led to the discovery of unknown cultures, in the ancient sites of Marlik, Kaluraz, Nasfi, Joven, Jam-shidabad and other sites in the cultural area, during the late second and first millennium BC. They were achieved from different periods of the second millennium BC until the Sassanid era.  This article re-ports the result of a preliminary research on a number of exchange stamps (seals) which were identified and registered during the re-organization of the objects of the National Museum of Iran in 2010.They were part of a collection of seals frits from the ancient sites of Kaluraz.These works contain valuable and important information from various artistic, cultural, economic and commercial aspects in different historical periods in this cultural field.  The purpose of this study was to stablish the method of con-struction; the typology and the age of these seals; the geography of this cultural field; the method of making imitation stamps and recognizing their designs.  Research Questions and Hypotheses are specif-ically explained below: Where was their main origin and from which historical and cultural context? Do these seals have a particular local style or their style is influenced by other cultures? The seals found in the kaluraz Archaeological Site belong to which historical period? Archaeological excavations in the cemeteries and the geographical basin of SepidRood in the last five decades has provided valuable ar-chaeological knowledge of this cultural area during the late second to the first millennium BC, includ-ing specimens of wrought iron and bronze Frits seals from the whole tomb. The results of this research led to documentation of the findings and comparison the finding with other important settlements of the first millennium BC, in contemporary cultural horizons such as Marlik, ToulTalesh, Hasanlu and Mesopotamia.  Furthermore,a general conclusion about the process of typology and stylistics of seals is presented.
Keywords: Gilan, SepeedRood, Kaluraz, Cylindrical Seal, first and Second Millennium BC.

Introduction
The art of sealing and making stamps has a very long history in the olden times of mankind.  Since the appearance of stamp seals in northern Mesopotamia during the 6th millennium B.C, they have been used throughout the ancient Near East until the innovation of the cylinder seal in the second half of the 4th millennium B.C. Cylinder seals were the preferred administrative tool in Mesopotamia during the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C.  The seals of Persia correspond in their types and use to those of Meso-potamia, beginning with amuletic pendants, and developing into stamp to cylinder seals.
Like cylinder seals, stamp seals could be made from stones; metal and clay. The images carved into the seal face itself ranged from simple geometric patterns to elaborate scenes of human and divine images. Seals are important to the study of ancient art and can, help to define chronological phases. they serve as a visual chronicle of style and iconography.
The images on it, contain enormous information which can be used to clarify the customs, ethnic be-liefs and to some extent the social, religious, political, economic, art and architectural conditions.  Fur-thermore, this information can be employed to culturally reconstruct the ecosystem of the forgotten ancient societies.  On the other hand, the stamps seal was used as a document to facilitate the transfer of commercial goods to neighboring or distant cultural areas.  It also provides information about neigh-boring and other cultural areas and shows the links between ancient societies and their relationship in joint organizations (Collon, 1990: 11).
This article reports the result of a preliminary research on a number of exchange stamps and cylinder seals which were identified and registered during the re-organization of the objects of the National Mu-seum of Iran in 2010.  They were part of a collection of seals from the ancient sites of kaluraz. These works contain valuable and important information from various artistic, cultural, economic and com-mercial aspects in different historical periods in this cultural field.  
The purpose of this study was to stablish the method of construction; the typology and the age of these seals; the geography of this cultural field; the method of making imitation stamps and recognizing their designs.  Research Questions and Hypotheses are specifically explained below:
• Where was their main origin and from which historical and cultural context?
• Do these seals have a particular local style or their style is influenced by other cultures?
• The seals found in the kaluraz Archaeological Site belong to which historical period?

Material and Methods
To achieve this aim, we did literature review using the currently available visual documents and exam-ined eight seals of the Damage and crockery cylindrical seals of Ali Hakemi in the coin and seals section of the National Museum of Iran in 2010.  Our analyzes is based on the excavations information (ob-tained during the field work in this cultural field) and the designs and descriptions of the concepts of the symbols of these seals.  
The National Museum of Iran has a large collection of different seals from various historical periods.  For example, the flat and cylindrical shapes seals that have been obtained in archeological excavations of the last five decades from the ancient sites of northern Iran in the geographical area of SepidRood.  

Geographical Setting
Sepidrood (the name of a river) catchment is located in Gilan province, south of the Caspian Sea.  Due to the climatic conditions; suitable environment and natural resources, this geographical basin has long been considered as a suitable habitat for living and has contributed to the creation of ancient cultures in this area for thousands of years.  The native name of SepidRood, especially in Gilan province, is Es-piyeh or Espiro (Domorgan, 1338: 209) in Gilaki language means white river.  Some Avestan scholars consider Sefidrood to be the same Daiti river in Avesta (Khodzko, 1975: 19-40).  Diakonov mentions the old name of Sefidrood Amard or Amardos (Diakonov, 1379: 79, 210, 312 and 623).  
The history of archeological research in the Kaluraz Valley dates back to the 1960.  During this period, a delegation headed by Ali Hakemi with the cooperation of archaeologists such as Mahmoud Kardvani; Abdolhossein Shahidzadeh and Ali Akbar Sarfaraz excavated some part of Gilan.  They worked contin-ually in several seasons for many years.  They collected valuable artifacts including stamps from Lilijan, kaluraz, Joban, Sandos and other archeological sites of Gilan.  The Stamps of current study were dis-covered and collected by Ali Hakemi and Abdolhossein Shahidzadeh, during the archaeological study and excavations between the years 1965 to 1969. 
During 1967 to 1969, Ali Hakemi studied Kaluraz, which includes a collection of cemeteries such as Ganjpar, Kafarkesh (Daghudalan) Zarindar and Jalalieh (Hakemi, 1347: 22-22).    The findings of Ali Hakemi are maintained and protected in coin and stamps section of the national museum of Iran.   
In 2010, we explored the cemetery and the ancient hill of Kaluraz in the west of Sefidrood, which is located alongside the road from Tehran to Rasht and 85 kilometers far from the coast of the Caspian Sea in Gilan province.   

Result
Excavations in the last five decades in northern Iran, especially in the Sepidrood catchment area, have led to the discovery of unknown cultures, in the ancient sites of Marlik, kaluraz, Nasfi, Joven, Jamshid-abad and other sites in the cultural area, during the late second and first millennium BC. They were achieved from different periods of the second millennium BC until the Sassanid era.  
Preliminary study on these seals, collected from Marlik Cemetery and northwestern sites such as Ha-sanlu, was able to give us a fresh look at the environmental conditions of the region, cultural relations and trade exchanges from socio-economic institutions during the Iron Age of this cultural field. The role of animals such as mountain goats, river fish, hunting birds, native trees of the region and agricul-tural fields indicates the livelihood and livelihood economy of the inhabitants of SepeedRood basin, which reflects a part of the environment and connections of the ancient Kaluraz area.  The artistic qual-ity in drawing the creatures is one of the characteristics of the artistic style of these seals.  This type of design can be seen in other works of this cultural field such as Marlik Cemetery.  The only seal whose style of engraving is different from other seals is a seal with a row of male mountain goats moving backwards.  This type of role is influenced by the stamping style of the Assyrian period, which can be entered into Kaluraz as a result of commercial exchanges. Although the lack of inscriptions on these stamps makes dating difficult, valuable cultural findings such as gold cups; ornaments, and beads made of imitation and bronze, show the characteristics of the Iron Age in Iran and cultural ties in this period.  Gold and silver goblets and ornaments and flat bronze seals and types of pottery obtained during the excavations of Kaluraz Cemetery, indicate very dynamic economic conditions with close relations and economic exchanges of residents with neighboring areas in the south of the Caspian Sea and between different geographical areas in Lake Urmia, such as Hasanlu.  In these areas the effects of the common style of local art and the influence of the Mitani style on cultural findings can be seen.

Conclusion
Archaeological excavations in the cemeteries and the geographical basin of SepidRood in the last five decades has provided valuable archaeological knowledge of this cultural area during the late second to the first millennium BC, including specimens of wrought iron and bronze beads from the whole tomb.  The results of this research led to documentation of the findings and comparison the finding with other important settlements of the first millennium BC, in contemporary cultural horizons such as Marlik, Toul Talesh, Hasanlu and Mesopotamia.  Furthermore, a general conclusion about the process of typol-ogy and stylistics of seals is presented.

Abstract
Sarakhs plain is located in northeastern Iran and adjacent to Turkmenistan. Regarding Parthian pottery studies in Sarakhs plain, no special components have been considered for it so far. Identification and classification of Parthian pottery in this region can be a good tool to better understand the pottery traditions, study the cultural and economic interactions of the population centers of that period. The research method is based on library and field studies (descriptive and analytical) during a field survey (survey) stage. Based on the surface findings of the field survey, a total of 91 flagship pottery pieces from 14 settlements belonging to the Parthian period were selected for the survey. In fact, this study seeks to answer the question of what were the intra-regional and extra-regional relations of Sarakhs plain during the Parthian period with contemporaries? According to the studies on pottery attributed to the Parthian period in Sarakhs plain, this period can be divided into two periods in the mentioned plain. In the first period (formation of Parthian rule before the reign of Mehrdad I) Sarakhs is influenced by the culture of the Sarakhs oasis of Turkmenistan, and in the second period, until the end of the Parthian period, they are influenced by the well-known cultures of southern Turkmenistan, namely the cultures of Nessa and Merv. The purpose of this study is to identify and introduce Parthian pottery in Sarakhs plain, classification and typology of Parthian pottery in the region. The necessity of the present study is that the pottery cultures of the Parthian settlement of Sarakhs plain are unknown and the present study can provide a better understanding for further research.
Keywords: Archaeology of Northeast Iran, Sarakhs Plain, Parthian Period, Classification of Pottery.

Introduction
Sarakhs plain as a study point due to its natural potentials and optimal environmental conditions such as altitudes, suitable soil and relatively favorable weather conditions, has been a desirable habitat for the formation of various human communities (Ebrahimi, 1384: 2). Scholars in historical texts have stated the origin of the Parthians in northeastern Iran, especially Khorasan (Asak near present-day Quchan) and their primary capital was Nessa in Turkmenistan (Altheim, 2010: 20). Based on the field surface findings, a total of 91 flagship pottery pieces from 14 settlements belonging to the Parthian period were examined. The method of this research is based on library and field studies (descriptive and analytical) during a field survey (survey) chapter. Documentation of human handicrafts is necessary in terms of studying the background and type of community culture at any point in history.      
Research Questions and Hypotheses: In fact, this study seeks to answer the question of what were the intra-regional and extra regional relations of Sarakhs plain during the Parthian period with contemporaneous areas? Therefore, in the present study, surface cultural materials have been interpreted by preparing a statistically citation able and scientific population through archeological study. Analyzes obtained from classification, typology and methodological analysis of this statistical population as well as comparative comparison of pottery species with similar examples of contemporaneous settlements show the formation of sequences of some settlements in the Parthian period and continuous continuity before and after the Parthian period in this Has an area.                                                                                                    
Aims of Research: The purpose of this study is to identify and introduce Parthian pottery in Sarakhs plain, classification and typology of Parthian pottery in the region.                                                       

Materials and Methods
The present research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of descriptive-analytical research. The basis of the research is the study of Parthian pottery along with library studies. Methods and tools of data collection in this research have been done in two ways: documentation and field activities. In the documentary stage, all written sources, images and maps were first collected and analyzed. In field studies, while surveying the plains in the region and identifying the settlements, the required archaeological information and evidence (pottery) were collected from the mentioned areas and recorded in the database. In order to compare the chronology of the settlements and analyze the pottery of the Parthian settlements, the total pottery collected from 14 Parthian sites was examined and compared with other sites of the Parthian period such as Nessa, Merv and Sarakhs oasis of Turkmenistan. It was not possible to identify more Parthian sites through surface surveys. 91 index pottery were selected for photography, design, classification, typology and comparison with other Parthian sites. The index samples were selected as research materials based on classification and typology. In archeology, when classifying, the differences and similarities of the pottery in question must be clearly evident in the various groups that are distinguished; In such a way that no further explanation is needed for easy identification of one group from another. It is logical to expect that no two groups of objects classified in the main and important criteria are common to each other (Azarnoosh 1377: 76). In the present study, first, in a general division, pottery pieces are divided into five general categories, including: 1- edge 2- body 3- floor 4- base 5- handle, and then edge pieces that can be recognized in the form of a container. 

Discussion and Results  
In this study, 91 Parthian pottery pieces were identified from 14 ancient settlements related to the Parthian period, many of which have chronological sequences and in addition to the works of the Parthian period, also have the works of other periods. Settlements were classified based on pottery typology, comparative studies of pottery find, and archaeological excavations in southern Turkmenistan, northeastern Iran, eastern Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and other regions within and outside the region. A total of 26 sites in 11 areas for this study in the order in which it is presented has the most references. Based on this, a table was designed for each cultural region and settlements of each basin in which the amount and percentage of comparison is clearly significant (Table 2).     

Conclusion
Archaeological study of Sarakhs plain and 91 surface pottery pieces from 14 Parthian settlements were considered as the main foundation for relative chronology, classification and typology of the research. In order to obtain a scientific answer to show the cultural interactions, the method of comparative analysis was used and the findings of the archaeological study of Sarakhs plain were compared with the findings of intra-regional and extra-regional contemporaneous areas. These similarities, taxonomy, morphology, typology, and cultural connections were evident and analyzed. What results from the study of Parthian pottery findings obtained from the Sarakhs plain; According to the studies carried out on pottery attributed to the Parthian period in Sarakhs plain, this period can be divided into two periods in the mentioned plain, in the first period (formation of the Parthian government before The accession of Mehrdad I) to the Sarakhs plain is influenced by the Sarakhs oasis culture of Turkmenistan, and in the second period, until the end of the Parthian period, they are influenced by the well-known cultures of southern Turkmenistan, namely the cultures of Nessa and Merv. The presence of these pottery indicates a two-way and dynamic relationship.    

Abstract
Jahangir site, which located in the western part of Sasanian Empire, had been excavated, since 2016 unitl 2019 during the constructing of Kangir Dam in Ilam province. Three architecture phases and plan of a huge building contained 11 spaces had been revealed during three seasons of excavations, and S.XI also revealed in the fourth season of archaeological excavations. Following the research problems of the previous seasons, the most important aim of this season of excavation, is to obtain the connection between the constructions and spaces with the main hall, and also to distinguish the availability and the entrance of the main hall. Maybe a religious function could be imagined for this structure Or it can be a structure for fermenting materials for beer and wine production and portable finds, led us to the new dimensions of Sasanian art, with the indigenous identity. The first stage of the settlements goes back to the pre-historic in the northern part. This site had been used also in Parthian period. A complex of buildings had been constructed in Sasanian era in the central part of the site. The results of dating experiments approve the date of Sasanian for Jahangir site, while the discovery of a Derakhma from Shapour II, shows that the site had been used continuously from the middle Sasanian period until Early Islamic. Gathering the data of this study is based on field study, library and laboratory studies, and descriptive-analytical method. The results of the excvations in this site, concludes the realization of social process of the high-ranked level of Sasanian society in the region according to the royal-local architecture methods.
Keywords: Jahangir, Architecture, Sasanian, Kangir Dam, Ilam.

Introduction
The Jahangir Building is located 25 km southeast of the Eyvan township in Ilam Province within an inter mountain valley next to Sartang village. In Jahangir 17-hectare site, several large monuments and two cemeteries are visible. After four seasons of excavations in central mound, the plan of some parts of an enormous building including 11 spaces, an area in 832 m2 have been revealed. Jahangir building include hall, Eyvan, rooms and courtyard. The walls, arcades, arcs and stuccos exist in this building, and the mortars are rubbles and semi-baked and semi-impressed plaster. These materials are quick and pressure and stretching persistent. The height of the walls are different, those made by floating the slabs in mortars and covered them with a plaster/gypsum layer.
The S.II, S.III, S.V, S.VII, S.IX, S.XI were one of the most important architectural spaces revealed in S.XI. This space in the size of 15.5×12.5 meters, in fact is the continue of the S.I, in order to revealing the connection between central mound and rectangular halls. The Western gate of rectangular and a round-shaped construction made by slabs and plaster in 2.45 meters distant from the West of the entrance have been found. In order to forming the round-shaped space, especially in outer part, the molded stuccos with a curve into the inside. The diameter of this construction is between 2.30 to 2.45 meters and depth of 64 cm(s). 
In the Northeast of the floor, there is a round curved part, which is a closed space and have not any pores, and covered by plaster/gypsum. In the absence of any cultural materials related to this structure, it is hard to recognize the function. There were even no traces of debris inside inner part and intentionally filled with a soft brown clay, and there were no trashes or ruin. This structure related to the second settlement plaster floor. In other words, the round-shaped structure with 45 cm(s) height from the first settlement floor, had been built in later periods. Maybe a religious function could be imagined for this structure or it can be a structure for fermenting materials for beer and wine production. The only similar and comparable specie is in Kish palace, which are round-shaped lavers with covered floor besides the vaulted room jahangir, which will describe in detail.
The fourth season of excavations at the site was carried out to explore the relation between different structures and spaces discovered in previous seasons. Excavations began in the main hall of the building, clearing the path between the two parts, and opening the entrance to the main hall. In addition to exposing the main entrance in the middle of the west wall of the building, we also found the remains of a stair way, a round gypsum construct and a feature attached to the southeastern corner of the main hall, as well as valuable portable finds. 
In this Season, a cut was made at the layers exposed in the north side of space XI in order to study the stratigraphy of the building, finding two clay and gypsum floors some 4-7 and 3-5 cm thick. This observation supports other finds from the building that there are two construction phases. The lower floor is an stamped layer of brownish soil-252 cm deep dating to Parthian period on which the Jahangir Building was constructed in the Sasanian period. 
In this season of excavations we came across a number of noteworthy facts. First, the site came into attention in Parthian period, but it was in the Sasanian period that a set of building were constructed here, especially in its central part. Dating of finds from previous seasons all point to a date in late Sasanian period, but the discovery of a silver coin of Shapour II in this season, suggests that this building may have been built in middle Sasanian period and continued to be used through early centuries AH It was then used by nomadic people. Three construction phases casn be discerned in the building phase 1 using cobbles and gypsum mortar a building was erected on the earher Parthian remains; phase 2 additional stone structures have been added to the building and repairs have been made, and phase 3 when the building was abandoned and used by nomads.

Conclusion
The pottery found in this season is similar to what we have found in previous seasons. The only difference is that we found some typical clinky ware on Feature no. 87, i.e , the last feature excavated in this season, supporting our hypothesis that the Sasanian building was erected on top of a Parthian settlement. We also found some gypsum stuccos with floral and geometric decoration, as well as examples with reverse motifs within different geometric frames reminiscent of the previous season’s finds. Finds include the aforementioned silver coin, in addition to glass, bone implements, and floral remains.

Abstract
Due to the existence of fertile alluvial soil and more than one hundred aqueducts (Qanats), agriculture and horticulture were prosperous in the Borkhar plain, north of Isfahan during the Qajar period. Furthermore, its location on the Isfahan highway to the capital of government made it easy to export products to other regions. Accordingly, livelihood in the Borkhar plain was affected by agriculture and horticulture. The questions are: how was the exploitation and management of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar? Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Based on the archaeological data such as gardens with the irregular plan and vast gardens with the designed and regular plan, it can be concluded that the type of agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar plain was subsistence agriculture and agribusiness. In the early Qajar era, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore, the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture in this plain, such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.
Keywords: Strategies of Livelihood, Agriculture During Qajar Period, Architecture of Qajar Period, Borkhar in Isfahan, Khan’s Gardens.

Introduction
Livelihood means human assets, behaviors, and activities that determine the standard of living of an individual, family, or community (Ellis, 2000: 10). According to Chambers and Conway, livelihood also means the capabilities and necessary activities to survive and determine lifestyle (Chambers and Conway, 1992: I-II). The strategies of livelihood were developed in different communities to increase social welfare and public health (Gaillard et al., 2009: 120). These strategies were included agricultural and horticultural livelihood, animal husbandry, fisheries, industrial activities, road services, and trade. In this article, the architectural features of gardens and buildings related to agriculture in the Borkhar plain were explained. Then, the strategies of livelihood in this plain during the Qajar period were analyzed.
As the entrance passage of Isfahan from the north, Borkhar plain was a strategic area on the north-south communication route of the country. This plain was considered an agricultural and horticultural area on the periphery of Isfahan.
The questions are how was the exploitation of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar?
The importance of this research is that it recognizes the systems of management and exploitation of natural resources in the past, especially with an emphasis on the methods of achieving sustainable livelihoods based on the capabilities of the region. While today, some cities and villages in the region are facing serious risks in terms of conservation of natural resources and livelihood, due to incorrect policies in local and regional development and lack of attention to local capabilities.
Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Analyzes were performed by “content analysis” of historical sources and “spatial analysis” of architectural monuments related to horticulture and agriculture.

Exploitation and Resource Management in Borkhar 
Geologically, the Borkhar plain is an alluvial plain and its settlements were developed in these alluviums (Shafaqi, 2002: 97). These alluvial soils cause fertility in this plain. The fertility of the Borkhar plain on the one hand, and the rise of the landowners class in the Qajar period on the other, led to the division of ownership of agricultural lands and gardens between lords and large landowners. Accordingly, the number of lords increased and they gained higher social prestige during the Qajar period. In addition to building residential castles on their agricultural lands and gardens, the lords and employers hired several farmers and settled them to increase the production and use of the land (Amirhajloo et al., 2012b: 115). 
Despite the fertile soil, the amount of rainfall in Borkhar plain was low. Therefore, groundwater extraction methods were important and aqueducts were created in the plain for this reason. The remains of “Pang-khaneh” buildings as a place for the distribution of aqueduct water in the Borkhar plain are important. Factors affecting the water distribution of aqueducts in Borkhar plain were: the features of the place, the amount of water of aqueducts, the number of households using water resources, type of cultivation, and laws governing the region. Exceptionally, for private aqueducts located on lord’s farms, all aqueduct water belonged only to the landowner.

The Strategies of Horticulture and Agriculture Livelihood in Borkhar
If we want to analyze the livelihood strategies of horticulture and agriculture in the Borkhar plain, we must pay attention to “subsistence agriculture” and “Agribusiness”. Subsistence agriculture is a type of agriculture that aims to produce as much as the needs of the family, tribe, or village and does not pay attention to foreign markets and earnings (Mosher, 2008: 6). While Agribusiness means specialized cultivation, production over subsistence needs, and product sales in the various markets (Amini, 2016: 549). While from the middle of the Qajar era, especially from the time of Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, “Agribusiness” also became popular (Mansour Bakht, 2009: 123, 147). 
Archaeological evidence of the Qajar era in the Borkhar plain indicates both of the above farming strategies. Archaeological remains show the subsistence agriculture strategy in this period; For example, small enclosed gardens, scattered and irregular gardens with an organic plan on the periphery of the villages of Morchekhort, Gaz, Gorgab, Sin, Dormian, Zaman Abad, Dastgerd, Dolatabad, Dombi, and Margh. While there is other evidence that shows the strategy of Agribusiness in Borkhar in the Qajar era, such as regular lordly gardens with a pre-designed plan and residential spaces for lords and farmers, as well as castles of landlords.
The content analysis of Qajar sources also confirms the existence of the above two livelihood strategies in Borkhar. For example, crops such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, summer vegetables, turmeric, and beets were grown for local consumption. But crops such as melons and cotton were grown commercially and then exported.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological data and historical sources, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain during the early Qajar era. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture of wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets in this plain, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.

Abstract
Obviously Persepolis is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world. Numerous scholarly works have been published about this site since the last century. However, this article stresses on a specific and new topic concerning a tool on shoulders of an Indian among India’s delegation in Apadana Palace of Darius the Great. The portrait of the delegation has been pre-served in the eastern and (damaged) northern staircases. The author, unlike previous works, be-lieves that this tool reflects a bamboo-stick which is known in India.  Indians used accessible bamboo-sticks, as a native plant, to carry their loads. They put a bamboo-stick on the shoulders while tied two containers in its two sides. The bamboo-stick is also widely used in ritual cere-monies (Hinduism). Clearly, to transfer the holy water of Ganges River to Shiva temples, pil-grims use a bamboo-stick tied to two containers. The bamboo-stick has been a significant tool in Kanwar Cult or Kanwar-yatra in India. Furthermore, Krishna’s Flute is made of a bamboo wood! In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar, this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. Flexible bamboo-stick does not hurt the shoulders, it is easier to control with both hands and it is less likely to break. For this reason, these flexible sticks - un-like scales - do not need handles in the middle and fastenings at the two ends with their bas-kets! In fact, the Indian bamboo-stick carrier arrived at Darius the Great court with a pure Indi-an traditional manner. So, the author relying on the special standing of bamboo stick in Indian culture ranging from ritual ceremonies to the life style challenges previous scholarly works on this subject.
Keywords: CPersepolis, Apadana, India, Bamboo-Stick.

Introduction
Obviously, Persepolis is one of the most important archeological sites in the world. Many sci-entific works have been published about the site since one hundred years ago. Persepolis is lo-cated 60 km northeast of Shiraz in the Marvdasht plain. Around it, the glorious heritage of the Achaemenid to the Sasanian Empire can be seen on the mountains and valleys. The oldest de-scription of Persepolis, according to Diodorus Siculus (Herzfeld, 1941: 230), is based on ac-counts of Alexander’s appearance in the East. Nevertheless, Iranian geographers of the first Is-lamic centuries such as Mas’udi, Ibn Balkhi and Moqadasi ... have also pointed to this area in-tertwined with King Jamshid (cf. Akbarzadeh, 2014: 36). This magnificent national historical site was registered in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1979.
From the late Qajar period, western scholars began exploring and studying ancient sites and Persepolis was one of them. Shapur Shahbazi (2009: online) has referred to a list of these peo-ple. Among them, I should refer to the masters like Schmidt (1953, 1957, 1970; Herzfeld,1941; Stronack, 1961-1963; Behnam, 1939, Mostafavi, 1951, Shahbazi, 1976) and etc.

Topic of the Article
However, the subject of this article is a new research on the portrait of a tax-paying Indian del-egation on the eastern (also damaged northern) stairs of Darius the Great’s Apadana.
An Indian (of the delegation) is carrying something like a scale (according to previous work i.e Schmidt, 1953-1970; Root, 1979, Callieri, 2004: online; Briant is silent; Briant, 2002: 268). Meanwhile, the main question is that: Can this tool be a scale?
This tool, which is the main topic of this article, will be discussed according to a photo about the delegation (Persepolis). To challenge the previous works, I will refer to Indic texts where I will describe some old significant Indian rites.
In the photo, a long carrying stick all over the man’s shoulder (with protrusions on both sides), two cheek baskets that hang from the end of each piece of wood, without any fasteners is clear-ly visible. Moreover, the man’s hands are the most important factor in maintaining this flexible wood attached to heavy baskets on both sides. The powerful Achaemenid craftsman accurately displayed the flexibility of the wood.

Discussion
A look at the scale’s forms in the ancient world from the Hellenic borders to Egypt and Iran (Buttner & Renn, 2016: 757) as well as text studies (see next) clearly diminishes belief in that the Indian man is carrying a scale!
However, to answer the main question: I should note that this tool can never be a scale as all western and Iranian scholars have been convinced. I would explain it as a bamboo-stick, the fa-mous native plant of the country (India). This plant can be seen all over India, especially along rivers and valleys. The Indians have widely used (even today in villages) flexible bamboo wood to carry light cargo.
In the famous Indian story of Shravan Kumar (Balasokulam, 2005: no. E32), this devoted child takes his blind parents to pilgrimage with a tool exactly like the one depicted in Persepolis, two baskets attached to bamboo-sticks on the back. “Once upon a time, when king Dashrath ruled, there lived a boy named Shravan Kumar. His parents were old and blind. He had to do all the works for them, since they couldn’t see. One day, Shravan Kumar’s parents expressed their de-sire to go on pilgrimage. As an obedient son, he wanted to fulfill their wish; but how would he do that? He couldn’t afford any transportation since he did not have money. He found another way. He took a strong bamboo-stick, tied baskets at its two ends and placed his parents in those baskets…” 
Furthermore, the bamboo-stick is mingled with the Hindu beliefs. Krishna normally appears with a flout which is made of bamboo! Sacred Ganga water carries by bamboo-stick (Kanwar) to Shiva Shrines.  In fact, Kanwar (Kanwar-yatra-) is a genre of religious performances where participants ritually carry water from a holy source in containers suspended on either side of the pole (cf. Singh: 2017, 46). 

Conclusion
The author believes that the portrait of that Indian tribute/gift bearer in Persepolis is only a re-flection of an Indian tradition in which Indians carried their goods in this way. It is strongly be-lieved that the two baskets at the two ends of the stick are the least reason why some scholars have confused it with the scales. In fact, this Indian man, according to his tradition, has brought a gift to the king! The multifunctional bamboo-stick of Persepolis (Skt. Vaina-, Hindi. Behngi and Kanwar (Bihar), probably Sogd. wn-, wn’kh (Apte, 2006: 27; Gharib, 2004: 408) were strongly supported by Indic texts and religious rites. In the story of Sravan Kumar, the loyal child took his parents to the pilgrimage by a bamboo-stick tied to two baskets! Also, Kanwar rite is one of the most important Hinduism beliefs where the bamboo-stick plays a significant role.
A part of religious aspect, flexible bamboo-stick was controllable by hands and it was accessi-ble and none-costly in all parts of the country.  Also, Indians were skilled to bring things by such bamboo-sticks. 
So, the craftsman recorded a detailed Indic tradition in the court of the Achaemenid king, Dari-us the Great, where this Indian man arrived with a bamboo-stick and nothing more. The author thinks that the bamboo-stick’s flexibility is a reason that some scholars mistakenly supposed some heavy things like gold stones (cf. Shahbazi, 2002, 268) can be referred in the boxes (of the baskets). 

Abstract
The longevity of some local dynasties has led to the formation of significant settlements in different environmental contexts, including mountainous to forested areas of northern Iran. Kohneh Gorab located in North the Amlash This area was one of the inhabited areas during the reign of Al-e Kia in the east of the Gilan Province is one of the notable examples in this field. Recognition and analysis of the ancient location and communication of Kohneh Gorab as one of the settlements under the political-cultural control of the Al-e Kia family in the Gilan has necessitated the forthcoming research. The present study seeks to answer the following question: According to the cultural findings (tiles and pottery) of the ancient site of the Kohneh Gorab of the Amlash from the perspective of relative chronology and concerning related historical texts, what period can be for this site suggested? And how can the intra- and extra-regional connection of the old the Kohneh Gorab site with the surrounding areas be explained? The most important purpose of the study is a chronological explanation as well as the study of intra- and extra-regional cultural relations based on defined cultural data. The method of data collection is field-documentary and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The result is that the most important cultural finds of the Kohneh Gorab area, including pieces of tiles with monochromatic glazes and plant motifs, as well as plain pottery with carvings, Slip-Painted, glazed pottery with the monochromatic glazes, the underglaze engravers, the sprinkled glazes, the blue-white paints, the Sgraffiato paints, undergrowth paintings, indicates a cultural connection with its neighboring areas such as the Panjpiran Tepe of the Lahijan, Islamic city of the Gaskar, the Lisar Qaleh of the Talesh (intra-regional) and also indicates relations with landmarks such as the Amol, the Jorjan, the Neyshabur, the Rey and the Saveh (extra-regional). A comparative and comparative chronology of this area showed that the settlement began at least from the 3rd or 4th century AH and continued until the 8th to 10th centuries, AH, that is, at the same time as the rule of the Al-e Kia dynasty in eastern the Gilan.
Keywords: Kohneh Gorab, Al-e Kia, Islamic Pottery, Tiles.

Introduction
Archaeological studies in the Gilan Province in recent years have led to the identification of large Islamic sites that previously could only be recovered through historical texts. The Kohneh Gorab is one of these intermediate sites that has served as a link between its north and south. Information from historical texts has attributed the settlement in this area to the Al-e Kia family, while recent archaeological studies while confirming this attribution, have linked the settlement in this area to an older period. The main purpose of this research is the chronological study and analysis of the Kohneh Gorab site based on cultural data to identify its regional and supra-regional relationship. Important natural and historical sites, as well as destruction due to development activities, have been the most important necessities for documenting this area.
The questions are as follows: Cultural findings (tiles and pottery) of the ancient site of the Kohneh Gorab of the Amlash in terms of relative chronology and concerning related historical texts, what period can be proposed for this site? And based on cultural findings and comparative studies of pottery species and tile pieces, how can the internal and external relations of the Kohneh Gorab site with the surrounding sites be explained?
In the present study, pottery and tile pieces were collected from surface surveys in and around the historical site of the Kohneh Gorab and also drilled 15 test trench in predetermined places. For comparative studies, citation sources and descriptive-analytical methods were used in the research. The findings of this documentary method were analyzed to present the relative chronology and cultural relations within and outside the region.

The Tiles Sherds from the Kohneh Gorab
Tile pieces obtained from the historical site of the Kohneh Gorab are of high quality. to make these tiles, which are geometric shapes such as squares, rhombuses, triangles, star shapes, as well as star and cross shapes, they used the molding method and prefabricated molds. The surface of all these tiles is covered with monochromatic under turquoise glazes, azure, green, yellow, black, and also plant motifs with a combination of green, black or blue, and white. 
From comparative studies of tiles in Islamic areas in the Gilan, we conclude that small tiles in the shape of pentagons, rhombuses, and triangles in historical buildings in the east and west of the Gilan, such as the Panjpiran tepe, the historic city of the Gaskar, the Qala-e-Rudkhan of the Fooman, which is almost contemporary in time. They are used with the ancient historical site of the KOhneh Gorab (Table 1).

The Pottery of the Kohneh Gorab Site
All pottery obtained from the Kohneh Gorab site can be divided into two general categories based on simple and glazed. Plain pottery is divided into two categories: unglazed and plain pottery and unglazed and patterned pottery. Glazed pottery is also divided into two categories: plain glazed and painted glazed. Glazed and plain pottery was divided into seven types based on the color of the coating: Unglazed and plain pottery in yellowish red, unglazed and plain pottery in reddish-brown, unglazed and plain pottery in bright red, unglazed and plain pottery in reddish yellow, unglazed and plain pottery in brown, unglazed and plain light brown pottery. According to typological studies, this type of pottery was common in many areas of the Gilan Province from the 4th to the 10th century AH (Jahani, 2011; Mirsalehi, 2019; Ramin, 2006). 
Most of the pottery obtained from the Kohneh Gorab site is wheel-made and a small number of them are hand-made. Some dishes have a flat bottom and some have a long, concave base. According to the available evidence; Most of this pottery was used daily. Unglazed and painted pottery of this site can be divided into two categories based on the type of pattern: unglazed pottery with engraving, pottery with the scarred pattern. The abundance of such pottery pieces informally leads to the idea that these two types are probably of local production; However, we have to wait until laboratory studies and definite assurance in this field.

Conclusion
The main data obtained from the field survey of the Kohneh Gorab site include pieces of tiles and pottery. The tile pieces are small in size and geometric shapes (square, rhombus, pentagonal and triangular), star-shaped, covered with monochromatic glazes of blue, green, and yellow. In some of these tiles, plant motifs including arabesque and leaves have been used. Comparatively comparing these tiles with other areas, there are many similarities between them and the tiles discovered from the Panjpiran tepe in the Lahijan related to the Kiai period. From the surviving cases of these tiles and similar ones, we can mention the examples in the religious buildings of the Lahijan and the Langrud. Other data that were abundantly obtained in this site are pottery pieces belonging to the Middle Ages and late Islam. Plain pottery with carved and without patterns has a higher percentage of all pottery. These species are probably locally produced. The next groups have the most abundance of pottery with underglaze, pottery with sprayed glaze, and Sgraffito pottery after plain pottery, respectively. The Sgraffito pottery discovered from the Kohneh Gorab is technically and artistically similar to the Amol tepe. Some of the samples are of higher quality and it is possible that they came to this place from the Amol region, others were produced locally by imitating the Amol species. The black painted under the turquoise glaze and white blue pottery are another part of the cultural data obtained from this site. The better quality and lower frequency of these parts raised the issue of their import unofficially. The results of the study of these data reveal the cultural connections of this site with sites in the Gilan province such as the Panjpiran tepe of the Lahijan, Islamic city of the Gaskar, the Lisar castle, and outside the Gilan province sites such as the Amol, the Jorjan, the Neyshabur, the Rey and the Saveh. Comparative analysis of the findings indicates the settlement between the 3rd to 4th and 8th to 10th centuries AH, in which the site was relatively stable; however, to provide an accurate chronology as well as to identify the extent of the dispersal of cultural deposits, it is necessary to conduct extensive and purposeful excavations.

Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

Abstract
The northeast Iran has been the context of some of the most important events of the Parthian Period, in a way that one can restrict the geography of the Parthians to Pathawa and Hyrcania until before gradual expansion of the territory during Mehrdad the First (138-171 BC).One of the least-known aspects of the Parthian in the northeast region is the potteries assemblages. Pottery is the most abundant of the archaeological finds and is the most important one to understand the cultural specifics of the historical periods. The Parthian pottery is not the same throughout the whole empire and it can be grouped into several categories based on geographic regions. The pottery assemblage under study in this paper, collected from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh in Dargaz, represents part of the Parthian pottery corpus of the northeast region. In current research, the pottery aasemblage of ShahrTappeh has been studied from the typological perspective and it has been tried to put forward specifics of the pottery of Parthian period of the northeast region by comparative studies of the similar assemblages.The most frequent forms amongst the pottery assemblage of ShahrTappeh are jar, pithos, handled jar, pot, caldron, trough, bowl and cup. These forms, which are seen from the early to late phase of the Parthian period, are comparable with specimens from Marv, Nisa, Qumes, Chasada, Shamshir Ghar, Ai Khanom, HasaniMahale, Tol Espid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. In addition, finding of some kiln waste in the second season of excavation at ShahrTappeh suggest that this site was a center for pottery production in the northeast during the Parthian period. Lack of glazed ware, rarity of the painted ware and the prevalence of the plain ware are the most characteristics of the ShahrTappeh pottery assemblage. The latter was used as common ordinary ware during the Parthian period and based on comparative studies they were parts of the pottery tradition of the Parthians. 
Keywords: The Northeast Region of Iran, Dargaz, ShahrTappeh, Pottery, Parthian Period.

Introduction
The site of ShahrTappeh is located near the town of Chapeshlow in the northeast Iran. From several aspects this site has important in archaeology of the Parthian Period: with more than 70 ha, the site of ShahrTappeh is one of the largest sites of this period in the northeast Iran; 2. The site is just 100 km, as crow flies, from the first capital of the Parthians; 3. Archaeological data, including fortifications, acropolis, sharestan (lower town), industrial quarter and cultural materials recovered from the excavations comparable with those from Nisa, suggest that the site was a city in the Parthian period; 4. Based on materials recovered from the surface and excavations, ShahrTappeh was a single-period site of the Parthian period in the northeast region. These items suggest that ShahrTappeh was one of the most important Parthian centers of the northeast region. Regarding the importance of the site of ShahrTappeh in the northeast region we try in this paper to discuss the main pottery characteristics of the site to some extent. In this line, first we have studied the pottery forms of the site and then we have chosen 89 sherd fragments and whole vessels for in-depth studies. We have tried to choose the pottery sample so that it is the representative of the whole assemblage. In the following the pottery assemblage has been divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms, and then each class has been discussed. Finally, we tried to discuss, in a separate part, the common features of the Parthian pottery of the region from this study and at the end we propose a pattern for identification and characterization of the Parthian pottery in the northeast region. 

Typology and General Characteristics of the Study Sample
From the pottery collection recovered from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh, 89 pottery fragments and whole vessels were chosen for study here. At the first stage, these potteries are divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms. The closed forms of the ShahrTappeh assemblage include necked jars and simple jars, pithoi, stoups, caldrons, troughs, a vessel type known as Misagh and base fragments of the vessels. The open forms include bowls and cups. Without considering the various types of forms, the ware has some general characteristics. The pottery collection under study is all plain. No glazed ware is found in ShahrTappeh yet. Some of the sherds have incised, applique or burnished decorations. The sherds usually have mean thickness, but both thick and thin variants are also seen. The color paste covers a spectrum: buff, light orange, orange, red and gray. The color of slip ranges from buff, light buff, dark buff, greenish buff, orange buff, reddish buff, buff orange, light orange, dark orange, reddish orange, red, greenish red, buff brown, gray to greenish gray. All samples are wheel made and the temper agent used is mineral, including sand, silt and white particles. The kiln temperature was enough and all sherds were exposed to proper heat. 

Conclusion
With more than 70 ha in area, ShahrTappeh is one the largest Parthian sites of the northeast region. The important point about this site is that it is a single-period site and discussing about its finds can be pursued from this perspective. One of the most important finds of ShahrTappeh is pottery. Except typological and technical grounds, the Parthian potteries of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the viewpoints of chronology, comparable specimens, imported potteries and local production. The potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh is datable to the early to late Parthian period. This conclusion is based on comparative grounds. On this basis, the ShahrTappeh specimens are comparable with those of eastern Parthian Empire. The early Parthian potteries of the site are comparable with those of Nisa, Marv and Qumes. Some of the specimens are comparable with pottery from Charseda, Shamshir Ghar and Ai Khanomwhich are categorized in the Seleucid-Parthian context. Although the site established in the early Parthian period, it lasted to the end of the era. Among the potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh there are specimens that are comparable with those from Tol Spid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. The pottery types of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the import and local production viewpoints. Amongst the potteries of ShahrTappeh a burnished vessel dated to the 1st to 3rd centuries AD has been found. Existence of this specimen indicates the importation of such vessels from the southeast region to the northeast region including ShahrTappeh. On the other hand, discovery of large amounts of kiln waste suggest that the site was a manufacturing center for pottery vessels. It should be noted that as no deformed specimens were found, we cannot make comments about the local variants. In general, potteries of ShahrTappeh which are comparable with assemblages from the eastern Iran can be dated from the early to the late Parthian period. These pottery types that in which imported specimens and local production can be seen, are representatives of some of the Parthian pottery types of the northeast region. 

Abstract
Among the collection of findings from the archeological excavations of the Iron Age cemetery of Lefour, in Savadkuh, there is an engraved a two-humped camel on a bronze belt buckle, skillfully made through molding method. According to the studies of physical anthropology, in terms of morphology of the skulls, it shows that the excavated dead bodies were different from the previous inhabitants, and the grave goods also indicate they were cattle breeders and nomads. The most prominent object found is a bronze belt buckle with the engraving of a western two-humped camel on it; this animal is definitely not native to the southern region of the Caspian Sea, and may belong to the plains of Central Asia; the southernmost habitat of this type of camel is in the north of Gorgan plain and in the south of Turkmenistan. In the Achaemenid period, two-humped camel is also shown with groups of gift givers who came from Central Asia and the east of the Caspian Sea. In the memorial stone carvings of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyrians, there are also people carrying two-humped camels, along with the inscriptions seem to be belonged to a far distant country in the east. The most important questions in this study are: Were the human remains found in this cemetery are native or migrated from other areas? Whether the obtained grave inputs were made on site or imported, and to what extent were they influenced by the artistic and industrial techniques from near or far areas? And is it possible to reconstruct the migration route of these groups in the fertile and foothill areas of Mazandaran by studying the findings of this research? In this article, in addition to comparing the form and nature of the bronze belt buckle with other findings of Lefour Cemetery, the authors analyze and interpret it regarding historical documents and sources to provide more accurate answer to the questions. The result of the research reveals that this object was produced in another place and entered the region through immigrants.
Keywords: Iron Age, Bronze Belt Buckle, Lefour Cemetery, Savadkuh.

Introduction
The study and interpretation of the cultural characteristics of past societies and the study of the evolution of cultures based on the cultural relics left by these societies constitute the main framework of archaeological studies, the most important evidence in this regard is material and tangible effects. It is complex and difficult to know more accurately the cultural relics of past societies by relying on purely material evidence. The deep connection of religious beliefs with social customs and economic activities is one of the characteristics of past cultures. Therefore, one of the most important sources for understanding the religions, culture and functions of its predecessors is the study of ancient formulations and cultural materials. In this method, researchers usually consider one or more formative features such as objects placed inside the grave, adaptation of the grave or the general plan and location of the cemetery, and then, based on that class or social status of the buried people, adapt to the form, and compare the nature of objects. Despite the importance of accurate and scientific analysis of objects and graves from the Iron Age to explain religious beliefs, no independent research has been done so far. 
Research Question: The most important question that arise as a result of the two chapters of excavation of Lefour Cemetery is that according to anthropological studies  and comparison of ancient date, the graves of the deceased were relatives who migrated to this place from other areas and due to the similarity of form and was the nature of the particular object in question imported? And to what extent has it been industrial practices from near and far?
Research Method: In archaeological research, in addition to printing and disseminating data from field activities of an area, it is possible to analyze and compare the form and nature of an object with the data of regional and supra-regional sites to analyze the origin of a culture. In this article, focusing on the role of the bipedal camel on the bronze belt discovered from data from the Iron Age, Lefour and the similarity of this or that with the role of the western camel of the Persepolis donors, as well as the memorial stone of Shalmanser III it reinforces the hypothesis that it was intended to be imported and that its origin was in east and north of the Gorgan and Turkmenistan plains. 

Belt buckle with the Motiv of Balkhi Camel
The most prominent object of this burial was a unique Bronze belt buckle with the image of a Balkhi bipedal camel, and it is made by casting and embossing method and is reminiscent of desert and arid regions of the east of the Caspian Sea and the steppes of Central Asia

Conclusion
The plain and mountainous regions of the south of the Caspian Sea due to their suitable biological and climatic conditions are very important in studying the settlements of the Bronze and Iron Ages, but unfortunately no independent and complete research has been done on the origin and end of this period. It is done on a case-by-case basis and separately from each other in terms of time and place. Leford Savadkuh Cemetery is no exception. Regarding Leford Cemetery, it should be noted that according to the knowledge of cemeteries and settlements in the center of Mazandaran, it is clear that the cemeteries of nomads in mountainous area, unlike the plains, are often small and limited, and each cemetery probably belonged to a specific group or tribe. The nomads, whose main occupation was herding, spent most of their time in the highlands, migrating animals from one place to another in search of pastures throughout the year and the works obtained also show that in this sense it is economics and small works have on animal husbandry.

Abstract
With the foundation of Sasanian dynasty, the first fully anthropomorphic representations of Ohrmazd appeared in ancient Iranian art. He was depicted in eight rock reliefs at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab (2 scenes), Naqsh-i Rustam, Tang-i Chugan (2 scenes) and Taq-i Bustan (2 scenes) while investing a beribboned diadem to the Sasanian king. The iconography of Ohrmazd was not a new one and before Sasanian period in Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd had mainly created by imitating Greek-Roman prototypes. But the iconography of Ohrmazd in Sasanian rock reliefs was different. He was completely depicted in Iranian artistic fashion, and in some scenes, he carried bundles of barsam. Barsam is an implement carry by priests in ceremonial rituals. However, Avesta reveals that barsam was not only use by priests, but also hold by some deities including Ohrmazd. In Aban Yasht, Ahura Mazda (Middle Persian Ohrmazd) praises Aredvi Sura Anahita with the barsam. There are still questions about the figure of Ohrmazd and the sources of his iconography in Sasanian rock reliefs. So it is significant to review Zoroastrian texts again and study whether they affect the iconography of Ohrmazd or not. By analyzing and comparing the characteristics and details of iconographical elements of Sasanian rock reliefs and also regarding Zoroastrian written sources, the authors try to find the origin of these artistic models and the reason why Ohrmazd carries a bundle of Barsam at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab, Naqsh-i Rustam and Taq-i Bustan investiture scenes. The results show that the iconography of Ohrmazd was especially modeled after the royal art and the king himself. Furthermore, Some Zoroastrian texts reveal that Ohrmazd incarnate in Gētīg (material world) as an Ahlaw man or a priest and probably Sasanian artists consciously depicting him while carrying barsam in his hand(s).    
Keywords: Ohrmazd, Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Royal Appearance, Zoroastrian Priest, Zoroastrian Texts.

Introduction
By defeating the last Parthian king, Ardavan V, Artaxerxes I (224-240/1 CE) established an empire which was concentrated on centralization of Iranian state and unification of religion. To unify religion (Zoroastrianism), the iconoclastic movement was formed by Artaxerxes I. According to ancient sources, Artaxerxes I ordered to destroy idols, and instead many fires established throughout the empire; even some pre-Sasanian sacred fires were replaced by new ones. However, it seems such strictness does not prevent creating images of divine beings. There are evidences of iconography of Zoroastrian deities in Sasanian art. An important point is that in the Avesta and the Middle Persian texts, some deities were incarnated in human or animal forms and so the religious texts may be good sources for representations of deities. Interestingly archaeological evidence and written sources revealed different version of Zoroastrian in Armenia and Central Asian and idol-worship customs were prevalent there. In Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd was mostly depicted according to Greek-Roman prototypes. On the contrary, the image of Ohrmazd as the superior Zoroastrian deity in Sasanian art was different and imitated from Iranian models. At Naqsh-i Rustam, the definite image of Ohrmazd contribute identification of him in other Sasanian rock reliefs. Due to the inscription, it was the only certain known evidence of Ohrmazd in Iranian art. At the same time, it is regarded as a significant document of the iconography of Zoroastrian divinities from the early Sasanian period. Despite extensive and diverse studies on Sasanian art and representations of Zoroastrian deities, including Ohrmazd, there are still ambiguities about the iconography of Ohrmazd and the sources of his visual images, the contribution of religious texts, and the influence of other iconographies of Ohrmazd on his representations in Sasanian art.

Discussion
Archaeological evidence and written sources shows that Ohrmazd occupied the highest status in ancient Iranian beliefs. The oldest and most definite references to him traced back on Achaemenian inscriptions (Lecoq, 1997: 176-276) and fortress tablets at Persepolis (Henkelman, 2008: 527-529). Furthermore, some scholars regarded the images of the winged disk with or without a bearded bust on Achaemenian monuments as the very ancient image of Ohrmazd (Lecoq, 1984; Skjærvø, 2014: 179-180). Contemporary with Parthian at about 30 BC, the Commagene king, Antiochus I erected statues of gods at Nemrud Daq (Herzfeld, 1941: 275). According to the inscriptions, one of the statues belongs to Oromasdes who was synchronized with Zeus (Widengren, 1986). Although he dressed in Persian fashion (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1978: 189) and holding barsam, but he was depicted like Zeus. On Kushanian coins, Ohrmazd was depicted again more likely after Greek models (Shenkar, 2014: 61-62), but under the name of Ōoromozdo or the abbreviated name Ōrom (Humbach, 1975: 139-140). For the first time during Sasanian period, Ohrmazd was represented in a fully anthropomorphic figure while investing a diadem to the Sasanian kings. At Naqsh-i Rustam, Ohrmazd synchronized with Zeus (Lukonin, 2005: 307), but he was depicted completely different and he appeared resemble to Sasanian kings probably for legitimization goals. Furthermore, Ohrmazd holding barsam in several reliefs. According to Bundahišn, Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd incarnated as an Ahlaw man or a priest (Zot or Atravan) in Gētīg. He also praised Aredvi-sura-Anahita with barsam (Yš. 5. 17). So it seems that Sasanian artists deliberately depicted barsam in the hand of Ohrmazd to show him in the figure of Zoroastrian priest. As the image of Ohrmazd was not remained similar during Sasanian period, barsam appeared on Artaxerxes I’s rock reliefs and reemerge on Khosrow Parviz’s investiture at Taq-i Bustan.

Conclusion
Before Sasanian period, no definite representation of Ohrmazd is detected in Iran. The only images of the winged disk on Achaemenian and post-Achaemenian monuments in Pars attributed to Ohrmazd by some scholars. Contrary to Parthians, the iconography of deities in Sasanian period is much fewer. Although ancient sources attribute iconoclast movement to Artaxerxes I, but archaeological evidence manifest production of divine images. However it is important to distinguish cultic statues and portrayal of deities in the art. During Sasanian period fire-temples were established all over the kingdom and the cult of fire become the state religion. Erecting cultic statues was prohibited, however the images of deities including Ohrmazd produced in Sasanian art. Investiture ceremonies on rock reliefs show Ohrmazd in the shape of a royal figure while in some cases carrying a barsam like Zoroastrian priests. As Sasanian kings emphasize their legitimate claim during their sovereign, Ohrmazd depicted similar to the king. The representation of Ohrmazd in these monuments was completely in Persian mode and was against the image of him in Commagene or Kushan where he was depicted after Zeus. In the Middle Persian texts, Ohrmazd is invisible even amongst the sacred beings, except for the prophet Zardosht. He can be comprehend through wisdom and the power of comparison. However in the Pahlavi Rivāyat and Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd described with a human appearance. In a passage from Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd is an intangible spirits who appears in Gētīg in the body of the Mard-i Ahlaw (Just man). According to Bundahišn, Ohrmazd appears in the form of Zoroastrian priest in Gētīg. Also, he comes to the world as Zot. He is Atravan. So it is not strange that Ohrmazd depicted as a priest in some reliefs, while carrying a barsam. 

Abstract
Troglodytic Architecture like other branches of architecture has strong relationship with the culture of the people and their daily lives, which, although at first glance, seems simple and primitive, but in fact were built by people who have used all their intelligence and ability to build them.In Troglodyte part of Ab-Ask village, the people of the past have tried to create various architectural elements in this place to meet their daily needs, each of which plays an important role in the architecture of this part in a specific shape and image. Some of these elements were created inside the Troglodyte (rooms) and some outside the rooms.Indicative environmental elements that affect the plasticity of the village are geography,security,immortality and religion,which geography has the most impact on the form of Troglodyte compared to other factors. However, the influence of other factors cannot be ignored. What has been the present research in order to answer the question of the elements related to the lifestyle of people in these Troglodyte? Using field and descriptive case study method, in Troglodyte section of Ab-Ask village, to introduce and analyze architectural elements and details in these Troglodyte including: porch, stone bench, door, window, ledge and niche, stove, manger, and etc. At the end of this study, it will show that the past people of this region with high skills in interacting with nature have been able to create more than 170 Troglodyte in this place, which were studied in 5 groups. The orientation of the facade in this complex has been done from the south to the northeast, which has been a calculated choice in relation to the winds of the region and the direction of the sun and the chronology of the collection, according to the pottery and historical texts, is probable to the historical-Islamic period. 
Keywords: Troglodyte Architecture, Ab-e-Ask, Architectural Elements and Details, Immortality, Akhyeh.

Introduction
This type of architecture has been created by hand, with the help of tools, in the heart of the soil or in the heart of rocks between dams and precipices. Residents in man-made cave architecture, like living in modern architecture, require the use of elements to meet their needs. They have created the elements of this architecture in the same way in the heart of the rocks and according to their needs, which is diverse. Certainly, the past residents of man-made cave architecture of Ab-Ask village, in order to meet their needs by creating and organizing the available space in the heart of the rock, have created elements and details along with the residential space; that knowing these elements, as indicators related to lifestyle, will lead to familiarity with the pattern and lifestyle of the inhabitants of this man-made cave village.
Man-made cave part of the village, which also has a significant area, has taken on new uses today due to new needs, and due to new uses, new elements have been added to the previous samples.
Objectives and necessity of research: Due to the evidence of many rock architecture in Larijan section of Amol city (due to geographical conditions) and the lack of sufficient research in relation to these works, therefore study of the rock formations of Ab-Ask Village can be used as a prelude to a better understanding of this type of architecture and also, the role of rock architecture in rural tourism planning in Larijan section is very important
Research questions and hypotheses: What were the elements related to the lifestyle of the people in these man-made caves? It seems that the wind direction of the region and the direction of sunlight have had a significant effect on the direction of the entrance of this man-made cave.

Context
Areas of villages in Larijan district in Mazandaran province, among dams and precipices with a length of approximately 45 km, from the summer village of Plour to the village of Punjab, along the Haraz transportation road, have a variety of man-made cave architecture (Mohammadi Nashli and Rostamnejad Nashli , 2013: 2) which in this article we are researching man-made caves of Ab-e-Ask village.
Adjacent to the Haraz River, which has permanent water, at the foot of Damavand Mountain, next to numerous mineral springs and travertine makers, and near the coal mine, more than 170 units of man-made cavities inside hardened volcanic sediments (harder than soil and softer than stone) but dominated the plains and adjacent lands created by the peoples of the past.
These man-made caves are made on the walls of valleys with a height of 30 to 100 meters, all of which have a special door and hole due to the slope and climatic and perhaps religious reasons, which usually warm in winter and cool in summer in choosing the side. In these settlements, the number of openings is generally small and often only one entrance is enough, although in some, man-made caves, in addition to the opening, a hole is installed in the east direction.
Various elements have been used in man-made section of Ab-e-Ask village inside and outside the living space, and here we have tried to introduce and their possible function. Porch, parf, shelter or shelter of wind and cairn from external elements, hall, skylight window, niche, recess, jug, mortar, stove, manger and drinking fountain, room and stake including internal and at the entrance elements, stairs and platform are elements that are seen both outside and inside the space of these man-made caves, are mentioned in this article.

Conclusion
This collection includes more than 170 units of man-made cave that have been studied in five groups: residential structures, livestock-residential structures, guard structures, possibly ritual-burial structures and structures with unknown use. Chronology of the collection According to the evidence in the historical-Islamic period up to the present century, it is possible that during this period, this collection has also expanded. However, 90% of the units in this collection are still used in fodder ponds and warehouses. Pointing out that about 50% of the collection is related to the present century that people have naturally built existing structures to store fodder and keep their livestock and according to the type of rock.
7 units out of total 170 units identified in the collection were debris-removed that the different feature of these 7 units is the presence of a pounded floor with plaster, which has probably been seen in the side walls in addition to the floor. A number of units in this collection are associated with artificial architecture, which is clearly related to the surviving artificial architecture of the contemporary century and some recent years.
Existence of different architectural elements inside and outside the spaces has been a necessity in order to meet the daily needs of the residents, that in this article, a brief introduction to the elements and interior design, which were eventually created simply by working on stone and natural bedding, was obtained.
In this collection, the existing architectural elements as inextricably intertwined with other elements, such as walls, floors, ceilings are parts of the space. Each of these elements is embedded in different sizes and dimensions depending on the location and available space; due to this, we see a great variety in the architectural elements of this collection that the elements of each space are specific to that space. The presence of a natural substrate has made it possible to add new elements to the collection over time. These elements are created in the desired space due to the necessity of daily life, and that is why there is not much multiplicity about these elements.

Abstract
Considering the importance of the Late Chalcolithic Period, especially at the end of the period, we see the emergence of the first cities and early state formation; therefore identifying the types of sites and cultural materials of this period can add important information to our knowledge about it. Among the most noteworthy tendencies of this period are the population growth, the expansion of exchange, and growing craft specialization. Despite our knowledge of different types of cultural materials, especially the pottery traditions of the Late Chalcolithic Period of the Central Zagros region, our knowledge of “Coba” pottery in Iran is limited. which were mass-produced in the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Turkey in different forms during the “Post-Ubaid” and from the LC1 period onwards. So far, there has been little discussion about the presence of this type of vessel in Iran. This study examines Coba bowls in western Iran, especially the Kermanshah plain, and tries to answer the questions by a descriptive andanalytical method, while discussing the technological characteristics and the time span of Coba bowls in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan? Also, what view do these new findings give us in terms of the distribution of these wares? The abundance of these bowls in the excavation of Taq-e Bustan in 2015 and other discovered samples from Kermanshah province and western Iran provide new evidence that this pottery tradition covered a wide area in western Iran. These samples show that we are facing a significant abundance of type 3 and 4 of Coba bowls and the bold presence of these types indicates the spread of this ware to western parts of Iran such as the Central Zagros in the Early Uruk period.
Keywords: Kermanshah, Taq-e Bustan, Late Chalcolithic, Post-Ubaid, Coba Bowls.

Introduction
Given that the fourth millenium B.C coincides with major structural changes, including the emergence of social hierarchy, technological innovations and economic reorganization, and finally the emergence early states and cities, the presence and distribution of Coba bowls, also known as mass-produced, represents a wider range of communication and interaction in the early fourth mill B.C between Mesopotamia and the Central Zagros than previously thought. Here, we aim to answer the two following questions: What are the technological characteristics of the prehistoric Taq-e Bustan place bowls? Which time period does this type of ware cover? Also, what image do these new findings provide of the distributional pattern? Therefore, the authors in this article will try to evaluate the presence of these findings in relation to the origin of this pottery and the main area of its development.
The area of Taq-e Bustan West Park, which is also known as Parthian Cemetery, is located in the northeast of Kermanshah city and the foothills of the mountains and in the west of Taq-e Bustan historical place next to a spring full of water at an altitude of 1395 meters above sea level. During the excavations of this area in 1394, a new collection of finds associated with the fourth millennium BC (traces of the Late Chalcolithic Period settlement beneath the layers containing the Parthian Cemetery) was revealed. During the initial studies, this area was considered to be on the same horizon as the Godin IV3 period.

Discussion
During the classification, typology and comparison of the pottery collection, one of the special types of pottery forms called Coba bowl was revealed in this area. The Coba bowls are the hallmark of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon, which has been present in four different types from the LC1 to LC3, in a wide range, including northern Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e Bustan site are found in large numbers, upside down on the bottom floor and inside the jar. The presence of these bowls along with spherical body bowls (also know as curved bowl) -with simple rim and grooved body-, beaded-rim bowls, bowls similar to Hammerhead bowl, painted pottery comparable to pottery from Godin Tapeh of the VI3 period and other forms of pottery, are important. Based on the comparisons made, and considering the samples with absolute chronology of the Central Plateau, Central Zagros and areas outside the borders of Iran, as well as according to the radiocarbon samples obtained from the Godin period VI1, a date of about 3800 or 3700 (LC2-3) can be suggested for the settlement of Late Chalcolithic period of the Taq-e Bustan and its pottery. Samples of bowls from the Taq-e-Bostan prehistoric place are comparable to Coba bowls, such as Wide-Flower pots, conical, or V-shaped bowls. These bowls, which are considered as a relatively unknown types of this period in Iran, have not been noticed so far, if in addition to the Taq-e Bustan site, they have been obtained from Ja-baq site in Doroud Faraman of Kermanshah, Tepe Kheibar of Rawansar, Tapeh Morad Weis 2 in Sar Pol-e Zahab, Godin Tapeh period VI3, Shahzade Abdollah site in Khorramabad, Garmesi Site in Deh Luran, Tepe Badamyar of Rabat and Qale Nane in Marivan. The presence of this type of pottery in areas far from its already known areas of distribution, especially in the Central Zagros, can provide a new perspective for transregional interactions and further our understanding of the nature of society in the early fourth millennium BC in the Zagros.

Conclusion
Among the cultural finds of this site, the Wide-Flower pots with a relatively rough and uneven surface, straw temper and generally with grey core have a strong presence in the studied assemblage. Its already known sphere of development includes the northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia. The Coba bowls are an important feature of the Post-Ubaid ceramic horizon which lasts until the LC3 period. According to the division that the researchers have considered for Coba bowls, the Coba bowls of the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan are comparable to the third and fourth types of this V-shaped bowl, which are mostly known in the eastern areas such as Keban, Habur and Iraqi Jezira. It is certain that with further excavations and surveys, there is a possibility of changing this zoning/sphere, because examples of these bowls (V shape) are also found in western areas such as Amuq, Cilicia and southern Anatolia. These bowls are generally referred to as mass-produced bowls due to the discovery of large quantities in archaeological contexts, and the function attributed to this type of bowl generally includes household activities. Excavation in the prehistoric site of Taq-e Bustan shows the expansion of the Coba bowl sphere to the western regions of Iran, such as the Kermanshah plain in the Central Zagros. Existence of these bowls along with other comparable pottery forms in different regions within the current borders of Iran and many comparable examples in the Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria and the use of the Flint-scrap Technique on the surface of vessels of these sites, especially the bowls which are one of the features of the Northern Mesopotamian pottery tradition (Chaff faced-ware or Post-Ubaid culture) during the late fifth and early fourth millennium BC, indicate the prevalence and continuity of the presence of Northern Mesopotamian pottery traditions, along with the early Uruk pottery culture in the Central Zagros. This reflects the extensive regional and trans-regional relations between these areas.

Abstract
Coins are one of the most important findings in archaeological excavations, which are the best examples of historiography after geographical and historical sources and texts. By and analyzing the information contained in them, information about each region in various fields such as history, culture, economy, politics, religions and social conditions can be completed and more accurate judgments about the identity of that community can be obtained. In the archeological excavation of 2009, in the historical site of Zolpabad, Farahan, Markazi province, twenty complete coins and five cut scissors were found, which we will study in this research. The purpose of this study is to read the calligraphy,mint place, motifs and visual elements used in their decorations in order to achieve a connection with religion, language, calligraphy and their use in commercial and cultural exchanges. The present study is a historical research based on nature and method, descriptive-analytical research based on archaeological field and a library studies. The most important of questions in this research are: the coins discovered from the archeological excavations of Zulfabad What are period and which of the rulers? What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs struck on them? And what does indicate the presence of these coins in this site  ? The results of this research show that the coins discoverd from Zolfaabad are belong to three early rulers of the Ilkhanid period, namely HulaGu, Abaqa Khan and Ahmed Tekuder. These coins have inscriptions in Uyghur and Kufic script, Religious inscriptions in geometric decorative frames consisting of circles and squares, floral motifs and squares are the most visual representations used in these coins. 
Keywords: Coin, Ilkhanid, Zolfaabad, Farahan.

Introduction
Coins are a written, valid document and an important source of information for examining any government’s culture, history, language evolution, beliefs, and economy. As the most enduring historical document, the coin is a manifestation of the various dimensions and aspects of a society’s life that reflect the industry, type of clothing, religious rites, and so on. Despite its economic function and facilitating the trade exchanges of societies, the coin has acted as a symbol and image of society and a transmitter of religious messages and concepts between societies (Thawaqeb et al., 2016: 67).
In terms of a variety of themes and motifs, the coins in this period of time have a lot of information that is very significant for researchers. The Mongols used the script and language of the conquered lands and the Uighur script in their coins. However, until the middle of the Ilkhanate government, the scripts of coins were to some extent influenced by the Mongolian culture, so the kings of this period wrote their names in the Uyghur language and script (Jafari Dehghi, 2013: 23).
Research Questions and Hypotheses: The most important questions of this research are: 1- Coins discovered from Zolfabad archeological excavations belong to which period and which Ilkhani governors? 2- What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins, and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs mint on them? 3- What is the role of discovering these coins in the studies of this area? The proposed hypotheses in answer to these questions are: The results of the study, research, and reading of the discovered coins show that these coins belonged to the governors of the early patriarchal period, that means, from the time of Hulagu to Ahmad Takudar, and they have inscriptions in Kufic and Uighur scripts and geometric patterns. 
Research Method: Therefore, the present study has been done by descriptive-analytical method and relying on field research and library studies.

Research Objectives
The main purpose of writing this article is to know the coins better and more accurately, read the scripts, decorations, place of beatening and accurate dating of the area through these coins.

Investigation and Analysis of Zolfabad Farahan Ilkhani Coins
Zolfaabad historical site is located in the south of Tafresh city, 3 km northeast of Farmahin city.

Coins of Holakokhan (663-654 AH)
The coins discovered from Holako in Zolfabad (Table 1) have the same design and writing. On the coin in decorative Kufic script inside the pearl circular frame is written “The Great Law of Hulagu Ilkhanum al-Mu’azzam”, and in the margin, based on similar samoles, it is written “Haza al-Darham” and contains the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script inside the circular box. The text “La ilaha illa Allah wahada lashrikullah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written on the back of the coin and inside the circular box. On one of the coins, the word “Allah” is added at the beginning of the inscription.

Coins of Abaghakhan (680-663 AH)
Four types of coins were obtained from Abaqan: The first type of coins are the coins on which the titles and names of the governor that is “Khaqanunarbar Abaqa Deld Kogoluxin” meaning “the coin was minted by Abaqa on behalf of the great house”, is written in the Uyghur script and inside a pearl-shaped circular box. On the back and inside the square box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written in Kufic script. And outside the box at the top, mint coin location is written and, on the left, the year and the units digit of the year are given, on the lower part the tens digit and on the right side the hundreds digit of the year is written in Arabic.
The second type are coins on which, in a hexagonal frame with the Gereh design, the words “Qaan al-Adil” are written and the back of the coin is the same as coins type 1.
The third type is such that the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam” is written on the coin and in the center of it inside a circular pearl frame. And in the margin on the coin, based on similar examples, the phrase “Hazal Derham”, the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script are written inside the circular box. On the back of the coin in the center, inside the circle, the phrase “Lel Molk, La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah Sallal lah Alayhe vas alam “ is written and in the margin inside the circular pearl frame a part of verse 26 of Surah Al-Imran is written. 
In the fourth type of coins, based on coin 73-A in the book of Ilkhans, on the coin and inside the circular box of pearls, the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam, rival of Umm Khaldullah Malik Homa” is written. ]n the margin of the coin, the phrase Bismillaha and also, the type of coin, year and the place of minting is mentioned. On the back of the coin, inside the circular box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah ova Wahda Laashrikullahu Salah Allahu alayhi wa sallam.”  Is written, and the verse 33 of Surah Tawbah was in the margin. 

Coins of Sultan Ahmad Takudar (683-680 AH)
Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar in Zolfabad. The titles and name of Ahmad Takudar “Khaqano Narbar Ahmadun Deldekgoluxin” are written in the Uyghur script on the coin. and on the back of the coin, it is like the first type of Abaqa coins, and the date of minting, 681 AH, is engraved on the margin.

Scrap Coins
Five scrap coins were found from the coins discovered in Zolfabad area, of which one belonged to Hulakukhan and the other four pieces could not be read, and they were traded simply by weighing. Scrap coins were used in the past for two reasons: One is the transaction with weight, which is a certain amount to get the exact weight and a coin must be added to it to get the exact weight, and the second is the daily transaction for goods that are worth less than one dinar or dirham (Quchani, 2004: 89).

Conclusion
By conducting archaeological research in Zolfabad, valuable historical and cultural documents, including coins, architecture, and pottery, were obtained, which marked a part of the history of this region in the Ilkhani period. Like most coins of the Ilkhani period, these coins were dirham and made of silver; they were also the type of coins of the first and second periods of the Ilkhani period. In the first period, coins under the influence of pre-patriarchal coins and under the influence of rich Islamic culture used Islamic expressions to mint their coins in Kufic script. In the second period, the effects of Mongolian culture on coins increased. During this period, in addition to using Islamic expressions in Kufic script on the back of the coin, they wrote their titles and names in the official Mongolian language, the Uyghur language, on the coin. Coins show that Zulfabad existed from the beginning of the Ilkhani period and expanded and flourished during this period. The study of discovered coins shows that Zulfabad has been prosperous since the time of the first Ilkhani governor, Holaku, in the early second half of the seventh century AH. Most of the studied coins belong to the reign of Abaqa Khan (663-680 AH), the son of Holako, who are often minted in Tabriz. In addition to the coins, historical texts have also confirmed the presence of Abaqa in the Farahan region. Therefore, Zulfabad was more important in the Abaqa period and later lost its importance. Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar, and no coins were obtained from the governors after Takudar. Discovered coins show important documents related to the prosperity and historical, cultural, economic geography of Zolfaabad. Coins related to Abaghakhan by multiplying the commercial and political importance of Zolfaabad. In the coins related to Abagakhan, by minting in different regions, the importance and commercial and political prestige of Zolfabad in the era of Ilkhans and especially during the government of this governor is shown. According to the studies carried out from this period, the coin of Zulfabadabad has not been mentioned in numismatic sources and books. For this reason, it can be considered that during this period, especially after the Abaqa Khan period, Zolfabad was less important than other cities of this period in which coins were minted and they are mentioned a lot in historical texts, and it has not been as big as big cities.

Abstract
In recent years the Achaemenid sites in the Borazjan area have attracted a great deal of attention and their identification with Elamite Tamukkan/Greek Taocê has been widely accepted. Aside from the architectural interest of these sites, however, their location along what later became an important route linking the Persian Gulf and the Iranian plateau is significant. Whether travelling between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, or the earlier Achaemenid capitals (Pasargadae and Persepolis), Borazjan represents the first stage for travellers moving along this route. This study examines some of the logistical aspects of travel between Borazjan and the highlands, as well as the climatic extremes experienced by travellers during much of the year. The difficulties of traversing the route are illustrated with selections from 19th and early 20th century travellers accounts. The advantages of commencing or ending the journey at Shif, as opposed to Bushehr, are discussed with reference to numerous examples. The importance of mules as pack animals along the route is emphasized. Finally, the implications of the evidence marshaled for the burgeoning field of sensory studies are underscored.

Introduction
R.T. Hallock’s identification of El. Tamukkan with Gr. Taocê1 predated the excavation and initial publication of the monumental architectural complexes near Borazjan (Sang-e Siah, Bardak-e Siah and Charkhab).2 Although Rawlinson suggested that, ‘The Achæmenian Palace of Taoce, mentioned by Strabo, was probably at the modern village of Dalaki, where there is a fine mound of great apparent antiquity,’3 most scholars would today agree that Taocê/Tamukkan should be identified with the Borazjan sites. Due to limited exploration and excavation, the function(s) and chronology of these important sites are still imperfectly understood,4 but iconographic, architectonic and epigraphic data5 suggest building activity and regular use from the reign of Cyrus to that of Darius or Xerxes, and possibly beyond.
Borazjan lies on the principal route linking Bushehr and Shiraz (Fig. 1). As Maclean noted in 1904, ‘The only important route is viâ Borasjun and Kazeroon to Shiraz.’6  For most travellers, Borazjan was either the last stop on the way from the highlands to the Persian Gulf coast, or the first stop heading in the opposite direction. Hence the Borazjan complex would have received visitors during the Achaemenid period who, after sailing either down or up the Persian Gulf by ship and landing on the coast,7 had just completed the first overland stage of their journey to the north; or, moving in the opposite direction, the Borazjan complex would have been where visitors spent their last night before traversing the remaining distance to the coast and boarding a vessel bound for southern Babylonia or points south.
The fact that Bushehr’s Elamite predecessor, Liyan, probably acted as a maritime gateway to the highlands of Anšan8 makes it tempting to think that the Liyan-to-Anšan or Tamukkan-to-Parsa route was always the main thoroughfare from the Persian Gulf to the Iranian plateau. Yet, in some periods, this was demonstrably not the case. During the Safavid period, for example, Bandar ‘Abbas was the principal port of entry on the Persian Gulf for goods destined for the markets of the Iranian Plateau.9 Indeed, when Carsten Niebuhr visited Bushehr in 1765 he remarked that (Fig. 2), until 1735 when Nader Shah decided to make it the headquarters of his much vaunted but never realized navy,10 Bushehr had been an unimportant village.11 Strictly speaking, however, this is not quite correct. Nader Shah’s naval yard was at Reshahr, c. 6 kms. to the south of Bushehr.12 Earlier, Shah ‘Abbas I had kept a squadron of 100 vessels at Reshahr with which to attack vessels bound for Basra.13 
Nevertheless, despite fluctuations in the importance of the Bushehr region and its immediate hinterland through time, scholars appear to be unanimous in recognizing the importance of the Borazjan complex. It is not my intention here to challenge this contention, yet it is interesting to consider what the hydrography, climate and environment of the Borazjan region, and the topographic exigencies of travel between the Iranian plateau and the coast, meant to the region’s transient population, whether bureaucrats and royal visitors passing through, or corvée laborers brought to work on the building projects attested in cuneiform sources, during the Achaemenid period. What follows is intended to initiate a conversation about some often overlooked, critical factors that would have impacted all who frequented Bushehr and its hinterland in antiquity, and followed the route linking this part of the coast with the Iranian plateau.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Borazjan, Elamite, Achaemenid, Tamukkan, Travellers.

Conclusion
This study has sketched out some of the difficulties of travel between Bushehr, Borazjan and the Achaemenid capitals; some of the logistical requirements of travel along that route; and some of the climatic considerations that made travel during much of the year an unpleasant experience, to say the least. These considerations naturally make one consider the Borazjan complex in a new light, not merely as impressive examples of Achaemenid monumental architecture, but as sites that could be difficult of access, uncomfortable and potential graveyards for those not in the upper echelons of society.
In that sense, some of the data presented here may contribute to the growing field of sensory studies in both the recent historical past and more remote antiquity that have become increasingly common in recent years as a means to gaining a deeper understanding of our subjects’ life experiences. Many sensory studies focus on sight — viewsheds, natural illumination and darkness within buildings — and sound — from the noise of battle to the sound of silence on the steppe.103 Others focus on smells, whether pleasant ones produced by frankincense and other aromatics in palaces and sanctuaries,104 or the stench of war, death and the battlefield.105 Sensory discomfort due to extremes of weather and environmental conditions, as well as the influence of these factors on the utilization of a specific ancient site and on its inhabitants, are less commonly treated. Govert van Driel’s study of references to weather in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources, for example, made much of the cold and the importance of seasonality as a consideration in the timing of Assyrian military campaigns, but was curiously silent on the topic of heat.106 In fact, comments on extreme heat tend to be regarded as a literary trope, and the ability to withstand it a form of boasting by those who, despite scorching temperatures, managed to prevail over adverse conditions and defeat an adversary. A vivid illustration of this is provided by the literary account of Nebuchadnezzar I’s (1125-1104 BC) Elamite campaign, launched in July from the eastern Babylonian outpost of Der. ‘With the heat glare scorching like fire, the very roadways were burning like open flame….The finest of the great horses gave out, the legs of the strong man faltered.’107 Yet the unseasonable nature of the campaign also conferred a tactical advantage on Nebuchadnezzar who felt his campaign had been ‘divinely ordained, in the unexpected summer month of Tammuz (June-July). His timing made for a miserable forced march for his army because of the unbearable heat and the dried-up water sources. But this unorthodox timing also afforded Nebuchadnezzar the element of surprise when confronting the Elamite forces.’108 
Another, much later example of almost unbearable heat from the same general area appears in Strabo’s description of Susiana which, he noted, had ‘a hot and scorching atmosphere.’ So intense was the heat at Susa that, ‘when the sun is hottest, at noon, the lizards and the snakes could not cross the streets in the city quickly enough to prevent their being burnt to death in the middle of the streets.’109  Such language may sound hyperbolic, but only to someone who has never visited Khuzestan in the summer. Indeed, with a modern average maximum of 46.4˚ C (115.52˚ F) and average minimum of 32˚ C (89.6˚ F) in July,110 the descriptions of Khuzestan’s summer heat in the accounts of Nebuchadnezzar I and Strabo are no exaggeration.
In the introduction to her classic study of Athens and Persia in the fifth century B.C., Margaret Miller wrote that ‘experience shows that even the wildest imagination cannot step beyond the familiar world of sensory experience.’111 Implying as it does that nothing we have not ourselves experienced in the flesh can be imagined, this assertion, I suggest, needs to be modified. On the contrary, we can and must step outside of our own compendium of sensory experiences if we are ever to have an inkling of what life was like in the past. And while we may not be able to travel on a mule from Shif to Shiraz, or sail in a small craft up and down the Persian Gulf, we can get closer to the experience of those who did these things by scrutinizing the literature of pre-modern, pre-motorized travel for experiential descriptions of places that interest us in antiquity. The many descriptions that survive from the 19th and early 20th century of travel between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, via Borazjan, offer a rich body of data that helps us to better understand the exigencies of life there in the Achaemenid period, whether for corvée laborers or élite Achaemenid travellers. They afford us a fresh perspective, one that looks at the Borazjan complex not as decontextualized monuments or free-floating units of Achaemenid architecture and iconography but as buildings tethered to an environment that could be brutally harsh for most of the year, one in which travellers, whether arriving from Babylon by sea or from Pasargadae and Persepolis by land, sought refuge from an unforgiving climate of scorching sun, suffocating winds or freezing cold.

Abstract
Since the formation of the Silk Road, the route has been the main route between East and West Asia. With the beginning of the age of colonialism, the process of globalization began and so direction-function of communication evolved greatly, which reached its peak in the nineteenth century and the close relationship of Iran-Japan became possible. the question of the present article is which areas or ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used foreign trade, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade. answer is that the products of the Sassanid and Safavid types reflect the political position of Japan and the trade role of other nations rather than a demonstration of the Iran-Japan relationship but in 19th century because of Imperialist pressure and needs of global trade this drastically changed .A historic review of this relationship reveals areas in Japan that were the main centers of state trade, such as the ports of Osaka and Kobe to Kyoto and Nara plains, the port of Nagasaki, and the ports of Kanagawa Bay specially Yokohama, which all of them played a similar & synchronized role in the 19th century to make trade possible from the ports of Bushehr, Lenge and Abbasi in Iran and even because of Opium trade it expanded to Taipei too. So before nineteenth century the trade in question was always influenced by the culture of closeness in Japan, but in the new era due to the pressure of imperialism and the trend of modernism gates were opened and strategic goods such as Opium exported from Iran to Imperial Japan. In order to achieve the above, artifacts and written sources along with the analysis of geographical data by using a socio-historical approach have been used.
Keywords: Japan, Iran, Globalization, Qajar Era, Meiji Era.

Introduction
Since earliest times humans had trade relations to each other and so created trade routes which by developing and increasing of social complexity these routes became longer and connect more and larger societies, one of ancient and maybe first truly international routes known as Silk Road and so colonial powers (such as at first Dutch & USA) same naval routes. In result western countries connected Iran to Japan & those two as a process of modernization opened their doors to globe and started their embassies. our question is which areas/ports of Japan and Iran in the nineteenth century were used for trade with each other, did the designated areas had a history and what factors affected trade relations. Hypothesis is the same marine areas of Japan, Omura, Osaka & Kanagawa bays along different eras, Same with Bandar Abbas and Bushehr in Iran. Answering to this non-studied socio-historical title matter is very important. plus at least in Iran, because of social situation study of Qajar period always been hard and easily can effected by non-academic believes.

Main
Japan is an archipelago at the east end of Asia which as Nihongi say, made of eight main islands. Such geographic setting makes a special cultural which before anything is barred from outside and there is a self-aware hierarchy which despite shatter nature of geography, make centralize system possible. because of this cultural, Japan closed its borders to foreign relation many times such as in Heian, Kamakura and Edo periods. so despite creation of Silk Road in 119B.C Japan did not benefit it until Jingu invasion of Korea in 3th century, exactly when Sassanid artifacts alongside Korean ones found northern Kyushu & central Honshu. which most of them made in Korea not Iran. The only sources in advent of Islam are Geographer’s mention of Japan as Vaq. In early Colonial era everything changed when Portuguese and Dutch traders came to Safavid Iran and Japan at war. We do know Safavid cloth, salt, rug and even maybe marble exported to Japan by all of it foreign traders to Nagasaki and Osaka ports. By beginning of Sakoku or closed door policy of Edo period almost everything came back to first step. In 19C because of economic pressure of modernization Iran began it global trade, at first by silk and then Opium which make Iran close to eastern Asia and particularly Qing China. At the same time, Japan ended Sakoku and enters Meiji era so by the will of Nasereddin shah two countries began their relation which strengthen by Japanese conquest of Taiwan, where most of Iranian opium exported from ports of southern Iran like Bushehr and it follows by oil and Japanese exports from main ports like Yokohama and Osaka which were used during history because of their fine geography that make grow and trade easier.

Conclusion
With establishment of the Silk Road a great opportunity created for meeting of both civilizations of Japan & Iran but China & specially Korea had their monopoly in trade & relation. So least of acknowledgment and indirect relation was possible for Japan and Iran. In fact, the artifacts are more show of Japanese power & prestige than it economics. Another reason was closeness in Japanese cultural. In early colonial era were another lords of monopoly in foreign trade at least for Japan. Despite these trade happened in the same route and trade areas through history until 19C which because of Imperialist pressures new order began and so both countries began their globalization process and so for the first time direct political, cultural and economic relations were possible. The area of Omura bay and mainly Nagasaki alongside of northern parts of Kyushu to the Shimonoseki since early centuries of AD was main place for trade, the reason other than great gulfs is it nearness to main body of Asia. eastern Osaka area (or Osaka and Kobe) is a great place for establishment of a megapolis trade port and always was in use because of its route to Kyoto and other ancient capitals. We can see the same situation for Bushehr which is very close to Shiraz and other places of power to Tehran. But Kanagawa and Hormozgan areas have way better situation for making cities and ports specially their situation is more attractive for foreign traders. Because of that by modernization those ports roused immensely. Another port which grow because of 19C modernization is Taipei which used for importation of Iranian goods and have physical geography as good as Nagasaki.

Abstract
Archaeological studies on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf are in the early stages. Although such studies have been started in this area for decades, long interruptions have led to a lack of reliable results. This issue is more acute in the prehistoric period. Limited research results publication has also increased this problem. Although archeological surveys have been done well in Bushehr province, unfortunately, the results of those studies have not been published well. Studying on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf is not just a research topic today; it is a research duty. Archaeological studies conducted in this region have shown that at least from seven thousand years ago, people who live on the land of Iran have been settled on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf and had the opportunity to use the sea; although in the early periods this settlement was seasonal; but according to the new evidence of mud-brick architecture at Toll-e Suzo, villages and then permanent cities have been created in this region since the fourth millennium BC, and in the historical and Islamic period, these areas have been completely inhibited. In addition to the food supply, the sea has been playing an important role in trade relations since the Fifth/ fourth millennium BC, which should be considered in archaeological studies of the region. Toll-e Suzo, which is located in Genaveh district, Bushehr Province, is one of the prehistoric sites of the region, which, according to the cultural evidence identified from the excavation in the stratigraphic trench, has been settled from the middle of the fifth millennium to the end of the fourth millennium BC. The inhabitants of this area have been in contact with the interior of the Fars cultural region and southwestern Iran and have also access to marine resources.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Archaeological Excavation, Toll-e Suzo, Middle Bakun Period, Lapuei Period.

Introduction
The first season of archeological excavations in Toll-e Suzo led to the identification of the cultures of the fifth millennium (Middle Bakun) and fourth millennium (Lapuei) BC, 28 km north of the Persian Gulf coast. This season’s excavation goal was determining the buffer and Core zoom of the site and stratigraphical excavation, which was carried out in the winter of 2017. In this excavation, a trench measuring 4 × 4 meters in the center and at the top of the site was excavated. The thickness of the cultural layers that have been excavated in this trench is 5.80 meters. During the excavation of this trench, two cultural periods with possible gaps were identified. It should be noted that 1.5 meters of the surface layers of the top of the site have been destroyed by bulldozers and surface layers/ periods are not excited. The lower layers (contexts 1016-1036) represent the Middle Bakun (late and mid fifth millennium BC) with diagnostic painted pottery from this period. This pottery is quite comparable with the findings of archaeological excavations in the Fars cultural region. Although the dimensions of excavation were small during this period, the establishment of this period in Toll-e Suzo can be considered as belonging to semi-monogamous communities that, according to the climatic conditions, were established in this area in suitable seasons. The Middle Bakun period is the culmination of several thousand years of pre-historical cultural development in the Fars region.
Research Methods: Archaeological field activity and library have been used in this research. In this way, during one season of field excavation, cultural evidence and archaeological documents were collected, and then by studying published references and library sources and archival reports, the background research of the region was studied and comparative examples were collected.
Research Questions: 1- The oldest settlement evidence of Toll-e Suzo is related to what periods? 2- What is the chorological sequence of Toll-e Suzo? 3- Is there evidence of Fars prehistoric cultures on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf? 4- Did the people of Toll-e Suzo have the possibility to exploit the marine resources?
Research Hypothesis: 1- The oldest cultural evidence of settlement in Toll-e Suzo dates back to the fifth millennium BC. 2- Toll-e Suzo has been identified according to the material evidence and the thickness of the settlement layers has two cultural periods; Bakun and Lepoi. 3- Fars prehistoric cultures were completely prevalent on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf in Bushehr province. 4- The animal bone evidence of the Toll-e Suzo excavations shows that the inhabitants of this area used marine resources.

Conclusion
During this period, despite regional differences, a large part of southern Iran reached uniformity in terms of material culture (Week et al, 2010). Regarding the distribution of Bakun pottery in such a wide area from the Persian Gulf in the south to the Bakhtiari Mountains in the north and from the eastern borders of Khuzestan in the west to the western borders of Kerman in the east, the hypothesis of traveling potters is raised. They were moving, due to different spatial situations, while preserving the main and standard features of this period, they have also designed various local motifs on pottery (Askari et al, 2008: 38; Weeks et al, 2010). Another hypothesis is based on the fact that there was a tradition of extramarital relations between local villagers of this period and other areas, which by transferring women to some kind of technical knowledge, vocabulary, and grammar of the decorative patterns of Bakun pottery (Alizadeh, 2004). : 48-49). Also, the phenomenon of nomadic tribes has played a major role in the transportation and exchange of goods produced by the villagers (Alizadeh, 2004; Alizadeh, 2003). Today, Bushehr province and the northern coast of the Persian Gulf are the winter quarters of the Qashqai tribe, so in the so-called winter, these tribes are scattered in all areas of Bushehr province and in the summer in Fars province (Afshar Sistani, 1362: 432). Suzo archaeological evidence also confirms this.
Another cultural period identified in this excavation is Lepuei (contexts 1000-1015). The proposed date for this period is the mid-fourth millennium BC. The diagnostic pottery of this period is simple polished and patterned red vessels, which in some cases are decorated with scarlet motifs. In addition to this type, simple buff ware, gray ware and two samples of Poro Elamite pottery also have been recognized in the fourth-millennium pottery collection of this period. Remains of the mud-brick and right-angled architecture were also encountered under the surface layers, which, due to the small dimensions of the excavation, is not possible to provide a specific function for this structure. According to the architectural evidence, unlike the previous period, it seems that the establishment in this period was permanent and relations with the interior areas of Fars and Khuzestan (according to the samples of the nose-handed jar vessels which are identified on this level) were established. The chronology presented in this paper is only based on comparable and relative studies, but the presentation of absolute dating is inevitable due to the lack of archaeological studies in the prehistoric period in this area, which is hoped to be possible in the future.