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Hasan Moradi, Meisam Nikzad,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Some forms of water resources management and irrigation are necessary for forming permanent human habitats and harvesting prosperous agricultural products in the warm and arid regions of West Asia and the Mediterranean, with annual precipitation of less than 200 mm, which usually has no permanent rivers. The survival and success of societies in warm and arid regions rely on complex environmental management systems, especially water resource management and a flexible and compatible lifestyle. Due to the lack of permanent water resources and insufficient precipitation, communities in arid and semi-arid areas have built structures such as qanats, canals, dams, and pools to manage and exploit water resources. These structures follow the geographical, geological, and topographical conditions for water resources exploitation. The Neyriz Plain in the east of Fars province is one of the arid regions with limited annual rainfall. It does not have a permanent river and uses a system to exploit water resources, in which aquifers (underground water sources) play a fundamental role. According to the region’s ecosystem and the results of the archeological survey of the area, it was determined that human society development, from the past to pre-modern, in this plain has depended on the development and management of water-related systems, especially qanats. This research seeks to find the factors affecting the water resource exploitation pattern as the most critical variable affecting the livelihood and settlement pattern in the Neyriz Plain. Furthermore, the evidence related to water resource management has been investigated according to the geological and topography conditions of the region. The results show a direct relationship between the livelihood and the management pattern of water resources, vastly influencing the distribution and type of settlements (nomadic or sedentary).
Keywords: Neyriz Plain, Arid Regions, Aquifer, Geology, Qanat.
Introduction
Neyriz Plain is located about 200 km east of Shiraz, between Fars and Kerman provinces. This sedimentary plain, with an area of about 240 square kilometers, is relatively flat and has a gentle slope from east to west. The highest elevation of the plain is 1615 meters above sea level in the east of the plain, and the lowest is 1557 meters above sea level, near Bakhtegan Lake in the west. Neyriz Plain is surrounded by north, east, and south heights and reaches Bakhtegan Lake from the west. Bakhtegan Lake has salty water, and its infiltration into the underground aquifers has caused the salinity of its resources (Afrasiabi and Sedghi ASL, 2015: 7). Neyriz Plain in the east of Fars province was archaeologically studied in an opportunity available in 2016. During this survey, special attention was paid to the traditional water resource management structures, including qanats, distributors, pools, sites, and castle villages, along with the registration of ancient sites.
This research investigated the historical importance of water in forming and developing settlements, focusing on the traditional methods of managing and exploiting water resources in dry areas for agricultural purposes, how to exploit water resources, and the factors affecting it in Neyriz Plain. According to the archaeological evidence, these methods seem to have made settlement possible in the Neyriz Plain since at least the Achaemenid or post-Achaemenid period (Moradi et al. 2017: 338).
The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive. During the field survey, the structures related to managing and exploiting water resources were identified and recorded in the first step. Due to the relatively large length of the qanat system, satellite images were used to understand the general situation and reconstruct the destroyed parts. For this purpose, the aerial photos of 1956 and 1968 of the mapping organization of Neyriz Plain were georeferenced. The information about the route of qanats, pools, and their destroyed parts was completed based on them. In addition, to complete the information obtained from the field studies, interviews were conducted with local people with knowledge in this field.
The primary approach of this research was to record and accurately describe the documents related to the traditional management of water resources in the Neyriz Plain and to understand the relationship between them and the establishments identified in the survey. For better analysis and comprehension, the information was integrated using the Geographical Information System (GIS) along with the location information of the identified settlement areas.
Discussion
Without a permanent river, the Neyriz Plain depends on springs and qanats to provide water sources for its settlements in the pre-modern era. The springs in the northern and southern highlands of Neyriz Plain generally have limited water supply and often do not reach the plain’s level. For productivity, structures, including streams and pools, are built along their path to direct the water to the fields. Streams and pools are made of rubble, and plaster or mortar is used as a coating. The old pool of Lai-Hana and the Haji-Abad water supply system are located in the southern highlands, and the Deh-Fazel water supply system is located in the northern highlands of Neyriz Plain. These are among the facilities for controlling, directing, and consuming water from Neyriz Plain springs.
Qanats with more water than springs can be seen in almost all parts of the plain, and generally, they can be classified into three groups: qanats of mountain, semi-mountain, and plain. Mountainous and semi-mountainous qanats have limited water supply and are exploited by building pools and streams. The qanats of Neyriz Plain with more water are grouped into two groups. The first group is not far from the most crucial alluvial fan of the Neyriz Plain in the mouth of Hourgan.
The aquifer of this group is located on the northern slope of the Tarbour Formation, which strengthens underground resources with the presence of the main Zagros Fault. The second group of qanats reached the fields west of Neyriz Plain with a length of 5-15 km by exploiting the aquifers formed in the slopes of the north and south of the plain and west of Neyriz City. Shadabakht and Khobar qanats (Figure 12), with a length of less than five kilometers, are in this group and considered the most water-rich Qanats in the Neyriz plain. They reach the neighborhoods of Neyriz City and the Qal-e Mohammad Khan and Qal-e Haj-Hossein by irrigating the gardens and fields (ّFigure 11). There are four mills on the route of Shadabakht Qanat and one mill on the way of Khabar Qanat, which is located before the distributor of these two qanats.
After the distributor, Shadabakht Qanat through six streams, and Khobar Qanat through five streams, direct water to the gardens and fields and supplies drinking water to three important neighborhoods of Neyriz City (Bazar, Kouche Bala (Sadat) and Chenarshahi). In some places where the course of the streams meets the canals, a trap has been built for water to pass, which transfers the water to the other side of the canal. Also, other works, such as a bathhouse and reservoir (pond), have been identified in Neyriz neighborhoods, which show a great connection with the route of the qanat stream (Moradi, 2016: 323-337).
Conclusion
Effective water resource management and utilization are crucial for agricultural success in arid and semi-arid regions of Western Asia and the Mediterranean.
Traditional methods of water management in these regions provide valuable insights into the relationship between humans and the environment over the long term. This research focuses on the Neyriz Plain in Fars Province, serving as a case study to explore the strategies employed in harnessing water resources in arid landscapes.
The Neyriz Plain heavily relies on aquifers as fundamental water sources. The ecological conditions and archaeological findings of the region indicate that the historical development and settlement patterns of human communities have been closely tied to the development and management of traditional water systems, particularly Qanats. This research aims to identify the factors influencing the pattern of water utilization, which plays a vital role in shaping the way of life and settlement patterns in the Neyriz Plain.
The geological characteristics of the area significantly influence the water resources of the Neyriz Plain. The Tarbur limestone formation in the eastern mountains serves as a reliable underground water source, nourishing the most abundant and flourishing qanats in the city of Neyriz, the largest settlement center in the plain. Other geological units, such as the Sanandaj-Sirjan and Jahrom formations, form limited aquifers in the foothills and the plain, which require the construction of canals and reservoirs to utilize these resources effectively.
By examining the traditional water management practices in the Neyriz Plain, this research offers valuable insights into sustainable water utilization in arid landscapes. The findings have implications for resource management and can inform similar regions facing water scarcity challenges. Understanding the historical context and traditional methods of harnessing water resources can contribute to more effective and sustainable water management practices in arid and semi-arid environments.
Some forms of water resources management and irrigation are necessary for forming permanent human habitats and harvesting prosperous agricultural products in the warm and arid regions of West Asia and the Mediterranean, with annual precipitation of less than 200 mm, which usually has no permanent rivers. The survival and success of societies in warm and arid regions rely on complex environmental management systems, especially water resource management and a flexible and compatible lifestyle. Due to the lack of permanent water resources and insufficient precipitation, communities in arid and semi-arid areas have built structures such as qanats, canals, dams, and pools to manage and exploit water resources. These structures follow the geographical, geological, and topographical conditions for water resources exploitation. The Neyriz Plain in the east of Fars province is one of the arid regions with limited annual rainfall. It does not have a permanent river and uses a system to exploit water resources, in which aquifers (underground water sources) play a fundamental role. According to the region’s ecosystem and the results of the archeological survey of the area, it was determined that human society development, from the past to pre-modern, in this plain has depended on the development and management of water-related systems, especially qanats. This research seeks to find the factors affecting the water resource exploitation pattern as the most critical variable affecting the livelihood and settlement pattern in the Neyriz Plain. Furthermore, the evidence related to water resource management has been investigated according to the geological and topography conditions of the region. The results show a direct relationship between the livelihood and the management pattern of water resources, vastly influencing the distribution and type of settlements (nomadic or sedentary).
Keywords: Neyriz Plain, Arid Regions, Aquifer, Geology, Qanat.
Introduction
Neyriz Plain is located about 200 km east of Shiraz, between Fars and Kerman provinces. This sedimentary plain, with an area of about 240 square kilometers, is relatively flat and has a gentle slope from east to west. The highest elevation of the plain is 1615 meters above sea level in the east of the plain, and the lowest is 1557 meters above sea level, near Bakhtegan Lake in the west. Neyriz Plain is surrounded by north, east, and south heights and reaches Bakhtegan Lake from the west. Bakhtegan Lake has salty water, and its infiltration into the underground aquifers has caused the salinity of its resources (Afrasiabi and Sedghi ASL, 2015: 7). Neyriz Plain in the east of Fars province was archaeologically studied in an opportunity available in 2016. During this survey, special attention was paid to the traditional water resource management structures, including qanats, distributors, pools, sites, and castle villages, along with the registration of ancient sites.
This research investigated the historical importance of water in forming and developing settlements, focusing on the traditional methods of managing and exploiting water resources in dry areas for agricultural purposes, how to exploit water resources, and the factors affecting it in Neyriz Plain. According to the archaeological evidence, these methods seem to have made settlement possible in the Neyriz Plain since at least the Achaemenid or post-Achaemenid period (Moradi et al. 2017: 338).
The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive. During the field survey, the structures related to managing and exploiting water resources were identified and recorded in the first step. Due to the relatively large length of the qanat system, satellite images were used to understand the general situation and reconstruct the destroyed parts. For this purpose, the aerial photos of 1956 and 1968 of the mapping organization of Neyriz Plain were georeferenced. The information about the route of qanats, pools, and their destroyed parts was completed based on them. In addition, to complete the information obtained from the field studies, interviews were conducted with local people with knowledge in this field.
The primary approach of this research was to record and accurately describe the documents related to the traditional management of water resources in the Neyriz Plain and to understand the relationship between them and the establishments identified in the survey. For better analysis and comprehension, the information was integrated using the Geographical Information System (GIS) along with the location information of the identified settlement areas.
Discussion
Without a permanent river, the Neyriz Plain depends on springs and qanats to provide water sources for its settlements in the pre-modern era. The springs in the northern and southern highlands of Neyriz Plain generally have limited water supply and often do not reach the plain’s level. For productivity, structures, including streams and pools, are built along their path to direct the water to the fields. Streams and pools are made of rubble, and plaster or mortar is used as a coating. The old pool of Lai-Hana and the Haji-Abad water supply system are located in the southern highlands, and the Deh-Fazel water supply system is located in the northern highlands of Neyriz Plain. These are among the facilities for controlling, directing, and consuming water from Neyriz Plain springs.
Qanats with more water than springs can be seen in almost all parts of the plain, and generally, they can be classified into three groups: qanats of mountain, semi-mountain, and plain. Mountainous and semi-mountainous qanats have limited water supply and are exploited by building pools and streams. The qanats of Neyriz Plain with more water are grouped into two groups. The first group is not far from the most crucial alluvial fan of the Neyriz Plain in the mouth of Hourgan.
The aquifer of this group is located on the northern slope of the Tarbour Formation, which strengthens underground resources with the presence of the main Zagros Fault. The second group of qanats reached the fields west of Neyriz Plain with a length of 5-15 km by exploiting the aquifers formed in the slopes of the north and south of the plain and west of Neyriz City. Shadabakht and Khobar qanats (Figure 12), with a length of less than five kilometers, are in this group and considered the most water-rich Qanats in the Neyriz plain. They reach the neighborhoods of Neyriz City and the Qal-e Mohammad Khan and Qal-e Haj-Hossein by irrigating the gardens and fields (ّFigure 11). There are four mills on the route of Shadabakht Qanat and one mill on the way of Khabar Qanat, which is located before the distributor of these two qanats.
After the distributor, Shadabakht Qanat through six streams, and Khobar Qanat through five streams, direct water to the gardens and fields and supplies drinking water to three important neighborhoods of Neyriz City (Bazar, Kouche Bala (Sadat) and Chenarshahi). In some places where the course of the streams meets the canals, a trap has been built for water to pass, which transfers the water to the other side of the canal. Also, other works, such as a bathhouse and reservoir (pond), have been identified in Neyriz neighborhoods, which show a great connection with the route of the qanat stream (Moradi, 2016: 323-337).
Conclusion
Effective water resource management and utilization are crucial for agricultural success in arid and semi-arid regions of Western Asia and the Mediterranean.
Traditional methods of water management in these regions provide valuable insights into the relationship between humans and the environment over the long term. This research focuses on the Neyriz Plain in Fars Province, serving as a case study to explore the strategies employed in harnessing water resources in arid landscapes.
The Neyriz Plain heavily relies on aquifers as fundamental water sources. The ecological conditions and archaeological findings of the region indicate that the historical development and settlement patterns of human communities have been closely tied to the development and management of traditional water systems, particularly Qanats. This research aims to identify the factors influencing the pattern of water utilization, which plays a vital role in shaping the way of life and settlement patterns in the Neyriz Plain.
The geological characteristics of the area significantly influence the water resources of the Neyriz Plain. The Tarbur limestone formation in the eastern mountains serves as a reliable underground water source, nourishing the most abundant and flourishing qanats in the city of Neyriz, the largest settlement center in the plain. Other geological units, such as the Sanandaj-Sirjan and Jahrom formations, form limited aquifers in the foothills and the plain, which require the construction of canals and reservoirs to utilize these resources effectively.
By examining the traditional water management practices in the Neyriz Plain, this research offers valuable insights into sustainable water utilization in arid landscapes. The findings have implications for resource management and can inform similar regions facing water scarcity challenges. Understanding the historical context and traditional methods of harnessing water resources can contribute to more effective and sustainable water management practices in arid and semi-arid environments.
Tahere Shokri,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Seals are one of the most important archaeological data, being always considered in archeological and ancient art studies. As one of the most important archeological sites in Iran in different historical-cultural periods, especially the Elamite period, the ancient city of Susa has provided a lot of cultural-artistic data to archaeologists and art history experts, including seals. Findings from this ancient city, including the seals, indicate various artistic styles in the past, various styles of engraved seals, and iconography have a special place among this data that can express information in various fields such as symbols, myths, or narrative stories. In the Elamite period and especially the ancient Elam that is discussed in this article, we are faced with different artistic styles in the engraved seals. Styles that can express both the special Elamite art and in some cases have not been without the influence of the engraving styles of the neighboring land, i.e., Mesopotamia. Here is a selection of seals of the Early Elamite period of Susa (11 pieces) in this regard, which belongs to the National Museum of Iran, which are considered to study their images in terms of a specific cultural-artistic style to respond to the question indicating “whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite express a special narrative style!” The study, which is a library-museum method and is accompanied by a comparative analysis of images, can be a narrator of the power of “master of the animals” / or perhaps the best person in the society of that day in protecting the animals under his support against wild animals such as lions, somehow narrating its power with these illustrations.
Keywords: Susa, Seal, Early Elamite, Images, Symbols.
Introduction
The seal or sealing has always had an important meaning for archaeologists and art historians. The researcher can use them in indicating dates, subject analysis, determining customs, and sometimes even in understanding myths, and thus reconstructing a forgotten world in parts. In addition, by studying seals, complex administrative processes, business relationships, and cultural relationships may be somewhat understood (Neuman, 2013: 83). The use of a seal was a guarantee of authenticity, ownership, documentary participation in a legal exchange, or protection of goods against encroachment on individuals (Collon, 1990: 11).
No seals have been found in the 7-12 layers of the metropolitan area dedicated to the Susa IV period, but in any case, Le Breton’s tabulation of seals without exact origin indicates the superiority of the Mesopotamian style of seals during the first half of the third millennium (Carter, 1980: 25; Carter, 1979: 453). The influence of Akkadian art on the seals of Iran / Elam - almost simultaneously with the Awan period - can be seen on a group of cylindrical seals of unknown origin, at least one of which is purchased in the Foroughi collection from Iran (Porada, 1964: 88 -93).
Discussion
The form of wide shoulders and narrow waist and proportion of people in these seals is comparable to the examples of the Akkadian period. However, the equal distribution of people in the scenes of Iranian seals distinguishes them from the form of narrative distribution of people in the Akkadian seals, in which there were wide empty spaces in front of people (Porada, 1993: 486). The domination of the rulers of the third dynasty of Ur/ Ur III over Susa (from the last years of Shulgi rule on 2094-2097 BC) is reflected in the influence of the Mesopotamian sealing style on the seals of the rulers of Shimashki dynasty and the first kings of Sukkalmah (Porada, 1993: 486).
Based on the studies by researchers and comparative studies on several selected seals in the repository of the National Museum of Iran, this article will try to answer the question regarding whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite could express a special narrative style. The study was conducted by the library-museum method and was accompanied by the comparative analysis of images.
The seals selected from the National Museum of Iran, which are 11, can be divided into the following categories in terms of visual style and iconography:
- Susa style (Susa IV), which includes the seals No.: 592.1 (Susa), 597 (Susa), 599 (Susa), 602 (Susa), and 601 (Susa) of this collection.
In the period of Early Elamite, we also see different styles, which we will discuss as follows:
- Akkadian Related style, which includes the seals No. 607 (Susa), and 605.1 in this collection.
- Popular Elamite style (Akkadian / Awan Related), which includes the seals No.: 619.1 (Susa), 619.2 (Susa), and 595 (Susa) in this collection.
- Ur III Related / Susa V, which includes the only seal: 606 (Susa) in this style collection.
Conclusion
What can be seen in all the designs and images of the seals is the depiction of things that existed in the life and climate of the people of that period, which were influenced their thoughts and type of look, somewhat being the engraved designs affected by the customs, beliefs, and traditions of those people. Except for the scorpion motifs on the seals, which symbolized the insidious creatures and suffering or even indicated rebirth, they were often found in arid lands and could be related to the climate that had influenced the beliefs of the people of those lands. What most of the pictures in this collection tell us, is about the fight between humans and animals; a powerful human being against strong animals, perhaps to defend a weaker animal. The fight of man and lion, with the presence of animals such as goats and cows; an ideal narrative of superior personal power. These fighting scenes are often seen in the motifs of ancient Iran (and of course Mesopotamia) from the period before Elamite and Elamite to later periods, indicating the power of a superior person in most interpretations - in older periods, perhaps the of “master of the animals” or ruler and referring to the king in more recent periods.
On the one hand, the distinct and prominent presence of animals such as lions (or cats) being the symbol of power in the land of Elam - especially the Susa plain as a habitat of this animal - e and also the goats as a constant companion of humans from The agricultural period onwards, and also in this period. On the other hand, the need to protect the owned animals accompanied by man against hostile animals does not take the creation of such scenes out of the mind. Inspired by the issues and landscapes around him, the engraving artist used to create images, which ultimately led to a particular style. In these special cases, the battle scene is a kind of narrative of a superior person to show his superiority and power. Now, this person should be considered the ruler of animals to be sought in myths, or a powerful king that is present in the historical scenes.
Seals are one of the most important archaeological data, being always considered in archeological and ancient art studies. As one of the most important archeological sites in Iran in different historical-cultural periods, especially the Elamite period, the ancient city of Susa has provided a lot of cultural-artistic data to archaeologists and art history experts, including seals. Findings from this ancient city, including the seals, indicate various artistic styles in the past, various styles of engraved seals, and iconography have a special place among this data that can express information in various fields such as symbols, myths, or narrative stories. In the Elamite period and especially the ancient Elam that is discussed in this article, we are faced with different artistic styles in the engraved seals. Styles that can express both the special Elamite art and in some cases have not been without the influence of the engraving styles of the neighboring land, i.e., Mesopotamia. Here is a selection of seals of the Early Elamite period of Susa (11 pieces) in this regard, which belongs to the National Museum of Iran, which are considered to study their images in terms of a specific cultural-artistic style to respond to the question indicating “whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite express a special narrative style!” The study, which is a library-museum method and is accompanied by a comparative analysis of images, can be a narrator of the power of “master of the animals” / or perhaps the best person in the society of that day in protecting the animals under his support against wild animals such as lions, somehow narrating its power with these illustrations.
Keywords: Susa, Seal, Early Elamite, Images, Symbols.
Introduction
The seal or sealing has always had an important meaning for archaeologists and art historians. The researcher can use them in indicating dates, subject analysis, determining customs, and sometimes even in understanding myths, and thus reconstructing a forgotten world in parts. In addition, by studying seals, complex administrative processes, business relationships, and cultural relationships may be somewhat understood (Neuman, 2013: 83). The use of a seal was a guarantee of authenticity, ownership, documentary participation in a legal exchange, or protection of goods against encroachment on individuals (Collon, 1990: 11).
No seals have been found in the 7-12 layers of the metropolitan area dedicated to the Susa IV period, but in any case, Le Breton’s tabulation of seals without exact origin indicates the superiority of the Mesopotamian style of seals during the first half of the third millennium (Carter, 1980: 25; Carter, 1979: 453). The influence of Akkadian art on the seals of Iran / Elam - almost simultaneously with the Awan period - can be seen on a group of cylindrical seals of unknown origin, at least one of which is purchased in the Foroughi collection from Iran (Porada, 1964: 88 -93).
Discussion
The form of wide shoulders and narrow waist and proportion of people in these seals is comparable to the examples of the Akkadian period. However, the equal distribution of people in the scenes of Iranian seals distinguishes them from the form of narrative distribution of people in the Akkadian seals, in which there were wide empty spaces in front of people (Porada, 1993: 486). The domination of the rulers of the third dynasty of Ur/ Ur III over Susa (from the last years of Shulgi rule on 2094-2097 BC) is reflected in the influence of the Mesopotamian sealing style on the seals of the rulers of Shimashki dynasty and the first kings of Sukkalmah (Porada, 1993: 486).
Based on the studies by researchers and comparative studies on several selected seals in the repository of the National Museum of Iran, this article will try to answer the question regarding whether the engravings of these seals of Early Elamite could express a special narrative style. The study was conducted by the library-museum method and was accompanied by the comparative analysis of images.
The seals selected from the National Museum of Iran, which are 11, can be divided into the following categories in terms of visual style and iconography:
- Susa style (Susa IV), which includes the seals No.: 592.1 (Susa), 597 (Susa), 599 (Susa), 602 (Susa), and 601 (Susa) of this collection.
In the period of Early Elamite, we also see different styles, which we will discuss as follows:
- Akkadian Related style, which includes the seals No. 607 (Susa), and 605.1 in this collection.
- Popular Elamite style (Akkadian / Awan Related), which includes the seals No.: 619.1 (Susa), 619.2 (Susa), and 595 (Susa) in this collection.
- Ur III Related / Susa V, which includes the only seal: 606 (Susa) in this style collection.
Conclusion
What can be seen in all the designs and images of the seals is the depiction of things that existed in the life and climate of the people of that period, which were influenced their thoughts and type of look, somewhat being the engraved designs affected by the customs, beliefs, and traditions of those people. Except for the scorpion motifs on the seals, which symbolized the insidious creatures and suffering or even indicated rebirth, they were often found in arid lands and could be related to the climate that had influenced the beliefs of the people of those lands. What most of the pictures in this collection tell us, is about the fight between humans and animals; a powerful human being against strong animals, perhaps to defend a weaker animal. The fight of man and lion, with the presence of animals such as goats and cows; an ideal narrative of superior personal power. These fighting scenes are often seen in the motifs of ancient Iran (and of course Mesopotamia) from the period before Elamite and Elamite to later periods, indicating the power of a superior person in most interpretations - in older periods, perhaps the of “master of the animals” or ruler and referring to the king in more recent periods.
On the one hand, the distinct and prominent presence of animals such as lions (or cats) being the symbol of power in the land of Elam - especially the Susa plain as a habitat of this animal - e and also the goats as a constant companion of humans from The agricultural period onwards, and also in this period. On the other hand, the need to protect the owned animals accompanied by man against hostile animals does not take the creation of such scenes out of the mind. Inspired by the issues and landscapes around him, the engraving artist used to create images, which ultimately led to a particular style. In these special cases, the battle scene is a kind of narrative of a superior person to show his superiority and power. Now, this person should be considered the ruler of animals to be sought in myths, or a powerful king that is present in the historical scenes.
Atefeh Rasouli,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The Kurgan and the megalith tombs were common graves in the Bronze and Iron Ages. The vast geographical area is central Europe, central Asia, Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. The size of Kurgans and the objects discovered from these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Animal burial was also common in the late second millennium BC in the Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. This study explains the Kurgans, megalith tombs, and the traditional victim animals for particular social classes in the Bronze Age. One of the questions in this research is about trade relations between the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran in the Bronze Age. And why the Kurgans of this period in size and number of objects discovered inside graves differ. In answer to these questions, the represented research hypothesis found the Obsidian bows and Urmia ware of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. In this period, close relations existed between the South Caucasus and the Northwest of Iran. Also, the large size of the Kurgans and the objects discovered inside these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Ordinary people had a simple coffin grave, and their graves had no funeral gifts. But the high-ranking people in this community have huge graves and, along with the owner, discovered a lot of funeral gifts. The Kurgans of the South Caucasus and Northwest of Iran were studied using observation and library surveys. The results show that the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus are older than those in the Northwest of Iran, and in the Late Bronze Age, there was a cultural and commercial connection between the two regions. In the Late Bronze Age, most Kurgans were discovered in the Aslandooz and Pars Abad in Ardabil, Ahar, and Khodaafarin in Eastern Azerbaijan. Most of them had a circular shape, and many of these graves found animals deceased, such as cows, horses, and dogs, with funeral gifts.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Kurgan, Megalith Tombs, South Caucasus.
Introduction
According to archaeological findings in the Bronze Age, due to migrations and close relations, various developments happened between the Caucasus and northwestern Iran, especially in the burial tradition in the Bronze Age sites of Northwestern Iran. The Kurgans were formed from the late Chalcolithic Age to the Iron Age in a wide geographical area, including the Southern Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran. However, most Kurgans are chronologically related to the Bronze Age and Iron Ages. These tombs were by people who lived in semi-permanent settlements in the geographical area of steppe plains, extensive pastures, grasslands, and forests.
Animal burials are the essential issues in these Kurgans. According to studies on Kurgans from the Southern Caucasus and Northwestern Iran, animal burials, including horses, cows, and dogs, have been found in most large-sized Kurgans (Rudenko, 1953: 53-60). The graves in which animal burials show that the owner of these graves had a high social position.
The lack of knowledge in this study is limited to the Kurgans of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. For this reason, one of the innovations in this study is a careful study of Bronze Age Kurgans in Northwestern Iran, especially the late Bronze. This research investigates the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran during the Bronze Age using objective observation and library studies. Most of the research done in the late Bronze Age Kurgans of Iran is based on field surveys and documenting and collecting the necessary information.
The Kurgans of the Southern Caucasus region
The oldest Kurgans are in Asia Minor, the Balkan, and the Caucasus. These Kurgans are related to the fourth and third millennium BC. The oldest Kurgan belongs to the fourth millennium BC in the Caucasus region. The Scythians learned this burial method from the native inhabitant, and in combination with their belief, they gave it a shape that is today known as Tomolus (Firouzmandi, 2015: 157). There are two types of tombs: simple tombs that belonged to ordinary people and luxurious tombs that belonged to princes and kings. These Kurgans contained wooden structures and, with great skill, were made, which included pottery, war tools, and ornaments (Gershevitch, 1993: 189). Several Kurgans belong to the Kura-Aras culture in the Shanghvit area and other parts of Armenia in the Southern Caucasus. These Kurgans belong to the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age. These Kurgans are very large and similar to those found in Armenia and Georgia. Objects such as pottery, gold, and other things have been found inside these Kurgans.
The Kurgans of Northwestern Iran
Khorramabad cemetery in Ardabil is one of the ancient sites of Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs have been discovered at this site. This cemetery belongs to the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. In another of these graves, which is unique, the remains of 34 horses have been found. The main Kurgan has found various types of Gold, Bronze, Iron, Stone, Glass objects, and pottery.
The Zardkhaneh site of Ahar, which belonged to the Late Bronze Age, is one of the essential sites in Northwestern Iran. From this site, there are 95 Kurgans and large stone graves. These graves are like the Kurgans and large stone graves of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey. These tombs have many grey and brown potteries with bronze and stone objects.
Division of Kurgans and large stone tombs in Northwestern Iran
Simple Chinese stone tombs: These graves are constructed of large stone and are covered with soil about half a meter from the surrounding lands. The direction of the graves was east to West (author).
Box tombs: These tombs consist of large stones. These types of graves are recognizable as mounds of soil. A raised stone with carved motifs was placed vertically on top of the tombs (author).
Kurgans: Kurgans in archaeology are called cone-shaped tombs. These tombs are known as plains steppe pyramids. There are several Kurgans in the Aslamdooz of Pars Abad. These tombs are about 10 to 14 meters in diameter and 5/3 to 4 meters high (author).
Discussion
The burial traditions of the people in the Bronze Age show a general understanding of their beliefs at that time. Based on excavations in the northwest of Iran, various burial methods have been identified, and each of these patterns followed the people’s worldview. Megalithic stones and Kurgans appeared for the first time in the South Caucasus region. They later became popular in this region as a cultural connection with neighboring areas in the Northwest of Iran. Kurgans had a rectangular room consisting of the main chamber of the Kurgans, and around it, they lay stones in a circle. The shape of the circle was a sacred symbol in the past. For this reason, since prehistoric times, the circle motif has been used on pottery, metal objects, architectural structures, and in constructing Kurgans and megalithic tombs in the Bronze Age.
Conclusion
Based on the study, most Kurgans have been discovered from outside the current borders of Iran related to the Early and Middle Bronze Age and are larger than the Kurgans found in Iran. While most of the Kurgans and large stone tombs belong to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, most are in Eastern Azerbaijan and Ardabil in Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs in this area and the shape and burial objects inside these tombs are similar to the large stone tombs found in the Southern Caucasus, especially in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Additional evidence related to the stelae or raised stone tombs was found on the Ardabil plain in the Late Bronze Age. There are carved animal motifs on these stones. These raised stones belonged to Bronze Age sites in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Inside tombs of the Zardkhaneh site in Ahar are Urmia potteries, and samples of these potteries have been discovered in Kura-Aras cultures in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Another Bronze Age site in Northwestern Iran with shiny grey pottery is the Buini Yughun site in the Nir area, similar to the Urmia potteries. In the Southern Caucasus, Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran, the Bronze Age was characterized by mass metal production, trade with the neighboring area, economic growth, construction of military buildings, and large stone tombs. The discovery of valuable objects in this period shows these societies’ high economic and social levels in the Bronze Age. One of the essential pieces of evidence is the discovery of the arrowhead of the Obsidian in the Zardkhaneh site of Ahar. The discovery of the Urmia potteries and Obsidian in the Bronze Age shows trade relations between Northwestern Iran and the Southern Caucasus in the Late Bronze Age.
The Kurgan and the megalith tombs were common graves in the Bronze and Iron Ages. The vast geographical area is central Europe, central Asia, Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. The size of Kurgans and the objects discovered from these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Animal burial was also common in the late second millennium BC in the Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwest Iran. This study explains the Kurgans, megalith tombs, and the traditional victim animals for particular social classes in the Bronze Age. One of the questions in this research is about trade relations between the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran in the Bronze Age. And why the Kurgans of this period in size and number of objects discovered inside graves differ. In answer to these questions, the represented research hypothesis found the Obsidian bows and Urmia ware of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. In this period, close relations existed between the South Caucasus and the Northwest of Iran. Also, the large size of the Kurgans and the objects discovered inside these graves represented the deceased’s social status. Ordinary people had a simple coffin grave, and their graves had no funeral gifts. But the high-ranking people in this community have huge graves and, along with the owner, discovered a lot of funeral gifts. The Kurgans of the South Caucasus and Northwest of Iran were studied using observation and library surveys. The results show that the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus are older than those in the Northwest of Iran, and in the Late Bronze Age, there was a cultural and commercial connection between the two regions. In the Late Bronze Age, most Kurgans were discovered in the Aslandooz and Pars Abad in Ardabil, Ahar, and Khodaafarin in Eastern Azerbaijan. Most of them had a circular shape, and many of these graves found animals deceased, such as cows, horses, and dogs, with funeral gifts.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Kurgan, Megalith Tombs, South Caucasus.
Introduction
According to archaeological findings in the Bronze Age, due to migrations and close relations, various developments happened between the Caucasus and northwestern Iran, especially in the burial tradition in the Bronze Age sites of Northwestern Iran. The Kurgans were formed from the late Chalcolithic Age to the Iron Age in a wide geographical area, including the Southern Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran. However, most Kurgans are chronologically related to the Bronze Age and Iron Ages. These tombs were by people who lived in semi-permanent settlements in the geographical area of steppe plains, extensive pastures, grasslands, and forests.
Animal burials are the essential issues in these Kurgans. According to studies on Kurgans from the Southern Caucasus and Northwestern Iran, animal burials, including horses, cows, and dogs, have been found in most large-sized Kurgans (Rudenko, 1953: 53-60). The graves in which animal burials show that the owner of these graves had a high social position.
The lack of knowledge in this study is limited to the Kurgans of the Bronze Age in northwestern Iran. For this reason, one of the innovations in this study is a careful study of Bronze Age Kurgans in Northwestern Iran, especially the late Bronze. This research investigates the Kurgans discovered in the South Caucasus and Northwest Iran during the Bronze Age using objective observation and library studies. Most of the research done in the late Bronze Age Kurgans of Iran is based on field surveys and documenting and collecting the necessary information.
The Kurgans of the Southern Caucasus region
The oldest Kurgans are in Asia Minor, the Balkan, and the Caucasus. These Kurgans are related to the fourth and third millennium BC. The oldest Kurgan belongs to the fourth millennium BC in the Caucasus region. The Scythians learned this burial method from the native inhabitant, and in combination with their belief, they gave it a shape that is today known as Tomolus (Firouzmandi, 2015: 157). There are two types of tombs: simple tombs that belonged to ordinary people and luxurious tombs that belonged to princes and kings. These Kurgans contained wooden structures and, with great skill, were made, which included pottery, war tools, and ornaments (Gershevitch, 1993: 189). Several Kurgans belong to the Kura-Aras culture in the Shanghvit area and other parts of Armenia in the Southern Caucasus. These Kurgans belong to the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age. These Kurgans are very large and similar to those found in Armenia and Georgia. Objects such as pottery, gold, and other things have been found inside these Kurgans.
The Kurgans of Northwestern Iran
Khorramabad cemetery in Ardabil is one of the ancient sites of Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs have been discovered at this site. This cemetery belongs to the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. In another of these graves, which is unique, the remains of 34 horses have been found. The main Kurgan has found various types of Gold, Bronze, Iron, Stone, Glass objects, and pottery.
The Zardkhaneh site of Ahar, which belonged to the Late Bronze Age, is one of the essential sites in Northwestern Iran. From this site, there are 95 Kurgans and large stone graves. These graves are like the Kurgans and large stone graves of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey. These tombs have many grey and brown potteries with bronze and stone objects.
Division of Kurgans and large stone tombs in Northwestern Iran
Simple Chinese stone tombs: These graves are constructed of large stone and are covered with soil about half a meter from the surrounding lands. The direction of the graves was east to West (author).
Box tombs: These tombs consist of large stones. These types of graves are recognizable as mounds of soil. A raised stone with carved motifs was placed vertically on top of the tombs (author).
Kurgans: Kurgans in archaeology are called cone-shaped tombs. These tombs are known as plains steppe pyramids. There are several Kurgans in the Aslamdooz of Pars Abad. These tombs are about 10 to 14 meters in diameter and 5/3 to 4 meters high (author).
Discussion
The burial traditions of the people in the Bronze Age show a general understanding of their beliefs at that time. Based on excavations in the northwest of Iran, various burial methods have been identified, and each of these patterns followed the people’s worldview. Megalithic stones and Kurgans appeared for the first time in the South Caucasus region. They later became popular in this region as a cultural connection with neighboring areas in the Northwest of Iran. Kurgans had a rectangular room consisting of the main chamber of the Kurgans, and around it, they lay stones in a circle. The shape of the circle was a sacred symbol in the past. For this reason, since prehistoric times, the circle motif has been used on pottery, metal objects, architectural structures, and in constructing Kurgans and megalithic tombs in the Bronze Age.
Conclusion
Based on the study, most Kurgans have been discovered from outside the current borders of Iran related to the Early and Middle Bronze Age and are larger than the Kurgans found in Iran. While most of the Kurgans and large stone tombs belong to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, most are in Eastern Azerbaijan and Ardabil in Northwestern Iran. Kurgans and large stone tombs in this area and the shape and burial objects inside these tombs are similar to the large stone tombs found in the Southern Caucasus, especially in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Additional evidence related to the stelae or raised stone tombs was found on the Ardabil plain in the Late Bronze Age. There are carved animal motifs on these stones. These raised stones belonged to Bronze Age sites in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Inside tombs of the Zardkhaneh site in Ahar are Urmia potteries, and samples of these potteries have been discovered in Kura-Aras cultures in Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Another Bronze Age site in Northwestern Iran with shiny grey pottery is the Buini Yughun site in the Nir area, similar to the Urmia potteries. In the Southern Caucasus, Anatolia, and Northwestern Iran, the Bronze Age was characterized by mass metal production, trade with the neighboring area, economic growth, construction of military buildings, and large stone tombs. The discovery of valuable objects in this period shows these societies’ high economic and social levels in the Bronze Age. One of the essential pieces of evidence is the discovery of the arrowhead of the Obsidian in the Zardkhaneh site of Ahar. The discovery of the Urmia potteries and Obsidian in the Bronze Age shows trade relations between Northwestern Iran and the Southern Caucasus in the Late Bronze Age.
Azita Balali Oskoyi, Mohammad Sheikhol Hokamaei,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
From the Achaemenid era to the Qajar era, mid-way residences were built to serve various military, trade and residential purposes. In central Iranian regions, residences were formed around a courtyard, with the central courtyard serving as the pivotal link. Some mid-way residences not only had central courtyards but also contained other yards, serving in relation to the main courtyard. Considering the significance of side yards in meeting residents’ needs, it is increasingly important to examine these spaces in Robat and caravanserais. The goal of this study was to investigate the role and function of elements around side yards in Robats and caravanserais. This study raises the questions: “Which factors have formed multiple courtyards in these buildings?” “What are the reasons behind the similarities and differences of side yards in Robats and caravanserais?” This study used library sources such as books, articles and documents to explore space patterns using theoretical foundations and descriptive-analytical methods. Findings revealed that four factors of climate, privacy, intimacy (residence-related) and services contributed to establishing side yards, with each involving some subspaces. Robats and caravanserais feature different characters and are nearly identical from a functional point of view. A comparison of side yards’ functions indicates similar spaces and functions, which differ from each other structurally and spatially. Results have demonstrated that Robats have followed no pre-determined plans in their construction plans, with their yards sequentially formed along each other based on different periods; caravanserais, however, had predetermined plans and had their spaces constructed based on implementation designs.
Keywords: Robats, Caravanserais, Side Yards, Recognition, Space Patterns.
Introduction
Mid-way residences, constructed under various names in the past, helped facilitate routes for traders, military personnel and travelers. The majority of people used to call mid-way residences as caravanserais, disregard of their special uses. In Iran, Robats and caravanserais were constructed based on the climate of each region, with central regions experiencing structures with courtyard designs. Central courtyards in these buildings served as a core element and organized Robats and caravanserai components. Siro (1974) asserts that Tughrul, the Seljuk ruler, used the Robats for launching military campaigns, while most changes made to the Robats were made in this era. These changes included the establishment of multiple courtyards in Robats. With the establishment of the Safavid dynasty, rulers decided to expand their trade and consequently strengthen their routes; in this period, caravanserais were trade-oriented and had different functions with previous caravanserais.
Previous research tended to focus on understanding caravanserais from historical and technical perspectives, while little examining the formation of central courtyards and surrounding uses. However, the process of forming yards around the main courtyard and spatial uses around a second yard were less focused.
A survey of Robats and caravanserais in central Iranian plateau indicates that mid-way buildings do not just involve a courtyard; rather, they may include several courtyards, depending on the building situation. This study commences with two questions: “How was a side yard formed in Robats and caravanserais?” and “What are the reasons for the similarities and differences of side yards in Robats and caravanserais?” The military, trade and welfare policies of ruling governments in this region left a considerable amount of impact on forming the facilities of Robats and caravanserais, such as side yards. This issue can be examined by investigating the surviving geometric patterns and the positioning of uses, access to side yards and other uses around the buildings. This is evidenced by the fact that governments were themselves responsible for constructing these buildings and setting out policies in the central plateau.
Discussion
Initially, Robats were simple fortifications used on borders to defend Islamic land. In central Iranian plateau, Robats were built in specific situations to monitor transit. These Robats were characterized by simple and small cores and mainly pertained to the Sassanians. In subsequent eras, Robats witnessed an expansion of main courtyards, followed by the completion of side yards, along with necessary means, as well as accommodation for soldiers, weapon and provision storages, defense towers, commanders’ specific posts, stables and baths.
In peace times, the Robats transformed their military uses into trade uses, though they could still be used as military bastions. In this era, especially in the Safavid era, caravanserais flourished and served trade and religious purposes. Changes made to the corners of the caravanserais began from the Seljuk era, which later caused those corners to expand even more. In the Safavid era, some of the corners turned into second yards, with some uses such as chambers, kitchens, toilets and guard rooms formed around them. Second yards were also created to independently provide services such as bathes and animal care. Besides, the presence of a yard in the caravanserai created a micro climate that protected people from desert winds and provided convenience for them.
Viewing the construction of side yards in Robats and caravanserais as based on human needs reveals that the social perspective becomes noticeable. A second yard provided a space where the king and companions could enjoy safety and security; for this, the designs of second yards had envisaged a room before entry to the yard to protect the residents, while making it a private area for the king, commanders and companions. Another factor in designing side yards was a private space in the caravanserais where ladies or families could rest. This construction, which showed an introvert space and created mental security for the families, was quite compatible with the Islamic thinking and could establish the boundary of intimacy in the caravanserais or Robats. Furthermore, some yards or uses were separated due to some welfare services offered to residents. In sum, the factors affecting the formation of a second yard in Robats and caravanserais can be summarized by the privacy, intimacy, services and climate.
Conclusion
The factors of climate, privacy, intimacy and service are said to affect the formation of Robats and caravanserais. Here, through a macro-level approach, two military and trade perspectives by rulers can also affect these factors. The access system of the three studied patterns in caravanserais features diversity and order, as entry into a space leads to another space; in other words, there is no repeated space in going through from an outer space into an inner space. In addition, more uses are directly or indirectly related to side yards than to Robats. Meanwhile, in Robats, accessibility patterns lack order or regularity and space can be repeated sequentially and repetitively. Meanwhile, Robat patterns cover fewer spatial uses than caravanserais. Also, Robats have lacked a coherent relationship between the vestibule, the alcove and the stable or the side yard. In general, the main difference in Robats arises from the simpler use of the elements than the caravanserais, as Robats follow no previous map because of their hastened construction.
On the other hand, this inconsistency is not existing in caravanserais, with all elements enjoying spatial regularity and unique designs. In their designs, caravanserais feature outlined plans because all constructed spaces are regular and alongside each other without any interference.
In this study, the most important factor of similarity between Robats and caravanserais was compliance with a three-fold pattern, including a yard side in the corners of the central courtyard, a side yard in the middle and a side yard near the main courtyard, which are found in the two buildings. The two types of buildings are commonly characterized by specific uses around a side central space, separated from the main courtyard, while mainly involving residence uses for the accommodation of rulers, commanders, and local people, as well as ladies.
The novelty of this study lies with the rulers’ military and trade approaches in constructing the apparently similar buildings to show that they feature different spaces, while being similar at the same time. Since the functions of side yards and main courtyards determine military and trade strategies in the central plateau, future research is required to compare side yards in various areas and study how they were formed in different eras. Also, it is required to conduct studies on the function of side yard facilities in buildings with no side yards.
Malihah Mehdi Abadi, Ali Zamani Fard, Sayed Abdul Azim Amir Shakermi,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
One of the important criteria of registration in the World Heritage List is the cultural landscape, which deals with the preservation and restoration of natural, tangible and intangible cultural elements of historical sites with a holistic and pragmatic approach. The arcs of Taq Bostan have been registered as a national site in the temporary world heritage list, but unfortunately, in recent years, we have seen physical changes in its historical and natural elements. The dissociation between the works and nature causes loss of the original nature of the site and leads to its further destruction. Considering that the cultural landscape is tantamount to interaction between humans and the nature, the historical works of Taq Bostan have turned the site into an element capable of creating cultural landscape. This study has been conducted through the archive, text studies and survey on the site, Taq Bostan. This research has tried to highlight the necessity of a comprehensive look at the protection and restoration of this historical work and seeks to prove the hypothesis that the arches of Taq Bostan are only one work. It is not historical and archeological, but a cultural landscape. The method of this descriptive-analytical research is based on data collected from documentary, library, survey and experience working in the site. Among the questions that are answered in this research; mention can be made of the following: 1. What are the criteria of cultural landscape? 2. What are the elements of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? The result of the research shows; based on the global elements, Taq Bostan has the criteria of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms and has all the effective objective and subjective factors in the formation of the cultural landscape; and contrary to popular belief, Sasanian reliefs are not the only factor in creating this cultural landscape; rather, the components of Taq Bostan’s cultural; s cultural landscape are a combination of natural and cultural modules that are intertwined and inseparable throughout history.
Keywords: Cultural Landscape, Component, Taq Bostan, Tangible, Intangible.
Introduction
The rock art of Taq Bostan is one of the most important works of the Sassanid era and has been nominated for registration in the world heritage (WHC UNESCO, 2021). The importance of the Sassanid sculptures of the Bostan Arch, especially its large arch, in terms of the elegance in the execution of relief motifs, their narrative style, the depiction of artificial and sacred hunting grounds, are cited by researchers such as Pope in the 1920s, Hertzfeld 1940, Vandenberg 1956, Girshman 1962, Godar 1965 and Kristen Sen 1384 and Tanabe 1983. The deer hunting panel of this arch is unique and there is no equivalent in Sasanian art (Compareti, 2016: 5). Also, due to the uniqueness of these motifs, it is always used in identification of fabrics (Hertsfeld, 1940; Raami, 2012; Herman, 2008; Harper 1999) and musical instruments of the Sassanid period (Farmer, 2017; Christine Sen, 1935) have been effective. These works have a deep connection with literature and popular culture, including Nezami’s "Khosrow & Shirin (Khamse Nizami, 6th century p. 30) and & quot; Shirin & amp; Farhad in Kurdish &q uot.
Considering the unbreakable link between history and nature and the opinions and beliefs of the people about Taq Bostan, it is assumed that the arches in Taq Bostan are not just a historical and archeological site and it is necessary to maintain strong relationship between the nature and ancient works; moreover social interactions that govern them should be taken into account. In other words this area is a cultural landscape and interference in each of these components should be done according to its impacts on the other component. For example, it may be effective to intervene in the seams and cracks of the rocks of the arches, to prevent infiltrating water from decreasing or increasing or even drying up the springs. The springs have played an essential role (naturally and culturally) in creating reliefs that if removed, part of the historical and natural values of this area will be lost. This research aims to know the criteria for determining the natural and historical components of Taq Bostan based on the theories presented in the field of cultural landscape in order to remind the necessity of a comprehensive view, as it is proposed in cultural landscapes, in the protection and restoration of this historical work. It is hoped that this research will lead to reconsideration of some JOZINEGARANEH decisions and attitudes that govern this area. In the meantime this research only emphasizes on proving the cultural landscape of Taq Bostan site.
Based on global standards archaeological and historical evidence (Canepa, 2018; Ghobadi, et al 2014; Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016; Kambakhshfard 1348; Rahbar, 2010) is a historical and natural environment that human interaction with the environment covers from the Middle Paleolithic period to the present day. This area was formed in different periods based on more or less different cultural mindsets (Parthian, Sassanid, Islamic ideas). Knowing the cultural and historical components of Taq Bostan is a research necessity that has not been addressed so far; because the documents (Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, 2002, Schmidt, 2016) show that this area is undergoing physical and intangible changes that have threatened some of its natural, historical and cultural values; therefore, it is necessary to recognize this collection as a cultural landscape. This research, with descriptive-analytical method and based on data collection from documentary sources, library and field observations, tries to answer the following questions: What are the criteria of cultural landscape? What are the elements or components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? What is the cultural landscape?
Cultural landscape is the outcome of interaction between human and the environment. (Sauer, 1925). According to Tyler, since cultural landscapes are a document of past and present actions, they are an embodiment of physical changes, which in turn reflect the evolving attitudes towards the landscape. They represent our material and social history, with the help of which we can easily relate inherited values (Taylor, 2011:3).
According to the initial theories, natural conditions have had a major impact on the creation of cultural landscapes; so that people have changed the natural conditions of their environment based on their material and spiritual needs and under the influence of their culture.
Newer theories have discussed the interaction between humans and the environment and have come to the conclusion that humans choose and change the environment according to their mental thoughts, and every changed environment is not necessarily a cultural landscape.
Therefore, the cultural landscape of every society is formed based on its nature and culture. According to Canepa, the cultural landscape of Iran was created based on the relationship between the conceptual world and the physical world that exists in some Iranian religions (Canepa, 2018:1), so choosing a place to create works (current historical works), including campuses and hunting grounds and the rock art has a deep connection between the religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and its nature, and the choice of natural places to create art is not accidental.
Natural and cultural components of Taq Bostan Mountains, topography of the earth, water in the form of springs and rivers, plains, and plants and animals in whose creation humans did not have a part are considered natural components. In Taq Bostan, the elements of mountain, water and plain are considered the most important natural factors. These components, along with works created by people who lived in different historical periods, have formed the historical and cultural components of Taq Bostan. These historical and cultural components include: prehistoric sites of Taq Bostan, Parti cemetery and village, Khosrow’s hunting ground, Sasanian rock artefacts of Taq Bostan. In each of these components, he observed the mutual influence of nature and human interaction with concrete examples. For instance, topography, as a natural component, plays a significant role in the formation of the historical and cultural components of the pre-history of Taq Bostan Western Park (Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016: 22). The homogeneity of the mountain and the spring has been effective in the creation of relief motifs and the arches of Taq Bostan, because it had the characteristics of the sacred mountain in the eyes of the Sasanians. There should be a bubbling spring next to it, and the light cleanses the body of water and the mountain from the contamination of the devil (Qureshi, 1380: 174). Intangible components derived from people's mentality and including activities, historical and symbolic functions, cultural customs, traditions, monuments, folk stories and cultural references such as the story of Shirin & Farhad, the story of the old tree of the Bostan Arch and healing from the horse statue inside the large arch and the bust of Khosrow II (Naseruddin Shah, 1287: 69; Khadi 1385, July)
Conclusion
Archaeological evidences show that the interaction between man and nature in Taq Bostan is a multi-thousand-year interaction (from the Middle Paleolithic until now). The favorable environment provided by nature to humans, such as mountains, springs, and plant and animal filled plains as well as the strategic location of the region in terms of history (on the way to Babylon and close to the well-known inscription of Darius in Bistoon) created this long-term interaction.
But what is popular among people now as the identity and historical character of Taq Bostan is related to the Sassanid and Qajar periods. The relationship between the conceptual world and the objective world of the Iranian cultural landscape; and the choice of the workplace is in connection between religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and nature. The investigations carried out in this research showed (tables 3 and 4) that based on global standards in the field of cultural landscape, Taq Bostan has the characteristics of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms, and all the effective factors in its formation are objective and there is an existing mentality, such as the use of the natural potential and topography of the region, including permanent springs and rivers, which caused the existence and instead of the material elements of prehistoric humans in the West Park and Murad Hill areas, it shows the evolution of the society from the criteria of the cultural landscape.
The remaining cities and cemeteries and the Parthian and later periods also depict the course of historical development and society, as well as the beliefs and attitudes of the material and non-material world in accordance with the objective and subjective criteria of the cultural landscape.
The reliefs and Khosrow’s hunting ground also indicate the ideas of the Sassanid period. According to Sasanian religious beliefs, the Sasanian king was of the opinion that every action in the Minoan world is done by Ahura Mazda, in the non-Minoan world it is done by the king. Ahuramazda’s goal was to return the world to the light and prosperity before the demonic attack. For this reason, the Sassanid king also tried to create a heavenly paradise in a dry and barren land (a symbol of Ahriman’s wrath). Make the land fertile with the help of natural elements of water and soil. According to the Sasanians, a good king was a good gardener; Therefore, gardens and campuses like Taq Bostan are political announcements that confirmed the legitimacy of the Shah’s government.
Therefore, the components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape are a combination of natural, cultural and social components that are linked and inseparable over time. These components are based on the theories and criteria of the cultural landscape, the interaction between man and nature, and the collective historical results that have ecological and geographical characteristics. According to the mentality of the people living in them, they have found identity and personality and have aesthetic and cultural values. A symbolic place is one of the basic elements of heritage and has a common relationship between identity, memory, and heritage. At the same time, they represent the evolution of human societies. Natural and social environment and economy This landscape is effective on the process of human evolution and has emotional and spiritual meanings.
Taq Bostan has the objective and subjective criteria of a cultural landscape, and these criteria should be taken into account in all actions taken or in the future plans of the site, and any interference and possession should be applied with regard to preserving the entirety of this cultural landscape; Otherwise, the destruction of these works will be imagined in the not-too-distant future.
One of the important criteria of registration in the World Heritage List is the cultural landscape, which deals with the preservation and restoration of natural, tangible and intangible cultural elements of historical sites with a holistic and pragmatic approach. The arcs of Taq Bostan have been registered as a national site in the temporary world heritage list, but unfortunately, in recent years, we have seen physical changes in its historical and natural elements. The dissociation between the works and nature causes loss of the original nature of the site and leads to its further destruction. Considering that the cultural landscape is tantamount to interaction between humans and the nature, the historical works of Taq Bostan have turned the site into an element capable of creating cultural landscape. This study has been conducted through the archive, text studies and survey on the site, Taq Bostan. This research has tried to highlight the necessity of a comprehensive look at the protection and restoration of this historical work and seeks to prove the hypothesis that the arches of Taq Bostan are only one work. It is not historical and archeological, but a cultural landscape. The method of this descriptive-analytical research is based on data collected from documentary, library, survey and experience working in the site. Among the questions that are answered in this research; mention can be made of the following: 1. What are the criteria of cultural landscape? 2. What are the elements of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? The result of the research shows; based on the global elements, Taq Bostan has the criteria of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms and has all the effective objective and subjective factors in the formation of the cultural landscape; and contrary to popular belief, Sasanian reliefs are not the only factor in creating this cultural landscape; rather, the components of Taq Bostan’s cultural; s cultural landscape are a combination of natural and cultural modules that are intertwined and inseparable throughout history.
Keywords: Cultural Landscape, Component, Taq Bostan, Tangible, Intangible.
Introduction
The rock art of Taq Bostan is one of the most important works of the Sassanid era and has been nominated for registration in the world heritage (WHC UNESCO, 2021). The importance of the Sassanid sculptures of the Bostan Arch, especially its large arch, in terms of the elegance in the execution of relief motifs, their narrative style, the depiction of artificial and sacred hunting grounds, are cited by researchers such as Pope in the 1920s, Hertzfeld 1940, Vandenberg 1956, Girshman 1962, Godar 1965 and Kristen Sen 1384 and Tanabe 1983. The deer hunting panel of this arch is unique and there is no equivalent in Sasanian art (Compareti, 2016: 5). Also, due to the uniqueness of these motifs, it is always used in identification of fabrics (Hertsfeld, 1940; Raami, 2012; Herman, 2008; Harper 1999) and musical instruments of the Sassanid period (Farmer, 2017; Christine Sen, 1935) have been effective. These works have a deep connection with literature and popular culture, including Nezami’s "Khosrow & Shirin (Khamse Nizami, 6th century p. 30) and & quot; Shirin & amp; Farhad in Kurdish &q uot.
Considering the unbreakable link between history and nature and the opinions and beliefs of the people about Taq Bostan, it is assumed that the arches in Taq Bostan are not just a historical and archeological site and it is necessary to maintain strong relationship between the nature and ancient works; moreover social interactions that govern them should be taken into account. In other words this area is a cultural landscape and interference in each of these components should be done according to its impacts on the other component. For example, it may be effective to intervene in the seams and cracks of the rocks of the arches, to prevent infiltrating water from decreasing or increasing or even drying up the springs. The springs have played an essential role (naturally and culturally) in creating reliefs that if removed, part of the historical and natural values of this area will be lost. This research aims to know the criteria for determining the natural and historical components of Taq Bostan based on the theories presented in the field of cultural landscape in order to remind the necessity of a comprehensive view, as it is proposed in cultural landscapes, in the protection and restoration of this historical work. It is hoped that this research will lead to reconsideration of some JOZINEGARANEH decisions and attitudes that govern this area. In the meantime this research only emphasizes on proving the cultural landscape of Taq Bostan site.
Based on global standards archaeological and historical evidence (Canepa, 2018; Ghobadi, et al 2014; Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016; Kambakhshfard 1348; Rahbar, 2010) is a historical and natural environment that human interaction with the environment covers from the Middle Paleolithic period to the present day. This area was formed in different periods based on more or less different cultural mindsets (Parthian, Sassanid, Islamic ideas). Knowing the cultural and historical components of Taq Bostan is a research necessity that has not been addressed so far; because the documents (Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, 2002, Schmidt, 2016) show that this area is undergoing physical and intangible changes that have threatened some of its natural, historical and cultural values; therefore, it is necessary to recognize this collection as a cultural landscape. This research, with descriptive-analytical method and based on data collection from documentary sources, library and field observations, tries to answer the following questions: What are the criteria of cultural landscape? What are the elements or components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape? What is the cultural landscape?
Cultural landscape is the outcome of interaction between human and the environment. (Sauer, 1925). According to Tyler, since cultural landscapes are a document of past and present actions, they are an embodiment of physical changes, which in turn reflect the evolving attitudes towards the landscape. They represent our material and social history, with the help of which we can easily relate inherited values (Taylor, 2011:3).
According to the initial theories, natural conditions have had a major impact on the creation of cultural landscapes; so that people have changed the natural conditions of their environment based on their material and spiritual needs and under the influence of their culture.
Newer theories have discussed the interaction between humans and the environment and have come to the conclusion that humans choose and change the environment according to their mental thoughts, and every changed environment is not necessarily a cultural landscape.
Therefore, the cultural landscape of every society is formed based on its nature and culture. According to Canepa, the cultural landscape of Iran was created based on the relationship between the conceptual world and the physical world that exists in some Iranian religions (Canepa, 2018:1), so choosing a place to create works (current historical works), including campuses and hunting grounds and the rock art has a deep connection between the religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and its nature, and the choice of natural places to create art is not accidental.
Natural and cultural components of Taq Bostan Mountains, topography of the earth, water in the form of springs and rivers, plains, and plants and animals in whose creation humans did not have a part are considered natural components. In Taq Bostan, the elements of mountain, water and plain are considered the most important natural factors. These components, along with works created by people who lived in different historical periods, have formed the historical and cultural components of Taq Bostan. These historical and cultural components include: prehistoric sites of Taq Bostan, Parti cemetery and village, Khosrow’s hunting ground, Sasanian rock artefacts of Taq Bostan. In each of these components, he observed the mutual influence of nature and human interaction with concrete examples. For instance, topography, as a natural component, plays a significant role in the formation of the historical and cultural components of the pre-history of Taq Bostan Western Park (Hojabri and Mir Qadri, 2016: 22). The homogeneity of the mountain and the spring has been effective in the creation of relief motifs and the arches of Taq Bostan, because it had the characteristics of the sacred mountain in the eyes of the Sasanians. There should be a bubbling spring next to it, and the light cleanses the body of water and the mountain from the contamination of the devil (Qureshi, 1380: 174). Intangible components derived from people's mentality and including activities, historical and symbolic functions, cultural customs, traditions, monuments, folk stories and cultural references such as the story of Shirin & Farhad, the story of the old tree of the Bostan Arch and healing from the horse statue inside the large arch and the bust of Khosrow II (Naseruddin Shah, 1287: 69; Khadi 1385, July)
Conclusion
Archaeological evidences show that the interaction between man and nature in Taq Bostan is a multi-thousand-year interaction (from the Middle Paleolithic until now). The favorable environment provided by nature to humans, such as mountains, springs, and plant and animal filled plains as well as the strategic location of the region in terms of history (on the way to Babylon and close to the well-known inscription of Darius in Bistoon) created this long-term interaction.
But what is popular among people now as the identity and historical character of Taq Bostan is related to the Sassanid and Qajar periods. The relationship between the conceptual world and the objective world of the Iranian cultural landscape; and the choice of the workplace is in connection between religion, beliefs and mentality of Iranians about the world and nature. The investigations carried out in this research showed (tables 3 and 4) that based on global standards in the field of cultural landscape, Taq Bostan has the characteristics of a cultural landscape with natural and human components in tangible and intangible forms, and all the effective factors in its formation are objective and there is an existing mentality, such as the use of the natural potential and topography of the region, including permanent springs and rivers, which caused the existence and instead of the material elements of prehistoric humans in the West Park and Murad Hill areas, it shows the evolution of the society from the criteria of the cultural landscape.
The remaining cities and cemeteries and the Parthian and later periods also depict the course of historical development and society, as well as the beliefs and attitudes of the material and non-material world in accordance with the objective and subjective criteria of the cultural landscape.
The reliefs and Khosrow’s hunting ground also indicate the ideas of the Sassanid period. According to Sasanian religious beliefs, the Sasanian king was of the opinion that every action in the Minoan world is done by Ahura Mazda, in the non-Minoan world it is done by the king. Ahuramazda’s goal was to return the world to the light and prosperity before the demonic attack. For this reason, the Sassanid king also tried to create a heavenly paradise in a dry and barren land (a symbol of Ahriman’s wrath). Make the land fertile with the help of natural elements of water and soil. According to the Sasanians, a good king was a good gardener; Therefore, gardens and campuses like Taq Bostan are political announcements that confirmed the legitimacy of the Shah’s government.
Therefore, the components of Taq Bostan cultural landscape are a combination of natural, cultural and social components that are linked and inseparable over time. These components are based on the theories and criteria of the cultural landscape, the interaction between man and nature, and the collective historical results that have ecological and geographical characteristics. According to the mentality of the people living in them, they have found identity and personality and have aesthetic and cultural values. A symbolic place is one of the basic elements of heritage and has a common relationship between identity, memory, and heritage. At the same time, they represent the evolution of human societies. Natural and social environment and economy This landscape is effective on the process of human evolution and has emotional and spiritual meanings.
Taq Bostan has the objective and subjective criteria of a cultural landscape, and these criteria should be taken into account in all actions taken or in the future plans of the site, and any interference and possession should be applied with regard to preserving the entirety of this cultural landscape; Otherwise, the destruction of these works will be imagined in the not-too-distant future.
Seyad Mehdi Mousavinia, Mohammadreza Nemati,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.
Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.
Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).
Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.
Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.
Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.
Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).
Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.
Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.
Vali Jahani, Solmaz Raof, Ibrahim Raigani,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Liarsang-bon ancient complex is located in Shirchak village, Rankuh section of Amlash city of Gilan province. This cemetery is located on the eastern side of the ancient complex of Liarsang-bon and at the foot of Mount Ahinbartaleh. Over 100 graves were identified and excavated in this cemetery. Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, the longevity of this cemetery has been determined simultaneously with the Parthian and Sassanid periods between the years 38 BC-123 AD and 45 BC-80 AD. The purpose of this study was to study the structure of Parthian burials in Liarsang-bon Cemetery. What has justified the necessity of the present study; Documenting and disseminating the most important achievements of the excavation is in recognizing the burial structures of the Parthian period in this region, and it is also an attempt to document the results of the excavations before the destruction of the site by natural and human factors. The authors tried to answer the following questions in the present article: What burial structures were most considered by the activists of the time in Lyarsang-bun Cemetery? Another is that these burial structures are comparable to which all-day burial structures in the region and outside the region? The result is that among the various burial methods in the Parthian era, only three types of crypts, pits and jars were identified in Liarsang-bun cemetery, which are the frequency of crypts, pits and finally jars, respectively. O indicates the variety of burials in this cemetery, which, while similar to regional burials, is reminiscent of and similar to trans-regional examples. The data of this study have been collected through information obtained from six chapters of field excavations in Liarsang-bon Cemetery and have been evaluated historically by historical descriptive analysis as well as comparison with other similar cemeteries.
Keywords: Guilan, Amlash, Cemetery, Liarsang-Bon, Parthian.
Introduction
During the six excavation seasons of Liarsang-Bon ancient cemetery between 2014, 2016, 2017, 2018 ,2019, and 2021 under the supervision of Vali Jahani a total of 130 graves were identified and excavated. In a number of pit graves and crypts, two burials have been performed simultaneously (Jahani, 2014; 2015; 2016; 2017; 2018; 2021). Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, which was extracted from the dentine collagen of two burials during the excavation of 2016 and 2017, the date of this cemetery coincides with the Parthian period between 123-38 BC and 80-45 BC. (Soltysiak & Jahani, 2019: 49). It is worth mentioning that cultural works similar to Sasanian period art have also been identified from some graves in this cemetery. It seems that this ancient site was used as a cemetery from the Parthian era to the early Islamic period. The result of five seasons of excavation of the ancient cemetery of Liarsang-Bon, many grave goods including all kinds of clay, metal and glass containers, iron and bronze weapons, personal items and accessories and a diverse number of ornaments including various types of beads, pendants, rings, bracelets, Earrings, brooches and medallions are made of various materials such as glass paste, glass, bronze, silver, gold and natural bitumen. In this research, the authors have tried to chronologically examine the frequency of burial structures and grave goods and compare these structures with contemporary examples in nearby and distant sites. Research data; It is the result of five chapters of field research in Liarsang-Bon cemetery that the authors have tried to evaluate these data by the method of historical description analysis as well as comparison with other cemeteries of the same horizon in terms of history. In the Parthian era, due to the multiplicity of religions, we see diverse and numerous ways of burial (Mohammadifar, 2014: 48). Traditionally, burial methods in this 475-year period have been considered as follows: burial in clay and stone coffins; Pithos burials; pit graves; Cellar Burials; basement graves; Well graves and temple graves.
Burial methods in Liarsang-Bon cemetery
We wrote before that about 130 graves attributable to the Parthian and Sasanian periods were excavated in this cemetery. These excavated graves have presented three types of grave structures, which included Cellar Burials, pit graves, and pit graves. Along with the dead, burial gifts such as glass, clay and metal containers (lead, bronze, gold-plated silver, etc.), metal weapons such as swords, daggers, knives and bayonets, decorative beads, bronze ornaments and seals were found.
Cellar Burials
Among the burial methods of Liarsang-Bon cemetery, Cellar Burials have had the highest frequency. Tombs with a catacomb structure and similar to Liarsang-Bon in areas such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966:4-8), Hosni Mahaleh (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) located in Dilman, Vestemin area in Kiasar, Sari city (Sharifi, 2014) and also in the sites located in the steppes of southeastern Europe, Central Asia, and North Caucasus, which contain the cultural materials of the Sarmatian, Scythian, and Alani peoples. (For example, see: Moshkova, 1983: 24).
Pit Burials
The number of pit graves excavated in Liarsang-Bon cemetery is almost equal to the number of Cellar Burials. These graves were found in most of the Parthian sites, and the reasons for their creation and use are different in each site.
Pithos- Burials
14 Pithos burials for the burial of children and young people were found in the area of Liarsang-Bon. There are evidences of burials in clay Pithos in Gilan at the same time as the Parthian period, from sites such as Dilaman Qal-e Kuti (Sono and Fukai, 1968:38) and Kaloraz (Khalatbari, 2005: 35-40), Germi (Kambakhshfard, 1967) and Cheshmeh Sar Cemetery of Persepolis (Schmidt, 1953: 117-160), and Valiran Damavand cemetery (Nemati and Sadraei, 2012: 110) has been reported.
Discussion and analysis
Liarsang-Bon cemetery in Amlash region, due to its location at an important point between Marlik and Kaloraz cemeteries in the Iron Age, as well as the continuation of the burial traditions of other contemporary cemeteries such as Qal-e Kuti and Hosni Mahaleh, can indicate the total prevalence and all the methods of Burials as well as homogeneous cultures were in progress in this region from the end of the Iron Age to the end of the Sassanid period (Jahani and Babayev, 2017: 58-59). This homogeneity in the structure of graves, including Cellar Burials, which was seen in large numbers in Liarsang-Bon cemetery, was previously also observed in regional cemeteries such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966: 4-8), Hosni Mohaleh cemetery (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) Westmin Kiasar cemetery (Sharifi, 2014) was observed. Also, structures known as catacombs were identified in the discovered extra-regional graves, including in areas of the south and southwest of Iran, which, as a rule, due to the influence of the climate on the process of building tombs and burials, the differences between these two parts of Iran’s geography in terms of burial structures in the Parthian era, it should be assumed.
Regarding the origin of this method of burial in the Parthian era, in addition to the cultures within the administrative geography of the Parthian era and its relatively rich background, attention is also paid to the Indo-Iranian and Indo-European peoples of the steppes of Central Asia to the northern parts of Europe (Zadenprovsky, 1997: 327 -340). The number of Cellar Burials and pit graves can be cautiously attributed to a relatively bipolar society. Economic and social conditions and the time of burial (including the urgency of battle, looting, unexpected natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, etc.) have also been influential in creating such a burial style. Based on the type of grave goods, this type of graves has been attributed to the Parthian period to the beginning of the Sassanid period (Jahani, 2017-2021).
Conclusion
As a result of the field research conducted in Liarsang-Bon area, graves including crypt, simple pit and Pithos types were identified in the cemetery section. The absolute chronology and typology researches conducted on the grave goods from these graves show the artistic features of the Parthian and early Sasanian periods. Most of the graves are dug in the east-west direction and the bodies are often buried on the left side. Most of the burials obtained from these graves are of the squatting type and most of the bodies are on the left side. Simple pit graves and Cellar Burials have the largest number of burial structures. Burial structures known as crypts as well as their grave goods are similar to the samples discovered in the northern region of Iran, such as in Khorramroud, Westmin Kiasar and Hosni Mahaleh cemetery, and also with areas of the south and southwest of Iran and even the northern steppes in Europe is also comparable. Pit graves can also be compared with other similar burials of the Parthian era in general and only through grave goods. Graves with a Pithos structure in Liarsang-Bon cemetery are comparable to other similar burials that were identified in several cemeteries of the Parthian period, such as Sang Shir Hamadan, Germi Moghan, Cheshme Sar, Persepolis. In this way, with caution and according to the amount of data and the analysis of the four Styles tombs resulting from the excavation of the Liarsang-Bon cemetery, the burial culture related to the Parthian era and the period after that, i.e. the Sassanid era; It indicates a two-way and even direct connection with different regions, including the lands located in the northern regions of Iran and more remote lands in the south and west, which has led to the expansion of diverse burial cultures, which pay attention to the climatic conditions, customs and traditions as well reflects.
Liarsang-bon ancient complex is located in Shirchak village, Rankuh section of Amlash city of Gilan province. This cemetery is located on the eastern side of the ancient complex of Liarsang-bon and at the foot of Mount Ahinbartaleh. Over 100 graves were identified and excavated in this cemetery. Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, the longevity of this cemetery has been determined simultaneously with the Parthian and Sassanid periods between the years 38 BC-123 AD and 45 BC-80 AD. The purpose of this study was to study the structure of Parthian burials in Liarsang-bon Cemetery. What has justified the necessity of the present study; Documenting and disseminating the most important achievements of the excavation is in recognizing the burial structures of the Parthian period in this region, and it is also an attempt to document the results of the excavations before the destruction of the site by natural and human factors. The authors tried to answer the following questions in the present article: What burial structures were most considered by the activists of the time in Lyarsang-bun Cemetery? Another is that these burial structures are comparable to which all-day burial structures in the region and outside the region? The result is that among the various burial methods in the Parthian era, only three types of crypts, pits and jars were identified in Liarsang-bun cemetery, which are the frequency of crypts, pits and finally jars, respectively. O indicates the variety of burials in this cemetery, which, while similar to regional burials, is reminiscent of and similar to trans-regional examples. The data of this study have been collected through information obtained from six chapters of field excavations in Liarsang-bon Cemetery and have been evaluated historically by historical descriptive analysis as well as comparison with other similar cemeteries.
Keywords: Guilan, Amlash, Cemetery, Liarsang-Bon, Parthian.
Introduction
During the six excavation seasons of Liarsang-Bon ancient cemetery between 2014, 2016, 2017, 2018 ,2019, and 2021 under the supervision of Vali Jahani a total of 130 graves were identified and excavated. In a number of pit graves and crypts, two burials have been performed simultaneously (Jahani, 2014; 2015; 2016; 2017; 2018; 2021). Based on the results of radiocarbon dating, which was extracted from the dentine collagen of two burials during the excavation of 2016 and 2017, the date of this cemetery coincides with the Parthian period between 123-38 BC and 80-45 BC. (Soltysiak & Jahani, 2019: 49). It is worth mentioning that cultural works similar to Sasanian period art have also been identified from some graves in this cemetery. It seems that this ancient site was used as a cemetery from the Parthian era to the early Islamic period. The result of five seasons of excavation of the ancient cemetery of Liarsang-Bon, many grave goods including all kinds of clay, metal and glass containers, iron and bronze weapons, personal items and accessories and a diverse number of ornaments including various types of beads, pendants, rings, bracelets, Earrings, brooches and medallions are made of various materials such as glass paste, glass, bronze, silver, gold and natural bitumen. In this research, the authors have tried to chronologically examine the frequency of burial structures and grave goods and compare these structures with contemporary examples in nearby and distant sites. Research data; It is the result of five chapters of field research in Liarsang-Bon cemetery that the authors have tried to evaluate these data by the method of historical description analysis as well as comparison with other cemeteries of the same horizon in terms of history. In the Parthian era, due to the multiplicity of religions, we see diverse and numerous ways of burial (Mohammadifar, 2014: 48). Traditionally, burial methods in this 475-year period have been considered as follows: burial in clay and stone coffins; Pithos burials; pit graves; Cellar Burials; basement graves; Well graves and temple graves.
Burial methods in Liarsang-Bon cemetery
We wrote before that about 130 graves attributable to the Parthian and Sasanian periods were excavated in this cemetery. These excavated graves have presented three types of grave structures, which included Cellar Burials, pit graves, and pit graves. Along with the dead, burial gifts such as glass, clay and metal containers (lead, bronze, gold-plated silver, etc.), metal weapons such as swords, daggers, knives and bayonets, decorative beads, bronze ornaments and seals were found.
Cellar Burials
Among the burial methods of Liarsang-Bon cemetery, Cellar Burials have had the highest frequency. Tombs with a catacomb structure and similar to Liarsang-Bon in areas such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966:4-8), Hosni Mahaleh (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) located in Dilman, Vestemin area in Kiasar, Sari city (Sharifi, 2014) and also in the sites located in the steppes of southeastern Europe, Central Asia, and North Caucasus, which contain the cultural materials of the Sarmatian, Scythian, and Alani peoples. (For example, see: Moshkova, 1983: 24).
Pit Burials
The number of pit graves excavated in Liarsang-Bon cemetery is almost equal to the number of Cellar Burials. These graves were found in most of the Parthian sites, and the reasons for their creation and use are different in each site.
Pithos- Burials
14 Pithos burials for the burial of children and young people were found in the area of Liarsang-Bon. There are evidences of burials in clay Pithos in Gilan at the same time as the Parthian period, from sites such as Dilaman Qal-e Kuti (Sono and Fukai, 1968:38) and Kaloraz (Khalatbari, 2005: 35-40), Germi (Kambakhshfard, 1967) and Cheshmeh Sar Cemetery of Persepolis (Schmidt, 1953: 117-160), and Valiran Damavand cemetery (Nemati and Sadraei, 2012: 110) has been reported.
Discussion and analysis
Liarsang-Bon cemetery in Amlash region, due to its location at an important point between Marlik and Kaloraz cemeteries in the Iron Age, as well as the continuation of the burial traditions of other contemporary cemeteries such as Qal-e Kuti and Hosni Mahaleh, can indicate the total prevalence and all the methods of Burials as well as homogeneous cultures were in progress in this region from the end of the Iron Age to the end of the Sassanid period (Jahani and Babayev, 2017: 58-59). This homogeneity in the structure of graves, including Cellar Burials, which was seen in large numbers in Liarsang-Bon cemetery, was previously also observed in regional cemeteries such as Khorramrud (Egami et al., 1966: 4-8), Hosni Mohaleh cemetery (Sono and Fukai, 1968:27-30) Westmin Kiasar cemetery (Sharifi, 2014) was observed. Also, structures known as catacombs were identified in the discovered extra-regional graves, including in areas of the south and southwest of Iran, which, as a rule, due to the influence of the climate on the process of building tombs and burials, the differences between these two parts of Iran’s geography in terms of burial structures in the Parthian era, it should be assumed.
Regarding the origin of this method of burial in the Parthian era, in addition to the cultures within the administrative geography of the Parthian era and its relatively rich background, attention is also paid to the Indo-Iranian and Indo-European peoples of the steppes of Central Asia to the northern parts of Europe (Zadenprovsky, 1997: 327 -340). The number of Cellar Burials and pit graves can be cautiously attributed to a relatively bipolar society. Economic and social conditions and the time of burial (including the urgency of battle, looting, unexpected natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, etc.) have also been influential in creating such a burial style. Based on the type of grave goods, this type of graves has been attributed to the Parthian period to the beginning of the Sassanid period (Jahani, 2017-2021).
Conclusion
As a result of the field research conducted in Liarsang-Bon area, graves including crypt, simple pit and Pithos types were identified in the cemetery section. The absolute chronology and typology researches conducted on the grave goods from these graves show the artistic features of the Parthian and early Sasanian periods. Most of the graves are dug in the east-west direction and the bodies are often buried on the left side. Most of the burials obtained from these graves are of the squatting type and most of the bodies are on the left side. Simple pit graves and Cellar Burials have the largest number of burial structures. Burial structures known as crypts as well as their grave goods are similar to the samples discovered in the northern region of Iran, such as in Khorramroud, Westmin Kiasar and Hosni Mahaleh cemetery, and also with areas of the south and southwest of Iran and even the northern steppes in Europe is also comparable. Pit graves can also be compared with other similar burials of the Parthian era in general and only through grave goods. Graves with a Pithos structure in Liarsang-Bon cemetery are comparable to other similar burials that were identified in several cemeteries of the Parthian period, such as Sang Shir Hamadan, Germi Moghan, Cheshme Sar, Persepolis. In this way, with caution and according to the amount of data and the analysis of the four Styles tombs resulting from the excavation of the Liarsang-Bon cemetery, the burial culture related to the Parthian era and the period after that, i.e. the Sassanid era; It indicates a two-way and even direct connection with different regions, including the lands located in the northern regions of Iran and more remote lands in the south and west, which has led to the expansion of diverse burial cultures, which pay attention to the climatic conditions, customs and traditions as well reflects.
Hamed Molaei Kordshouli, Hamid Tabatabaee,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf are a large part of southern Iran, which has been of interest throughout history, and many settlements have been formed in thispart of iran. This semi-closed sea has a great value in terms of natural and economic situation and military and political situation Just as the economic and social life of Mesopotamia depends on its two waterways, the Tigris and the Euphrates, and just as the Nile River plays the main and key role in the history of Egypt, in the same way the Persian Sea can be considered an important and vital bottleneck of history and civilization and Iran’s economy. Over thousands of years, this azure and fertile sea has opened its arms to Iranians and other neighboring nations like a table full of blessings, so that the residents of its shores can benefit from its diverse reserves. The present research has focused on the introduction of pottery objects known as Gopal, which are found in abundance in the southern part of Iran, especially in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf. In this research, two library methods and field visits to some areas of the studied area have been used to collect information. The main questions of the present research are: To what period of time can the Gopals be dated? What is the use of Gopal? In what areas are the Gopals distributed? In addition to introducing Gopals and examining their technical features, the use and relative dating of these objects are discussed and the distribution map of these objects in the plateau of Iran is presented.
Keywords: Gopal, Persian Gulf, Iranian Plateau, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan.
Introduction
As a historical and strategic waterway, the Persian Gulf has always been the focus of rulers and throughout history, it has been the place of passage for the ships of Eastern and Western civilizations. The coast of the Pars Gulf is a suitable habitat for the settlement and establishment of human societies. In recent years, as a result of the archaeological surveys of the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Gulf, many prehistoric, historical and Islamic sites and hills have been identified. Among these, a number of ancient sites and mounds of clay objects have been found, which are called Gopal. The present research has studied these objects that are scattered on the banks and back banks of Pars Gulf.
Research questions: In this research, the most important questions include: 1- In what regions is the range of distribution of clay objects known as Gopal? 2- Are Gopals produced in the northern part of the Persian Sea? 3- Do these objects have different types in terms of appearance? 4- Gopals belong to what period of time? 5- What is the use of Gopal?
Gopal classification
Clay objects known as Gopal are clay cylinders whose height varies between 15 and 30 cm and their weight varies between 1 and 4 kg. The upper part of the Gopals is round with a diameter of 10 to 17 cm and the lower part is saucer-shaped with a diameter of 6 to 12 cm. Their floor is rough and uneven, but they are stable to be on the ground. Williamson has introduced the Gopals with the title of base and divided them into four categories, Gavbandi type, Bushehr type, Ganaveh type and Tepe Yahya type (Williamson 1972: 100). According to technical specifications and appearance, Gopals were classified into 9 types. But since this study is mostly in the form of a library and the distribution area of Gopals has not been fully investigated in the field, it is possible that there are more and different species that are hidden from the authors of this study.
Distribution of Gopal in the Persian Gulf
The basis of the study of the distribution of Gopals is the study of survey reports, records and field studies (Table 1) that have been published and published so far, as well as the authors’ visits to a number of sites on the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Sea. The distribution map presented in this research is the beginning of a way to carry out additional studies in the field of these clay objects in the future and undoubtedly has some shortcomings (map 1). The distribution of this pottery was in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf as Louis Pelly says: they are found along the coast (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). Hertzfeld He writes: “Along the shore, under the ruins of early Islamic houses, large quantities of clay handles are found, which are called Gopals, and are introduced as flakhen, (Herzfeld 1926: 260).
The most distribution of Gopal in Behbahan city is in Zidon section. The Gopal area in the south of Omidieh belongs to the middle Islamic centuries, of this Gopal as “Clay base” (Sadeghi Rad 2018).
In Bushehr province, the distribution of these pottery objects increases significantly and they are found in abundance in almost all of the province. Gopals of different types have been reported from the grounds of Sarkho Castle, Shahzadeh Mohammad Darvishi in Shanbeh and Tasuj sections of Dashti city (Zarei 2018: 143).
In the north-west of Fars province, two samples were introduced from Tell Ahangaran and Tell Khazaneh in Noorabad Mamsani in the study of Askari Chavardi, the first sample is Gopal made of stone. In the west of Fars, in the area of Fathabad in Sarmashed of Kazeroon city, in the research of Parsa Ghasemi, broken samples of Gopal clay were reported, which are “scattered in the plowed lands” (Ghasemi 2010: 327-327). In the southern part of Fars province, the distribution of Gopals is more and these objects have been reported from six sites. Golrokh hill is located in Chahorz district, Lamard city, (Askari Chavardi, Amiri: 2002) A small round base was found on the surface of Tape Yahya, probably from the second period (Achaemenid period). This type, which is scattered throughout the Jiroft region, can be easily distinguished from the 3D type, and it may be considered the background of the Sassanid foundations.” (Williamson 1972: 100) and in the southern part of the Persian Sea, he refers to Al-Ain in Abu Dhabi, where Bushehr-type clay foundations are scattered there (ibid.).
Examples similar to Gopal
In terms of the overall shape and appearance of the Gopals, there are similarities with objects such as decorative studs obtained from Chaghazanbil, and probably those who consider these objects to be architectural decorations because of the similarity between There were Gopals and studs (Figure 13).
The example of a fire pit (Figure 14) which Mustafavi believes is related to the Seleucid period (Mustafavi 1968: 71) or the base of fire pits made of stone or plaster from Weigal (Javari and Bagh-Sheikhi 2019), Plang-Gard (Alibeigi 2012: 201), Shian (Moradi 2009), Bandian Derghez (Rahbar: 2008), Imamzadeh Mohammad (Askari Chavardi 2010), Tell Shahid, Keshto village and Brazjan (Tawfiqian 2017) and the images of firetemple on the coins of Sasanian kings. , have general similarities with Gopal (Figure 14).
Williamson introduces a type of wooden bases that are painted and were used for Bushheri or Kuwaiti boxes, and these clay bases are the background of wooden bases (Williamson 1972).
A type of tallow burners that became very popular in the Islamic period (Wilkinson 1973) are examples similar to Gopal. Two stone objects have been found from Imamzade Abdullah in Shushtar, which Ahmad Eghtari refers to as fire pits or the base of fire pits belonging to the Parthian period. He classified them except Gopal (Eghtari 1996: 703-702). (Figure 15). Unglazed candlesticks with a similar design have also been found in Merv (Wilkinson 1973: 314) (Figure 15). In Hormozgan province, there is a type of embroidery called Shakbafi, for its weaving and production, they use a tool similar to gopal, called Choghn. A cloth is placed on it (Figure 16). The material of this mortar is sometimes wood and sometimes clay or plastic, which is actually considered a support for a pillow and a base for weaving a tape” (Mokhtari-Dehkordi, Asadi Farsani 2013: 39).
Dating and use of Gopal
Without conducting detailed experiments and extensive and methodical studies, the dating of Gopals will be relative, it is also necessary to know the use of these clay objects in the hills and areas where they are widely produced and used. Methodical archaeological excavations should be carried out. There are many theories and assumptions about the use of Gopals. Lt. Col. Lewis Pelley, says about the Gopals: “I picked up some spirally grooved cylinders of baked clay. Traditions say that these cylinders were the ones that the infidels used to use a leather strap to attack. They threw targets” (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). After pointing out Poly’s opinion and its illogicality, Haynes Gaube mentions these objects as architectural decorations and the limitations of this assumption are listed, including why they are found in Siraf but not in Khuzestan? (Gaube 1980: 384). Herzfeld believes that the use of Gopals is similar to the Assyrian clay studs, whose ends were placed in Diora (Herzfeld 1926: 260). Williamson believes that the Gopals were used as bases for holding wooden chests known as Bushheri or Kuwaiti chests, and later they were replaced by painted wooden bases (Williamson 1972: 101).
Parsa Ghasemi believes that these terracotta objects had an architectural use, similar to the columns used in the Achaemenid building of Dahane Gholaman (Ghasemi 2009: 86). Askari Chavardi mentions clay Gopals as the base of Sasanian vessels (Askari Chavardi 2012, Askari Chavardi 2018) and the type of stone that he considers as the base of the hearth (Askari Chavardi, Pots, Pitri 2013: 149-148).
During a conversation with the residents of Shahr-e Viran in Dilam city, they stated that the nomads use these pieces of clay for weaving ni-chit (Chiq or Chikh) (Figure 17), and it was believed that these tools are used for production Nothing has been used. Kamiyar Abdi believes that these clay objects have industrial use (Abdi 2007).
Conclusion
During this research, the existing Gopals were classified into 9 categories according to their appearance and technical characteristics, their exact typology requires a systematic archaeological investigation in the distribution area of Gopals in the banks. And then the beaches of the Persian Glf. The present studies showed that Gopals are mostly found in the sites related to the Sassanid and Islamic periods.
According to the terminology of Gopal or Gopal, it is not true that this pottery object has a war function, and probably only according to its appearance, they put the name of Gopal or Gopal on it. According to examples similar to Gopal used in the art of embroidery, the assumption that Gopal was probably used as a tool used in sewing or weaving industries. According to the classification done, Gopals probably had various uses. As long as the Gopals are not recovered from their context, determining any use for this clay object will be more of a hypothesis.
the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf are a large part of southern Iran, which has been of interest throughout history, and many settlements have been formed in thispart of iran. This semi-closed sea has a great value in terms of natural and economic situation and military and political situation Just as the economic and social life of Mesopotamia depends on its two waterways, the Tigris and the Euphrates, and just as the Nile River plays the main and key role in the history of Egypt, in the same way the Persian Sea can be considered an important and vital bottleneck of history and civilization and Iran’s economy. Over thousands of years, this azure and fertile sea has opened its arms to Iranians and other neighboring nations like a table full of blessings, so that the residents of its shores can benefit from its diverse reserves. The present research has focused on the introduction of pottery objects known as Gopal, which are found in abundance in the southern part of Iran, especially in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf. In this research, two library methods and field visits to some areas of the studied area have been used to collect information. The main questions of the present research are: To what period of time can the Gopals be dated? What is the use of Gopal? In what areas are the Gopals distributed? In addition to introducing Gopals and examining their technical features, the use and relative dating of these objects are discussed and the distribution map of these objects in the plateau of Iran is presented.
Keywords: Gopal, Persian Gulf, Iranian Plateau, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan.
Introduction
As a historical and strategic waterway, the Persian Gulf has always been the focus of rulers and throughout history, it has been the place of passage for the ships of Eastern and Western civilizations. The coast of the Pars Gulf is a suitable habitat for the settlement and establishment of human societies. In recent years, as a result of the archaeological surveys of the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Gulf, many prehistoric, historical and Islamic sites and hills have been identified. Among these, a number of ancient sites and mounds of clay objects have been found, which are called Gopal. The present research has studied these objects that are scattered on the banks and back banks of Pars Gulf.
Research questions: In this research, the most important questions include: 1- In what regions is the range of distribution of clay objects known as Gopal? 2- Are Gopals produced in the northern part of the Persian Sea? 3- Do these objects have different types in terms of appearance? 4- Gopals belong to what period of time? 5- What is the use of Gopal?
Gopal classification
Clay objects known as Gopal are clay cylinders whose height varies between 15 and 30 cm and their weight varies between 1 and 4 kg. The upper part of the Gopals is round with a diameter of 10 to 17 cm and the lower part is saucer-shaped with a diameter of 6 to 12 cm. Their floor is rough and uneven, but they are stable to be on the ground. Williamson has introduced the Gopals with the title of base and divided them into four categories, Gavbandi type, Bushehr type, Ganaveh type and Tepe Yahya type (Williamson 1972: 100). According to technical specifications and appearance, Gopals were classified into 9 types. But since this study is mostly in the form of a library and the distribution area of Gopals has not been fully investigated in the field, it is possible that there are more and different species that are hidden from the authors of this study.
Distribution of Gopal in the Persian Gulf
The basis of the study of the distribution of Gopals is the study of survey reports, records and field studies (Table 1) that have been published and published so far, as well as the authors’ visits to a number of sites on the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Sea. The distribution map presented in this research is the beginning of a way to carry out additional studies in the field of these clay objects in the future and undoubtedly has some shortcomings (map 1). The distribution of this pottery was in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf as Louis Pelly says: they are found along the coast (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). Hertzfeld He writes: “Along the shore, under the ruins of early Islamic houses, large quantities of clay handles are found, which are called Gopals, and are introduced as flakhen, (Herzfeld 1926: 260).
The most distribution of Gopal in Behbahan city is in Zidon section. The Gopal area in the south of Omidieh belongs to the middle Islamic centuries, of this Gopal as “Clay base” (Sadeghi Rad 2018).
In Bushehr province, the distribution of these pottery objects increases significantly and they are found in abundance in almost all of the province. Gopals of different types have been reported from the grounds of Sarkho Castle, Shahzadeh Mohammad Darvishi in Shanbeh and Tasuj sections of Dashti city (Zarei 2018: 143).
In the north-west of Fars province, two samples were introduced from Tell Ahangaran and Tell Khazaneh in Noorabad Mamsani in the study of Askari Chavardi, the first sample is Gopal made of stone. In the west of Fars, in the area of Fathabad in Sarmashed of Kazeroon city, in the research of Parsa Ghasemi, broken samples of Gopal clay were reported, which are “scattered in the plowed lands” (Ghasemi 2010: 327-327). In the southern part of Fars province, the distribution of Gopals is more and these objects have been reported from six sites. Golrokh hill is located in Chahorz district, Lamard city, (Askari Chavardi, Amiri: 2002) A small round base was found on the surface of Tape Yahya, probably from the second period (Achaemenid period). This type, which is scattered throughout the Jiroft region, can be easily distinguished from the 3D type, and it may be considered the background of the Sassanid foundations.” (Williamson 1972: 100) and in the southern part of the Persian Sea, he refers to Al-Ain in Abu Dhabi, where Bushehr-type clay foundations are scattered there (ibid.).
Examples similar to Gopal
In terms of the overall shape and appearance of the Gopals, there are similarities with objects such as decorative studs obtained from Chaghazanbil, and probably those who consider these objects to be architectural decorations because of the similarity between There were Gopals and studs (Figure 13).
The example of a fire pit (Figure 14) which Mustafavi believes is related to the Seleucid period (Mustafavi 1968: 71) or the base of fire pits made of stone or plaster from Weigal (Javari and Bagh-Sheikhi 2019), Plang-Gard (Alibeigi 2012: 201), Shian (Moradi 2009), Bandian Derghez (Rahbar: 2008), Imamzadeh Mohammad (Askari Chavardi 2010), Tell Shahid, Keshto village and Brazjan (Tawfiqian 2017) and the images of firetemple on the coins of Sasanian kings. , have general similarities with Gopal (Figure 14).
Williamson introduces a type of wooden bases that are painted and were used for Bushheri or Kuwaiti boxes, and these clay bases are the background of wooden bases (Williamson 1972).
A type of tallow burners that became very popular in the Islamic period (Wilkinson 1973) are examples similar to Gopal. Two stone objects have been found from Imamzade Abdullah in Shushtar, which Ahmad Eghtari refers to as fire pits or the base of fire pits belonging to the Parthian period. He classified them except Gopal (Eghtari 1996: 703-702). (Figure 15). Unglazed candlesticks with a similar design have also been found in Merv (Wilkinson 1973: 314) (Figure 15). In Hormozgan province, there is a type of embroidery called Shakbafi, for its weaving and production, they use a tool similar to gopal, called Choghn. A cloth is placed on it (Figure 16). The material of this mortar is sometimes wood and sometimes clay or plastic, which is actually considered a support for a pillow and a base for weaving a tape” (Mokhtari-Dehkordi, Asadi Farsani 2013: 39).
Dating and use of Gopal
Without conducting detailed experiments and extensive and methodical studies, the dating of Gopals will be relative, it is also necessary to know the use of these clay objects in the hills and areas where they are widely produced and used. Methodical archaeological excavations should be carried out. There are many theories and assumptions about the use of Gopals. Lt. Col. Lewis Pelley, says about the Gopals: “I picked up some spirally grooved cylinders of baked clay. Traditions say that these cylinders were the ones that the infidels used to use a leather strap to attack. They threw targets” (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). After pointing out Poly’s opinion and its illogicality, Haynes Gaube mentions these objects as architectural decorations and the limitations of this assumption are listed, including why they are found in Siraf but not in Khuzestan? (Gaube 1980: 384). Herzfeld believes that the use of Gopals is similar to the Assyrian clay studs, whose ends were placed in Diora (Herzfeld 1926: 260). Williamson believes that the Gopals were used as bases for holding wooden chests known as Bushheri or Kuwaiti chests, and later they were replaced by painted wooden bases (Williamson 1972: 101).
Parsa Ghasemi believes that these terracotta objects had an architectural use, similar to the columns used in the Achaemenid building of Dahane Gholaman (Ghasemi 2009: 86). Askari Chavardi mentions clay Gopals as the base of Sasanian vessels (Askari Chavardi 2012, Askari Chavardi 2018) and the type of stone that he considers as the base of the hearth (Askari Chavardi, Pots, Pitri 2013: 149-148).
During a conversation with the residents of Shahr-e Viran in Dilam city, they stated that the nomads use these pieces of clay for weaving ni-chit (Chiq or Chikh) (Figure 17), and it was believed that these tools are used for production Nothing has been used. Kamiyar Abdi believes that these clay objects have industrial use (Abdi 2007).
Conclusion
During this research, the existing Gopals were classified into 9 categories according to their appearance and technical characteristics, their exact typology requires a systematic archaeological investigation in the distribution area of Gopals in the banks. And then the beaches of the Persian Glf. The present studies showed that Gopals are mostly found in the sites related to the Sassanid and Islamic periods.
According to the terminology of Gopal or Gopal, it is not true that this pottery object has a war function, and probably only according to its appearance, they put the name of Gopal or Gopal on it. According to examples similar to Gopal used in the art of embroidery, the assumption that Gopal was probably used as a tool used in sewing or weaving industries. According to the classification done, Gopals probably had various uses. As long as the Gopals are not recovered from their context, determining any use for this clay object will be more of a hypothesis.
Sanaz Arian,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Mohammad Saleh Esfahani was one of the prominent calligraphers and inscription writers of the Safavid period, under the rule of Shah Suleiman and Shah Sultan Hussein. According to the findings, a significant number of Nastaliq inscriptions in the buildings of Isfahan belong to him. In addition, there are several Chalipas by Mohammad Saleh. Based on this, it is important to explore his works in the field of calligraphy studies for finding methods of analysis of other works in this field. The purpose of this research is to investigate the differences between the pieces of Chalipa and the inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh Esfahani in three systems of baseline, composition and the visual weight. The question is, what are the differences between the Chalipa pieces and the inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh Esfahani according to the principles (which was mentioned)? And what are their reasons? The hypothesis of this research indicates that there are differences between the Chalipa and inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh, which can be recognized and investigated by three mentioned calligraphy systems. This descriptive-analytical research is done by use of library resources in order to analyses some of Mohammad Saleh Isfahani’s works, including the inscriptions were found in three buildings in the city of Isfahan (Chaharbagh School, Imamzadeh Ismail, and the tombstone of Saeb Tabrizi Tomb) and some Chalipa pieces (available in museums and libraris). The results of the research show that there are differences in the application of calligraphy principles in the three systems of baseline, composition and the visual weight in pieces of Chalipa and inscriptions because of various reasons such as: text content, limitations of design , pen Dang. , the appropriate level of the works and etc. based on these reasons, it can be found that Mohammad Saleh Esfahani has adopted different methods and principles for the calligraphy of Chelipa and inscriptions.
Keywords: Principle of Calligraphy, Mohammad Saleh Isfahani, Chalipa, Inscription, Nastaliq Script, Safavid Period.
Introduction
Understanding the rules, discerning the structure, and grasping the principles that govern the Nastaliq script are essential aspects for a comprehensive comprehension of the development and evolution of this script. The Nastaliq script is employed in various formats tailored to its specific applications and purposes. Among the noteworthy calligraphers and epigraphers during the Safavid era, particularly under the reigns of King Suleiman and King Sultan Hossein, Mohammad Saleh Esfahani stands out. He has been associated with a considerable number of Nastaliq inscriptions adorning buildings in Isfahan, alongside his contributions to the creation of Chalipa pieces. Thus, it is imperative to closely examine his artistic works in the realm of calligraphy studies and adopt suitable methods of analysis. The primary objective of this research endeavor is to investigate the distinctions between Chalipa pieces and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions across three key systems: Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight.
This research endeavors to explore the dissimilarities between Chalipa’s pieces and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions within the context of calligraphic principles, specifically in the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The underlying inquiry revolves around identifying the reasons behind these disparities. The working hypothesis of this study postulates that distinct variations exist between Chalipa’s pieces and Mohammad Saleh’s inscriptions, and such distinctions can be examined through the application of the principles governing the calligraphy above systems.
Research Method: This research is structured into three main parts, preceded by examining the research background and collecting relevant library information. The initial two parts entail a comprehensive study and scrutiny of the principles above, as evidenced in the works of Mashakhi and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions, respectively. The third part aims to analyze the gathered information to address the research questions. The descriptive-analytical research method has been employed in this article to achieve a precise and thorough response. The data is primarily derived from an exploration of Mohammad Saleh Isfahani’s works, including inscriptions discovered in various buildings within Isfahan City (such as Chaharbagh School, Emamzadeh Ismaeil, and the tombstone of Saeb Tabrizi) and certain handwritten pieces sourced from museums and libraries. Ultimately, a qualitative analysis has been performed to interpret the findings.
Discussion and Analysis
This research delves into the investigation of the principles governing Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s works, focusing on the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The study involves a separate examination of these systems in both Chalipa’s pieces and his own inscriptions. The research findings reveal that Mohammad Saleh employed distinct techniques to achieve the desired outcomes in each of the three systems. Specifically, in Chalipas, the consistent slope contributes to proportion, balance, and overall aesthetic harmony. To achieve these effects, Mohammad Saleh employed a subtle curve at the beginning and end of each line while carefully observing the ratio between them.
Additionally, the presence of identical rhymes played a significant role in harmonizing the Baseline curvature of the calligraphic pieces. In cases where identical rhymes were absent, Mohammad Saleh achieved proportional and balanced combinations by adjusting the positioning of letters and altering the degree of inclination of the stanzas. The meticulous selection and utilization of strokes emerged as another vital factor in the combination system, which Mohammad Saleh adeptly employed in conjunctive writing to achieve this artistic aim. As observed in Mohammad Saleh’s works, creating a hypothetical perpendicular line stands out as another pivotal factor in forming the Combination system. This hypothetical line becomes apparent through the careful selection of words and the establishment of rhythm, achieved by employing isomorphism in Chalipa’s pieces.
Moreover, the strategic utilization of dots, in accordance with the principle of ownership, as well as the positioning and direction of punctuation on letters and words, play influential roles in creating positive and negative spaces, ultimately achieving a balanced visual weight - techniques skillfully employed by Mohammad Saleh. When examining the three governing systems in calligraphic inscriptions, it becomes crucial to consider several principles. The initial principle revolves around the proportionality of inscriptions, focusing on the relationship between the width of the pen and the dimensions of the inscription’s length and width. Calligraphers ensure that the text is written so that its length and width exhibit uniformity and consistency from the beginning to the end. Another significant aspect involves acknowledging the distinction between forms of exercises and books, which are typically written by calligraphers themselves, and the execution of calligraphic pieces for inscriptions by various artisans such as tilers, plasterers, and stonemasons. This disparity can lead to unregulated variations in implementing letters and words.
Furthermore, in examining and analyzing inscriptions, considering three factors, namely color, light, and pattern, holds significant importance. Incorporating color alongside light as a contributing element plays a pivotal role in establishing the Visual Weight of the inscription. The color contrast achieved through distinct implementation techniques exerts a considerable influence on the visual arrangement for the audience and enhances the inscription’s legibility. For instance, in the sculpting technique applied to the inscriptions on Saeb’s tombstone, the monochromatic and uniform lighting choice relegates the inscription’s visual priority to the audience. Another aspect to consider is the motifs strategically placed around or between the lines of each inscription, which often serve as decorative elements. These motifs are among the various influential factors impacting the readability of inscriptions and the principles of combination, encompassing elements like Calligraphic Strokes and Lacuna, punctuation, and so forth.
Conclusion
The investigation aimed to address the research question concerning the disparities between Chalipa’s works and Mohammad-Saleh Esfahani’s calligraphy in terms of the principles of calligraphy, specifically focusing on the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The study also sought to understand the underlying reasons behind their respective utilization. The findings demonstrate that the calligrapher employed these principles in both Chalipa’s pieces and his inscriptions. However, distinctions in the form of Chalipa and inscriptions led to variations in how these principles were applied in their respective works. Notably, the choice of surface played a significant role, with paper being the preferred medium for Chalipa pieces, while materials like stone, tile, or wood were used for inscriptions.
Additionally, the constraints imposed by the customer, including limited space and frame for inscriptions, exerted a noteworthy influence, restricting the calligrapher’s application of the principles governing Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight compared to the more flexible format of Chalipa. For instance, regardless of word count, the uniform size frame for all stanzas limited the calligrapher’s ability to achieve optimal combinations, baselines, and visual weight, a limitation not present in Chalipa pieces. Other factors contributing to these differences included adjustments in surface size for Chalipa or inscriptions and the limitations inherent in inscription implementation, such as using a dang pen. Taking into account the reasons identified in the research, Mohammad Saleh employed distinct methods and principles in applying the Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight systems in his works.
Mohammad Saleh Esfahani was one of the prominent calligraphers and inscription writers of the Safavid period, under the rule of Shah Suleiman and Shah Sultan Hussein. According to the findings, a significant number of Nastaliq inscriptions in the buildings of Isfahan belong to him. In addition, there are several Chalipas by Mohammad Saleh. Based on this, it is important to explore his works in the field of calligraphy studies for finding methods of analysis of other works in this field. The purpose of this research is to investigate the differences between the pieces of Chalipa and the inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh Esfahani in three systems of baseline, composition and the visual weight. The question is, what are the differences between the Chalipa pieces and the inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh Esfahani according to the principles (which was mentioned)? And what are their reasons? The hypothesis of this research indicates that there are differences between the Chalipa and inscriptions of Mohammad Saleh, which can be recognized and investigated by three mentioned calligraphy systems. This descriptive-analytical research is done by use of library resources in order to analyses some of Mohammad Saleh Isfahani’s works, including the inscriptions were found in three buildings in the city of Isfahan (Chaharbagh School, Imamzadeh Ismail, and the tombstone of Saeb Tabrizi Tomb) and some Chalipa pieces (available in museums and libraris). The results of the research show that there are differences in the application of calligraphy principles in the three systems of baseline, composition and the visual weight in pieces of Chalipa and inscriptions because of various reasons such as: text content, limitations of design , pen Dang. , the appropriate level of the works and etc. based on these reasons, it can be found that Mohammad Saleh Esfahani has adopted different methods and principles for the calligraphy of Chelipa and inscriptions.
Keywords: Principle of Calligraphy, Mohammad Saleh Isfahani, Chalipa, Inscription, Nastaliq Script, Safavid Period.
Introduction
Understanding the rules, discerning the structure, and grasping the principles that govern the Nastaliq script are essential aspects for a comprehensive comprehension of the development and evolution of this script. The Nastaliq script is employed in various formats tailored to its specific applications and purposes. Among the noteworthy calligraphers and epigraphers during the Safavid era, particularly under the reigns of King Suleiman and King Sultan Hossein, Mohammad Saleh Esfahani stands out. He has been associated with a considerable number of Nastaliq inscriptions adorning buildings in Isfahan, alongside his contributions to the creation of Chalipa pieces. Thus, it is imperative to closely examine his artistic works in the realm of calligraphy studies and adopt suitable methods of analysis. The primary objective of this research endeavor is to investigate the distinctions between Chalipa pieces and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions across three key systems: Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight.
This research endeavors to explore the dissimilarities between Chalipa’s pieces and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions within the context of calligraphic principles, specifically in the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The underlying inquiry revolves around identifying the reasons behind these disparities. The working hypothesis of this study postulates that distinct variations exist between Chalipa’s pieces and Mohammad Saleh’s inscriptions, and such distinctions can be examined through the application of the principles governing the calligraphy above systems.
Research Method: This research is structured into three main parts, preceded by examining the research background and collecting relevant library information. The initial two parts entail a comprehensive study and scrutiny of the principles above, as evidenced in the works of Mashakhi and Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s inscriptions, respectively. The third part aims to analyze the gathered information to address the research questions. The descriptive-analytical research method has been employed in this article to achieve a precise and thorough response. The data is primarily derived from an exploration of Mohammad Saleh Isfahani’s works, including inscriptions discovered in various buildings within Isfahan City (such as Chaharbagh School, Emamzadeh Ismaeil, and the tombstone of Saeb Tabrizi) and certain handwritten pieces sourced from museums and libraries. Ultimately, a qualitative analysis has been performed to interpret the findings.
Discussion and Analysis
This research delves into the investigation of the principles governing Mohammad Saleh Esfahani’s works, focusing on the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The study involves a separate examination of these systems in both Chalipa’s pieces and his own inscriptions. The research findings reveal that Mohammad Saleh employed distinct techniques to achieve the desired outcomes in each of the three systems. Specifically, in Chalipas, the consistent slope contributes to proportion, balance, and overall aesthetic harmony. To achieve these effects, Mohammad Saleh employed a subtle curve at the beginning and end of each line while carefully observing the ratio between them.
Additionally, the presence of identical rhymes played a significant role in harmonizing the Baseline curvature of the calligraphic pieces. In cases where identical rhymes were absent, Mohammad Saleh achieved proportional and balanced combinations by adjusting the positioning of letters and altering the degree of inclination of the stanzas. The meticulous selection and utilization of strokes emerged as another vital factor in the combination system, which Mohammad Saleh adeptly employed in conjunctive writing to achieve this artistic aim. As observed in Mohammad Saleh’s works, creating a hypothetical perpendicular line stands out as another pivotal factor in forming the Combination system. This hypothetical line becomes apparent through the careful selection of words and the establishment of rhythm, achieved by employing isomorphism in Chalipa’s pieces.
Moreover, the strategic utilization of dots, in accordance with the principle of ownership, as well as the positioning and direction of punctuation on letters and words, play influential roles in creating positive and negative spaces, ultimately achieving a balanced visual weight - techniques skillfully employed by Mohammad Saleh. When examining the three governing systems in calligraphic inscriptions, it becomes crucial to consider several principles. The initial principle revolves around the proportionality of inscriptions, focusing on the relationship between the width of the pen and the dimensions of the inscription’s length and width. Calligraphers ensure that the text is written so that its length and width exhibit uniformity and consistency from the beginning to the end. Another significant aspect involves acknowledging the distinction between forms of exercises and books, which are typically written by calligraphers themselves, and the execution of calligraphic pieces for inscriptions by various artisans such as tilers, plasterers, and stonemasons. This disparity can lead to unregulated variations in implementing letters and words.
Furthermore, in examining and analyzing inscriptions, considering three factors, namely color, light, and pattern, holds significant importance. Incorporating color alongside light as a contributing element plays a pivotal role in establishing the Visual Weight of the inscription. The color contrast achieved through distinct implementation techniques exerts a considerable influence on the visual arrangement for the audience and enhances the inscription’s legibility. For instance, in the sculpting technique applied to the inscriptions on Saeb’s tombstone, the monochromatic and uniform lighting choice relegates the inscription’s visual priority to the audience. Another aspect to consider is the motifs strategically placed around or between the lines of each inscription, which often serve as decorative elements. These motifs are among the various influential factors impacting the readability of inscriptions and the principles of combination, encompassing elements like Calligraphic Strokes and Lacuna, punctuation, and so forth.
Conclusion
The investigation aimed to address the research question concerning the disparities between Chalipa’s works and Mohammad-Saleh Esfahani’s calligraphy in terms of the principles of calligraphy, specifically focusing on the three systems of Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight. The study also sought to understand the underlying reasons behind their respective utilization. The findings demonstrate that the calligrapher employed these principles in both Chalipa’s pieces and his inscriptions. However, distinctions in the form of Chalipa and inscriptions led to variations in how these principles were applied in their respective works. Notably, the choice of surface played a significant role, with paper being the preferred medium for Chalipa pieces, while materials like stone, tile, or wood were used for inscriptions.
Additionally, the constraints imposed by the customer, including limited space and frame for inscriptions, exerted a noteworthy influence, restricting the calligrapher’s application of the principles governing Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight compared to the more flexible format of Chalipa. For instance, regardless of word count, the uniform size frame for all stanzas limited the calligrapher’s ability to achieve optimal combinations, baselines, and visual weight, a limitation not present in Chalipa pieces. Other factors contributing to these differences included adjustments in surface size for Chalipa or inscriptions and the limitations inherent in inscription implementation, such as using a dang pen. Taking into account the reasons identified in the research, Mohammad Saleh employed distinct methods and principles in applying the Baseline, Combination, and Visual Weight systems in his works.
Rahim Velayati, Parastoo Naeimi Taraei, Hassan Vahdani Charzekhon, Hamid Karmpor,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The historical city of Ujan, located in in East Azerbaijan northwest Iran, has been one of the most important cities of the Ilkhanid dynasty (1256 to 1335 AD). A number of coins were found during the excavation and study of the site by Tehran University’s Archaeological Board in 2017-2020. In this article, 13 coins have been analyzed and reported. The coins were cleaned as much as possible so that the inscriptions and designs were examined and read, whose results are presented in this paper. All of the 13 coins are minted in the styles attributed to the Abu Sa’id period, the last powerful Mongol Ilkhanid ruler born in Ujan. Based on elemental analysis, most coins are copper. Two of them are made of bronze alloy (copper-tin) and the other is made of brass alloy (copper-zinc). The use of lead has been reported in the composition of all alloyed coins. All the coins unearthed from Ujan excavations have been minted in the city of Tabriz. This is probably due to the commercial and economic importance of Tabriz in the Ilkhanid period, because no evidence of minting coins has been found or reported in the Ujan area so far. The analyses of the coins are indicative of important historical, cultural and political facts about the Ilkhanid dynasty.
Keywords: Ujan, Ilkhanid Period, Alloy, Mint, Ujan Coins.
Introduction
Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, was an important city during the Ilkhanid period, serving as a summer residence for the royal family. It was rebuilt during the Ghazan Khan Ilkhanid period but lost its importance due to earthquakes and wars. Ujan is an example of an Ilkhanid city with Islamic architecture and urban planning (Velayati et al. 2020).
Coins from Abu Sa’id, were found in Ujan and minted in Soltanieh and Tabriz. In archaeological studies, coins indicate civilization, prosperity, and decline of a territory or monarchy. The study of coins can provide insights into nations’ pasts, as well as their artistic, religious, political, and social development (Sarafrazi 2010). Ilkhanid coins are categorized into three groups: (1) early Ilkhanid period with Quranic verses and no Uighur inscriptions, (2) period of stability with Uighur inscriptions and Mongolian titles, and (3) time of Oljaitu with Persian inscriptions including Islamic testimonies, Shiite mottos, and names of Rashidin Khalifs (Avarzamani & Sarfaraz 2009).
Identification of Ilkhanid City of Ujan Based on Archaeological Finds
The Mongols’ recorded history dates back to the late 12th and early 13th centuries AD, with information from “the mysterious history of the Mongols” and Persian and Chinese records (Bosworth,1988:243). The Ilkhanid khans was elected in Qoriltay, with Maragheh, Ujan, Tabriz, and Soltanieh as capitals(Atwood 2004: 231, 233). After four seasons of study, the University of Tehran’s Archeology department discovered the historical city of Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, north of Sahand Mountains, East Azerbaijan. Figure 1 shows the historical map of Ujan City (Velayati, 2016).
Historical Context of Ujan
The name of Ujan was first mentioned in the book “Masalak-al-Mamalak Istakhri” and later by other Arab geographers. In 698 AH, Ilkhan ordered the construction of the Islamic city, which was built quickly with bazaars, baths, and land divided among his relatives. Ghazan Khan rebuilt a mansion in Ujan and called it the city of Islam. Many events occurred in Ujan between 740 to 806 AH, including Amir Teymour resting in the Ghazani Palace. An Ottoman tourist reported that Ujan was once a large city but was destroyed during Holakokhan’s reign and people migrated to Tabriz. Ghazan Khan later repaired the castle of the city.
Ujan Coins
Studying the chemical composition of coins offers valuable insights into various aspects including politics, society, economics, and production methods. The origins of raw materials in different periods can indicate religion, art, culture, traditions, or architecture (Fierascu et al., 2009). Numerous coins were excavated from the historical city of Ujan and a comprehensive analysis was conducted on thirteen selected coins after thorough cleaning to ensure precise results (Figure 2).
Method
In this study, 13 coins were imaged using Rigaku’s Radioflex-100CSB X-ray radiographic method to examine the metal core and legible motifs and inscriptions. After cleansing, the coins were imaged using a Leika / Wild M8 stereo microscope. A small part of the coins was cleaned and imaged using a FEI ESEM QUANTA 200 microscope to study the alloy composition. Elemental analysis was performed by the EDAX EDS Silicon Drift 2017 detector connected to the microscope.
Results and Discussion
The results of the elemental analysis of Ujan coins in Table 1 show that the base metal for making all coins is copper and a large number of samples have the same composition with small amounts of lead.
The thickness and lead content of coins affect their X-ray images (Figure 3). Coins with higher lead content and thickness emit fewer X-rays. The uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix creates a distinction between the background and lead globules in X-ray images. This suggests that Ujan coins were cast horizontally using an open mold. Most coins have low amounts of lead, which is likely an impurity in the metal composition, associated with tin and sulfur. The lead impurities may be related to the smelting and extraction method used to mint the coins.
Inscription Reading and Minting Analysis
Ilkhanid coins are divided into three periods based on their inscriptions, representing the cultural attitudes of Ilkhans. In the early years, they incorporated aspects of Iranian culture onto their coins, possibly influenced by advisors like Khajeh Nasir al-Din Toosi. In the second period, some Ilkhans tried to embrace their Mongolian heritage by minting coins in Uyghur script, but this failed when Al-Jaito converted to Islam and developed Islamic and Iranian culture (Yar Ahmadi, 2010: 40). Mongolian culture was marginalized, and only a few political dissidents used the second method of minting coins.
The analysis showed that corrosion and previous interventions have caused the disappearance or distortion of designs and inscriptions on some coins. Only some coins were examined and read after clearing based on evidence in X-ray radiographic images. Analysis of coins in this study indicates that they belonged to the period of Abu Sa’id, the last and greatest Ilkhan king. During his reign, coins did not follow a special formal pattern, but had limited use of geometrical and non-geometrical patterns with the king’s name, Islamic testimonies, and the name of Rashidun Khaliphs. Lion and sun motifs were prevalent, rooted in Roman Seljuq coin minting. Five, six or seven-pointed stars appeared on coins, possibly imitated from Seljuqs. Abu Sa’id also used Mihrab (altar) motif with Quranic verses on his coins (Salehi 2014: 61).
Coin UJ-01 features several motifs on one side, with the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” on the other (Figure 4). Coin UJ-06 has an engraving depicting a rider racing on horseback, in the style of Ilkhani coins, with the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” inscribed along the edge (Figure 5). Coin UJ-07 is well-preserved, with the ruler’s name written as “Al-Sultan Azam Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Khaldullah Malika” and the mint name as “Tabriz Mint”. Inside a six-pointed star are the names of Rashidun Khaliphs and Hazrat Ali (AS), representing Abu Sa’id’s Sunni faith. Outside the star is the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” (Figure 6).
During the Ilkhanid period, mints had a lot of freedom in choosing and writing inscriptions on coins, as long as they remained loyal to the Ilkhanid system and its religious policies. This allowed each sultan or ruler to change the coins according to their own taste. For example, in Amol, coins were minted with the names of the Twelve Imams even during the Timurid period. Studies show that during the time of Abu Sa’id, nearly a hundred cities and districts minted coins in his name. However, it seems that Ujan did not have a mint, possibly due to its proximity to Tabriz. Further excavation may reveal coins minted in Ujan.
Conclusion
Ujan is a city of great economic importance due to its location on the Silk Road and its role in trade. Historical sources suggest the city had many caravanserais and economic prosperity. Coins minted in Ujan, mostly from the period of Sultan Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Ilkhani, have been found. In this research, 13 coins were examined, 10 made of copper and 3 of copper alloys. The copper used in minting is associated with lead, with uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix of all Ujan coins. The horizontal minting method was used in casting alloys. Many coins have corroded or distorted designs and inscriptions, but three (UJ-01, UJ-06, and UJ-07) have almost complete Islamic inscriptions and designs in the style of Ilkhanoid coins.
The examinations show that during the early Ilkhanid period, rulers used religious inscriptions in minting coins to propagate their ideology and gain legitimacy among the people. The use of Quranic verses and inscriptions on coins from this period suggests that the Mongols, who lacked religious legitimacy to rule Islamic lands, sought to attribute their ruling to divine destiny by circulating coins among ordinary people.
The historical city of Ujan, located in in East Azerbaijan northwest Iran, has been one of the most important cities of the Ilkhanid dynasty (1256 to 1335 AD). A number of coins were found during the excavation and study of the site by Tehran University’s Archaeological Board in 2017-2020. In this article, 13 coins have been analyzed and reported. The coins were cleaned as much as possible so that the inscriptions and designs were examined and read, whose results are presented in this paper. All of the 13 coins are minted in the styles attributed to the Abu Sa’id period, the last powerful Mongol Ilkhanid ruler born in Ujan. Based on elemental analysis, most coins are copper. Two of them are made of bronze alloy (copper-tin) and the other is made of brass alloy (copper-zinc). The use of lead has been reported in the composition of all alloyed coins. All the coins unearthed from Ujan excavations have been minted in the city of Tabriz. This is probably due to the commercial and economic importance of Tabriz in the Ilkhanid period, because no evidence of minting coins has been found or reported in the Ujan area so far. The analyses of the coins are indicative of important historical, cultural and political facts about the Ilkhanid dynasty.
Keywords: Ujan, Ilkhanid Period, Alloy, Mint, Ujan Coins.
Introduction
Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, was an important city during the Ilkhanid period, serving as a summer residence for the royal family. It was rebuilt during the Ghazan Khan Ilkhanid period but lost its importance due to earthquakes and wars. Ujan is an example of an Ilkhanid city with Islamic architecture and urban planning (Velayati et al. 2020).
Coins from Abu Sa’id, were found in Ujan and minted in Soltanieh and Tabriz. In archaeological studies, coins indicate civilization, prosperity, and decline of a territory or monarchy. The study of coins can provide insights into nations’ pasts, as well as their artistic, religious, political, and social development (Sarafrazi 2010). Ilkhanid coins are categorized into three groups: (1) early Ilkhanid period with Quranic verses and no Uighur inscriptions, (2) period of stability with Uighur inscriptions and Mongolian titles, and (3) time of Oljaitu with Persian inscriptions including Islamic testimonies, Shiite mottos, and names of Rashidin Khalifs (Avarzamani & Sarfaraz 2009).
Identification of Ilkhanid City of Ujan Based on Archaeological Finds
The Mongols’ recorded history dates back to the late 12th and early 13th centuries AD, with information from “the mysterious history of the Mongols” and Persian and Chinese records (Bosworth,1988:243). The Ilkhanid khans was elected in Qoriltay, with Maragheh, Ujan, Tabriz, and Soltanieh as capitals(Atwood 2004: 231, 233). After four seasons of study, the University of Tehran’s Archeology department discovered the historical city of Ujan, located 38 km east of Tabriz, north of Sahand Mountains, East Azerbaijan. Figure 1 shows the historical map of Ujan City (Velayati, 2016).
Historical Context of Ujan
The name of Ujan was first mentioned in the book “Masalak-al-Mamalak Istakhri” and later by other Arab geographers. In 698 AH, Ilkhan ordered the construction of the Islamic city, which was built quickly with bazaars, baths, and land divided among his relatives. Ghazan Khan rebuilt a mansion in Ujan and called it the city of Islam. Many events occurred in Ujan between 740 to 806 AH, including Amir Teymour resting in the Ghazani Palace. An Ottoman tourist reported that Ujan was once a large city but was destroyed during Holakokhan’s reign and people migrated to Tabriz. Ghazan Khan later repaired the castle of the city.
Ujan Coins
Studying the chemical composition of coins offers valuable insights into various aspects including politics, society, economics, and production methods. The origins of raw materials in different periods can indicate religion, art, culture, traditions, or architecture (Fierascu et al., 2009). Numerous coins were excavated from the historical city of Ujan and a comprehensive analysis was conducted on thirteen selected coins after thorough cleaning to ensure precise results (Figure 2).
Method
In this study, 13 coins were imaged using Rigaku’s Radioflex-100CSB X-ray radiographic method to examine the metal core and legible motifs and inscriptions. After cleansing, the coins were imaged using a Leika / Wild M8 stereo microscope. A small part of the coins was cleaned and imaged using a FEI ESEM QUANTA 200 microscope to study the alloy composition. Elemental analysis was performed by the EDAX EDS Silicon Drift 2017 detector connected to the microscope.
Results and Discussion
The results of the elemental analysis of Ujan coins in Table 1 show that the base metal for making all coins is copper and a large number of samples have the same composition with small amounts of lead.
The thickness and lead content of coins affect their X-ray images (Figure 3). Coins with higher lead content and thickness emit fewer X-rays. The uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix creates a distinction between the background and lead globules in X-ray images. This suggests that Ujan coins were cast horizontally using an open mold. Most coins have low amounts of lead, which is likely an impurity in the metal composition, associated with tin and sulfur. The lead impurities may be related to the smelting and extraction method used to mint the coins.
Inscription Reading and Minting Analysis
Ilkhanid coins are divided into three periods based on their inscriptions, representing the cultural attitudes of Ilkhans. In the early years, they incorporated aspects of Iranian culture onto their coins, possibly influenced by advisors like Khajeh Nasir al-Din Toosi. In the second period, some Ilkhans tried to embrace their Mongolian heritage by minting coins in Uyghur script, but this failed when Al-Jaito converted to Islam and developed Islamic and Iranian culture (Yar Ahmadi, 2010: 40). Mongolian culture was marginalized, and only a few political dissidents used the second method of minting coins.
The analysis showed that corrosion and previous interventions have caused the disappearance or distortion of designs and inscriptions on some coins. Only some coins were examined and read after clearing based on evidence in X-ray radiographic images. Analysis of coins in this study indicates that they belonged to the period of Abu Sa’id, the last and greatest Ilkhan king. During his reign, coins did not follow a special formal pattern, but had limited use of geometrical and non-geometrical patterns with the king’s name, Islamic testimonies, and the name of Rashidun Khaliphs. Lion and sun motifs were prevalent, rooted in Roman Seljuq coin minting. Five, six or seven-pointed stars appeared on coins, possibly imitated from Seljuqs. Abu Sa’id also used Mihrab (altar) motif with Quranic verses on his coins (Salehi 2014: 61).
Coin UJ-01 features several motifs on one side, with the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” on the other (Figure 4). Coin UJ-06 has an engraving depicting a rider racing on horseback, in the style of Ilkhani coins, with the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” inscribed along the edge (Figure 5). Coin UJ-07 is well-preserved, with the ruler’s name written as “Al-Sultan Azam Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Khaldullah Malika” and the mint name as “Tabriz Mint”. Inside a six-pointed star are the names of Rashidun Khaliphs and Hazrat Ali (AS), representing Abu Sa’id’s Sunni faith. Outside the star is the inscription “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” (Figure 6).
During the Ilkhanid period, mints had a lot of freedom in choosing and writing inscriptions on coins, as long as they remained loyal to the Ilkhanid system and its religious policies. This allowed each sultan or ruler to change the coins according to their own taste. For example, in Amol, coins were minted with the names of the Twelve Imams even during the Timurid period. Studies show that during the time of Abu Sa’id, nearly a hundred cities and districts minted coins in his name. However, it seems that Ujan did not have a mint, possibly due to its proximity to Tabriz. Further excavation may reveal coins minted in Ujan.
Conclusion
Ujan is a city of great economic importance due to its location on the Silk Road and its role in trade. Historical sources suggest the city had many caravanserais and economic prosperity. Coins minted in Ujan, mostly from the period of Sultan Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan Ilkhani, have been found. In this research, 13 coins were examined, 10 made of copper and 3 of copper alloys. The copper used in minting is associated with lead, with uniform distribution of lead particles in the metal matrix of all Ujan coins. The horizontal minting method was used in casting alloys. Many coins have corroded or distorted designs and inscriptions, but three (UJ-01, UJ-06, and UJ-07) have almost complete Islamic inscriptions and designs in the style of Ilkhanoid coins.
The examinations show that during the early Ilkhanid period, rulers used religious inscriptions in minting coins to propagate their ideology and gain legitimacy among the people. The use of Quranic verses and inscriptions on coins from this period suggests that the Mongols, who lacked religious legitimacy to rule Islamic lands, sought to attribute their ruling to divine destiny by circulating coins among ordinary people.
Soraya Elikaydehno, Galina Karimoova,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.
Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn. It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.
History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture. Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.
The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.
Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.
Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn. It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.
History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture. Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.
The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.
Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.
Reza Daneshzadeh, Reza Oladi, Kambiz Pourtahmasi, Gholamreza Rahmani,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Saqanefars are kinds of wooden ritual monuments with religious functionality, found only in Mazandaran province, north of Iran, and date back to the Qajar era. In these buildings, the mourning of Muharram and other mourning rituals are held every year. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran’s Saqanefars, the type of wood used in these buildings has not yet been identified and researches have been focused on their architecture and paintings. In this research, the wood used in different structural members of five Saqanefars in different areas of Qaemshahr including Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK) were examined macro- and microscopically. After extracting a list of wood anatomical features from the stained microscopic sections, each specimen was identified. All studied specimens were of ring-porous hardwoods. Except for GN, other wood samples turned the water golden after immersion. The wood species used in the Saqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were identified as Zelkova (Zelkova carpinifolia) while the Saqanefar of GN were made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). Both kinds of wood are durable, have little moisture uptake, and do not require much repair and maintenance work. Oaks and other tree species with high-quality constructional timber were as widespread as Zelkova in the forests near studied Saqanefars. Hence, the preference for Zelkova could not solely be related to its availability and technical quality. Considering that from the 16th century onwards, Zelkova wood became one of the most popular types of timber for the construction of historical and religious buildings in the Far East (especially in Korea and Japan), and the similarity of the architecture and painting of wooden Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, choosing this wood could partly be influenced by cultural exchanges.
Keywords: Wooden Structure, Cultural Heritage, Sacred Building, Wood Identification, Iran.
Introduction
A Saqanefar is a kind of ritual monument in Mazandaran province, north of Iran. Some older Saqanefars are completely wooden and were built in the late Safavid and early Qajar periods, and due to cultural exchanges between the local people and Chinese merchants, they are partially influenced by the architecture of Buddhist temples. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran Saqanefars, the type and age of the timbers used in them has not been investigated so far, and researches have been limited to their architecture and surface paintings. However, knowing the type of constructional timbers used in ancient wooden structures and objects can provide many unknown facts about the history, culture and trades in a region. Moreover, for the maintenance and renovation of ancient buildings, it is essential to know the type of wood used in them. In this research, the types of used timbers in the historical Saqanefars of Qaemshahr city were identified and discussed. The main hypothesis of the research was that due to the sacredness of Saqanefar s, lumbers from a certain tree species was used in their construction.
Materials and Methods
Five Saqanefars were identified in different areas of Qaemshahr city, located in the villages of Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK). Small wooden samples were extracted from different parts of each monument, using a handsaw or an increment borer. The transverse surface of the samples was sanded and first examined macroscopically. Then, thin sections were cut, stained, and analyzed, microscopically. The anatomical features of the wood of each sample were extracted based on the IAWA list of microscopic features for hardwood identification (Wheeler et al., 1989) and finally, each sample was identified.
Results and Discussion
With the macroscopic and microscopic examination of the samples, it was found that all samples extracted from different structural members of a Saqanefar are made of the same wood species. The wood used in the four Sqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were all from zelkova trees (Zelkova carpinifolia), while the Sqanefar GN was made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). This distinction was evident in the golden color of the water after immersing the wood of the first four Saqanefar and the absence of such a state in the last one. Zelkova is a high-quality wood and is known as one of the best construction timbers. Zelkova wood has a low moisture uptake, and in addition to wooden structures, it was also used to make the door and window frames of mosques in Iran (Browicz, 1982). This wood was widely used for construction of historic timber structures (Hwang et al., 2009) and places of worship in the Far East, and is considered the most important hardwood in building of old temples in South Korea (Kim & Choi, 2016). In Japan, Zelkova wood has been used to build temples since the 16th century. In fact, it was the Chinese carpenters who taught the Japanese how to work with this tough wood and suggested its use in the 15th century (Mertz, 2016). Oak has been one of the most popular type of wood for building timber for centuries due to its high durability and the little need for maintenance and repair.
Conclusion
Most of the old, timber-structured Saqanefars in the villages of north Iran were made of zelkova, and only one of the five investigated structures was from oak wood. Considering that these two woods are of good and comparable quality, and almost the similar abundance of these two species in the forests around the location of Saqanfears, the preference for using Zelkova is not only due to technical and economic issues, and could be related to cultural reasons. Zelkova wood is mostly used for the construction of shrines and religious sites in the Far East and especially in Korea, and due to the similarity of the architecture and painting of Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, the choice of Zelkova timber for the construction of these places can be partly influenced by cultural exchanges.
Saqanefars are kinds of wooden ritual monuments with religious functionality, found only in Mazandaran province, north of Iran, and date back to the Qajar era. In these buildings, the mourning of Muharram and other mourning rituals are held every year. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran’s Saqanefars, the type of wood used in these buildings has not yet been identified and researches have been focused on their architecture and paintings. In this research, the wood used in different structural members of five Saqanefars in different areas of Qaemshahr including Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK) were examined macro- and microscopically. After extracting a list of wood anatomical features from the stained microscopic sections, each specimen was identified. All studied specimens were of ring-porous hardwoods. Except for GN, other wood samples turned the water golden after immersion. The wood species used in the Saqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were identified as Zelkova (Zelkova carpinifolia) while the Saqanefar of GN were made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). Both kinds of wood are durable, have little moisture uptake, and do not require much repair and maintenance work. Oaks and other tree species with high-quality constructional timber were as widespread as Zelkova in the forests near studied Saqanefars. Hence, the preference for Zelkova could not solely be related to its availability and technical quality. Considering that from the 16th century onwards, Zelkova wood became one of the most popular types of timber for the construction of historical and religious buildings in the Far East (especially in Korea and Japan), and the similarity of the architecture and painting of wooden Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, choosing this wood could partly be influenced by cultural exchanges.
Keywords: Wooden Structure, Cultural Heritage, Sacred Building, Wood Identification, Iran.
Introduction
A Saqanefar is a kind of ritual monument in Mazandaran province, north of Iran. Some older Saqanefars are completely wooden and were built in the late Safavid and early Qajar periods, and due to cultural exchanges between the local people and Chinese merchants, they are partially influenced by the architecture of Buddhist temples. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran Saqanefars, the type and age of the timbers used in them has not been investigated so far, and researches have been limited to their architecture and surface paintings. However, knowing the type of constructional timbers used in ancient wooden structures and objects can provide many unknown facts about the history, culture and trades in a region. Moreover, for the maintenance and renovation of ancient buildings, it is essential to know the type of wood used in them. In this research, the types of used timbers in the historical Saqanefars of Qaemshahr city were identified and discussed. The main hypothesis of the research was that due to the sacredness of Saqanefar s, lumbers from a certain tree species was used in their construction.
Materials and Methods
Five Saqanefars were identified in different areas of Qaemshahr city, located in the villages of Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK). Small wooden samples were extracted from different parts of each monument, using a handsaw or an increment borer. The transverse surface of the samples was sanded and first examined macroscopically. Then, thin sections were cut, stained, and analyzed, microscopically. The anatomical features of the wood of each sample were extracted based on the IAWA list of microscopic features for hardwood identification (Wheeler et al., 1989) and finally, each sample was identified.
Results and Discussion
With the macroscopic and microscopic examination of the samples, it was found that all samples extracted from different structural members of a Saqanefar are made of the same wood species. The wood used in the four Sqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were all from zelkova trees (Zelkova carpinifolia), while the Sqanefar GN was made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). This distinction was evident in the golden color of the water after immersing the wood of the first four Saqanefar and the absence of such a state in the last one. Zelkova is a high-quality wood and is known as one of the best construction timbers. Zelkova wood has a low moisture uptake, and in addition to wooden structures, it was also used to make the door and window frames of mosques in Iran (Browicz, 1982). This wood was widely used for construction of historic timber structures (Hwang et al., 2009) and places of worship in the Far East, and is considered the most important hardwood in building of old temples in South Korea (Kim & Choi, 2016). In Japan, Zelkova wood has been used to build temples since the 16th century. In fact, it was the Chinese carpenters who taught the Japanese how to work with this tough wood and suggested its use in the 15th century (Mertz, 2016). Oak has been one of the most popular type of wood for building timber for centuries due to its high durability and the little need for maintenance and repair.
Conclusion
Most of the old, timber-structured Saqanefars in the villages of north Iran were made of zelkova, and only one of the five investigated structures was from oak wood. Considering that these two woods are of good and comparable quality, and almost the similar abundance of these two species in the forests around the location of Saqanfears, the preference for using Zelkova is not only due to technical and economic issues, and could be related to cultural reasons. Zelkova wood is mostly used for the construction of shrines and religious sites in the Far East and especially in Korea, and due to the similarity of the architecture and painting of Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, the choice of Zelkova timber for the construction of these places can be partly influenced by cultural exchanges.
Ali Binandeh, Niloofar Naderian, Silvana de Paolo,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is the largest prehistoric site in the basin of Lake Zaribar that has been excavated. The site is located in the northwest of Iran, southeast of Lake Zaribar, and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The Chalcolithic period, especially the Ubaid and Uruk cultures, is the longest period of settlement in the site. This region was more connected with Mesopotamia in the prehistoric period. Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. However, the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The study of stone tools in the Qaleh Naneh site provides valuable insights into the material culture and social organization of prehistoric societies. Structural changes in technological social networks from Ubaid to post-Ubaid may be observed in various aspects of stone tool production. The relationship between the methods used and the social changes of the inhabitants of Tepe Naneh has been explained as much as possible based on the stone artifacts. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The pottery evidence also shows extensive inter-regional connections. At least in the late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. Similar to the sites in the fifth and fourth millennium BC in northern Mesopotamia where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements, the production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia according to the type of stone artifacts.
Keywords: Lake Zaribar Basin, Tape Naneh, Chalcolithic Period, Stone Tools
Introduction
The archaeological site is located at 16km. south-east of the modern city of Marivan, and is partially occupied along the southern and western slope by the modern village of the same name which has partially altered the original conformation of the settlement. The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is one of the largest prehistoric sites in the basin of Lake Zaribar and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The site has been excavated extensively, but the study of stone tools from the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The excavation of three 2m wide step-trenches along the eastern, northern, and western slopes of the site enabled the study of occupational deposits from the Chalcolithic to Islamic periods. The Ubaid phase 3-4, in the lower layers of Trenches A and B, also common are Uruk Ware in late chalcolithic period. The study of the cycle of production, consumption, repair, replacement, and discarding of stone tools is investigated under the title of analysis of stone industries in archeology (Jayez, 2016). The study of stone tools in the post-Paleolithic sites is usually less noticed by archaeologists, and the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in the Zaribar Lake basin is rare.
Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. This research aims to fill this gap and examine the obtained stone artifacts in terms of their construction, use, and relationship with social changes. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were divided based on morphology, manufacturing technology, mineral type, color spectrum, raw material used, and typology. The general characteristics of the artifacts were also considered according to the texture. The study found that the stone artifacts were likely produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The most important questions in this field:
1- Where were the stone tools of Tepe Naneh produced? 2- Has there been a connection between the method used and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents?
It seems that; the study also found that there was a connection between the method used in producing stone tools and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents. The production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia, where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements.
Discussion
The structure of prehistoric stone assemblages is different from the Paleolithic era, but they still reflect many economic complexities of societies. In the Chalcolithic period, one of the characteristics of the artifacts is the single-use nature of many of them, which were produced in a non-specialized way or for a wide range of domestic activities. The other group of artifacts are blades, micro blades, and groovers, which are semi-specialized and specialized. This process was created in the Neolithic period and continued until the Bronze and Iron Ages. Over the course of several thousand years, metal replaced stone technology (Rosen, 1997) .The study of raw material sources, their availability and abundance, and how they were used are important in understanding the economic systems of that era and the evolution of various aspects of human behavior. The study of raw stone dispersion is a suitable solution for solving the problems related to the living places of prehistoric humans and the surrounding areas, exchange and mutual social, economic, and cultural relations (Inizan, 1999).
After studying 271 pieces of stone tools from the Qaleh Naneh site, three different types of stone were identified, and the most commonly used raw material for tool production was different types of chert with different colors. The assemblages show that gray chert was used for 35.79% of the tools, and brown for 26.94%, far more than other colors. In total, chert tools include the largest number of tools at 91.88%. Additionally, 75.7% of all tools were obsidian tools, which is one of the imported and non-native stones of the region. The evidence shows that almost all obsidian tools obtained from sites in the west and northwest of Iran are from Armenian and Turkish obsidian sources, while pieces of obsidian tools from Naneh were brought from eastern Anatolian mines. Only one piece of sandstone was obtained, and in general, most of the tools were produced of silicate stones. The study of raw materials used for tool production provides valuable insights into the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies in the Zaribar Lake basin and their connections with neighboring regions. The use of non-native stones, such as obsidian, indicates that the inhabitants of Qaleh Naneh had extensive inter-regional connections. The study also highlights the importance of considering the raw material sources and their availability in understanding the technological developments and socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies.
Conclusion
Tepe Naneh is a prehistoric site located in the Zaribar Lake basin, which was one of the largest settlements during the Chalcolithic period. The site has provided valuable insights into the production and distribution of stone tools in prehistoric societies. The pottery evidence shows extensive inter-regional connections, and at least during the Late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. At the end of the Ubaid period, the number and variety of stone tools decreased, which coincides with social and economic changes seen in many sites, including Tepe Naneh. At the same time, wide communication networks were formed. The trenches excavated on three sides of the site show a large structure in the late Chalcolithic- Uruk period, with visible changes in different aspects. The evidence of Naneh shows that this area in prehistoric period mostly related to Mesopotamia than western Iran. Lower layers martial dated to the beginning of the fifth millennium, which slightly overlapped with the Early Northern Ubaid. The Uruk phase of the Late Chalcolithic (end of the 4th millennium BC) has been identified in two trenches (A and C): typical Bevelled Rim Bowls attested in different size classes and mixtures.
The study of stone tools at Tepe Naneh raises two important questions: where were the stone tools produced? And is there a connection between the method used and the social changes of the site’s residents? The investigation of different stone hand tools at Tepe Naneh shows that part of the process of producing hand tools was done on-site, although extensive excavation is needed to identify the exact location. However, the limited number of core stone types and the percentage of stone tools suggest that most of the preparation and production steps were done outside the site. There is also no evidence for the production of obsidian tools at the site. The analyses indicate that the obsidian of the site comes from two sources, both located in Eastern Anatolia, which has reached this area through a wide network of obsidian. It was first imported to northern Mesopotamia and then to Marivan region. The evidence suggests that the production of stone tools was not limited to on-site activities and involved extensive inter-regional connections. Further excavation and research at Tepe Naneh may shed more light on the prehistoric societies that inhabited this region and their technological advancements and complex interactions and exchanges between different prehistoric communities.
The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is the largest prehistoric site in the basin of Lake Zaribar that has been excavated. The site is located in the northwest of Iran, southeast of Lake Zaribar, and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The Chalcolithic period, especially the Ubaid and Uruk cultures, is the longest period of settlement in the site. This region was more connected with Mesopotamia in the prehistoric period. Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. However, the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The study of stone tools in the Qaleh Naneh site provides valuable insights into the material culture and social organization of prehistoric societies. Structural changes in technological social networks from Ubaid to post-Ubaid may be observed in various aspects of stone tool production. The relationship between the methods used and the social changes of the inhabitants of Tepe Naneh has been explained as much as possible based on the stone artifacts. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The pottery evidence also shows extensive inter-regional connections. At least in the late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. Similar to the sites in the fifth and fourth millennium BC in northern Mesopotamia where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements, the production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia according to the type of stone artifacts.
Keywords: Lake Zaribar Basin, Tape Naneh, Chalcolithic Period, Stone Tools
Introduction
The archaeological site is located at 16km. south-east of the modern city of Marivan, and is partially occupied along the southern and western slope by the modern village of the same name which has partially altered the original conformation of the settlement. The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is one of the largest prehistoric sites in the basin of Lake Zaribar and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The site has been excavated extensively, but the study of stone tools from the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The excavation of three 2m wide step-trenches along the eastern, northern, and western slopes of the site enabled the study of occupational deposits from the Chalcolithic to Islamic periods. The Ubaid phase 3-4, in the lower layers of Trenches A and B, also common are Uruk Ware in late chalcolithic period. The study of the cycle of production, consumption, repair, replacement, and discarding of stone tools is investigated under the title of analysis of stone industries in archeology (Jayez, 2016). The study of stone tools in the post-Paleolithic sites is usually less noticed by archaeologists, and the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in the Zaribar Lake basin is rare.
Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. This research aims to fill this gap and examine the obtained stone artifacts in terms of their construction, use, and relationship with social changes. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were divided based on morphology, manufacturing technology, mineral type, color spectrum, raw material used, and typology. The general characteristics of the artifacts were also considered according to the texture. The study found that the stone artifacts were likely produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The most important questions in this field:
1- Where were the stone tools of Tepe Naneh produced? 2- Has there been a connection between the method used and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents?
It seems that; the study also found that there was a connection between the method used in producing stone tools and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents. The production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia, where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements.
Discussion
The structure of prehistoric stone assemblages is different from the Paleolithic era, but they still reflect many economic complexities of societies. In the Chalcolithic period, one of the characteristics of the artifacts is the single-use nature of many of them, which were produced in a non-specialized way or for a wide range of domestic activities. The other group of artifacts are blades, micro blades, and groovers, which are semi-specialized and specialized. This process was created in the Neolithic period and continued until the Bronze and Iron Ages. Over the course of several thousand years, metal replaced stone technology (Rosen, 1997) .The study of raw material sources, their availability and abundance, and how they were used are important in understanding the economic systems of that era and the evolution of various aspects of human behavior. The study of raw stone dispersion is a suitable solution for solving the problems related to the living places of prehistoric humans and the surrounding areas, exchange and mutual social, economic, and cultural relations (Inizan, 1999).
After studying 271 pieces of stone tools from the Qaleh Naneh site, three different types of stone were identified, and the most commonly used raw material for tool production was different types of chert with different colors. The assemblages show that gray chert was used for 35.79% of the tools, and brown for 26.94%, far more than other colors. In total, chert tools include the largest number of tools at 91.88%. Additionally, 75.7% of all tools were obsidian tools, which is one of the imported and non-native stones of the region. The evidence shows that almost all obsidian tools obtained from sites in the west and northwest of Iran are from Armenian and Turkish obsidian sources, while pieces of obsidian tools from Naneh were brought from eastern Anatolian mines. Only one piece of sandstone was obtained, and in general, most of the tools were produced of silicate stones. The study of raw materials used for tool production provides valuable insights into the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies in the Zaribar Lake basin and their connections with neighboring regions. The use of non-native stones, such as obsidian, indicates that the inhabitants of Qaleh Naneh had extensive inter-regional connections. The study also highlights the importance of considering the raw material sources and their availability in understanding the technological developments and socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies.
Conclusion
Tepe Naneh is a prehistoric site located in the Zaribar Lake basin, which was one of the largest settlements during the Chalcolithic period. The site has provided valuable insights into the production and distribution of stone tools in prehistoric societies. The pottery evidence shows extensive inter-regional connections, and at least during the Late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. At the end of the Ubaid period, the number and variety of stone tools decreased, which coincides with social and economic changes seen in many sites, including Tepe Naneh. At the same time, wide communication networks were formed. The trenches excavated on three sides of the site show a large structure in the late Chalcolithic- Uruk period, with visible changes in different aspects. The evidence of Naneh shows that this area in prehistoric period mostly related to Mesopotamia than western Iran. Lower layers martial dated to the beginning of the fifth millennium, which slightly overlapped with the Early Northern Ubaid. The Uruk phase of the Late Chalcolithic (end of the 4th millennium BC) has been identified in two trenches (A and C): typical Bevelled Rim Bowls attested in different size classes and mixtures.
The study of stone tools at Tepe Naneh raises two important questions: where were the stone tools produced? And is there a connection between the method used and the social changes of the site’s residents? The investigation of different stone hand tools at Tepe Naneh shows that part of the process of producing hand tools was done on-site, although extensive excavation is needed to identify the exact location. However, the limited number of core stone types and the percentage of stone tools suggest that most of the preparation and production steps were done outside the site. There is also no evidence for the production of obsidian tools at the site. The analyses indicate that the obsidian of the site comes from two sources, both located in Eastern Anatolia, which has reached this area through a wide network of obsidian. It was first imported to northern Mesopotamia and then to Marivan region. The evidence suggests that the production of stone tools was not limited to on-site activities and involved extensive inter-regional connections. Further excavation and research at Tepe Naneh may shed more light on the prehistoric societies that inhabited this region and their technological advancements and complex interactions and exchanges between different prehistoric communities.
Elham Shirzadi Ahoodashti, Hasan Hashemi Zarj Abad, Abed Taghavi, Mehdi Abedini-Araghi,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Ferim, of the outskirts of Dodangeh district, is located south of Sari. Ferim had a political and military importance in the early Islamic era. Geopolitical factors, military and political capabilities should be counted among the causes of Ferim positioning. The existence of government and memorial buildings, structures and urban areas show the prevalence of the triple urban system in Ferim. No focused research has been performed on Tabaristans old cities. The historical sources not matching with the archaeological findings, has motivated the present study to be done. The following questions are posed in this article: What factors have involved in the formation, development and fall of the Ferim? What role did Ferim play in the political developments of the region? The following assumptions can be raised: A geographic location, being central to the surrounding villages and equipped with the due productive and economic capacities have been among the influential factors in the formation and development of the Ferim. The political and natural factors are counted in Ferims waning. he political capital of Ferim as the ruling hub and the existence of defense and military structures indicate the strategic political and military status of Ferim. Natural and geopolitical boundary, strategic status and political-military position are the most effective factors in the formation and development of the city. The location of Resket Tower and the Shahneshin site covering an area of 1000 m2 and the discovery of surface cultural evidence demonstrates that the dynamism and urban life of the old city should be searched in the mentioned site. Comparing the plan of the Shahneshin with some contemporary and more ancient constructions implies that this state building played a dual role, that is called “mosque-house” in the architecture of early Islam in Iran. The political and natural factors are the reasons behind Ferims fall in the end of the 5th and 10th century of Hijri calendar.
Keywords: Ferim, Gharan-Kooh, Espahbadan, Capital, Resket Tower, Shahneshin.
Introduction
In different historical periods, the formation of cities was under the influence of diverse factors, among the most important of which suitable natural location, political, military and defense factors, economic, commercial and religious factors can be denoted (see: Orooji & Alipour, 2013: 21). Islamic cities were viewed as the direct inhibitors of Sassanid methods of urban development (Mehr-Afarin, 2014: 81). On the other hand, despite the spread of Islam in Tabarestan, the presence of native clans following the suit of the interactions and mechanisms of the Sassanid period led to the social relations and policy-making practices in this region to be a combination of Sassanid approaches and Islamic traditions.
In Tabarestan, besides the aforementioned sites and contexts, the natural and defensive fortifying factors were critical in the cities being built and located. Thus, in the feudalism era, due to the distinctive strategic and military capabilities of foothills, the cities of the region were predominantly constructed in such sites. In many cases, such cities did not need large castles and towers, ramparts, and high lookouts, as well as upkeep costs, because the inaccessible locations and impassable roads hampered the invading forces to easily access them.
Amid this, despite being pointed out in numerous sources and in the existing historical evidence, the city of Ferim as a highland in old Tabarestan (in the territory of present-day Mazandaran province) is of the cities about which few studies and excavations have been done. At the same time, lack of sufficient information about the political, military, defense functions, urban organizations and other structural features of this city and this information not being compatible with the limited archaeological findings requires dealing with such issue. This requirement gets more decisive - considering the presence of the local ruling clans (Espahbadan), -at least since the Sassanid era- in the region and their conflict or appeasement with the central governments under the supervision of the Islamic caliphs or trans-regional forces.
The main objectives of the current study are to get a picture of the urban potentials, the effective variables in the urban formation and development, the most important discovered works and their functions, to sketch the spatial organization of the city and study the determining factors in the collapse of the city of Ferim.
Study Data
Ferim, an ancient city in Qaran-kooh in the southern part of Old Tabarestan, located 60 kilometers south of Sari, which has been mentioned as the capital of Espahbadan, city, castle, borough and region in the sources (unknown author, 1993: 147; Ibn-Hawqal, 1987: 119; Etemad-Al-Saltana, 1994; 102; Rabino, 1964: 226) was the residence of Karen clan rulers since Sassanid dynasty, after the collapse of which it was governed by their descendants (Ibn-Hawqal, 1987; 119; see: Istakhri, 1961: 169).
The existence of some structures such as palace, local bathhouse, square and jam-e mosque in Ferim (Ibn-Esfandyar, 1987: 156; Rabino, 1964: 226) stresses the urban and political status of Ferim among countless surrounding villages and the rulers. The coin minting in Ferim indicates the political legitimacy of Espahbadan dwelling in Ferim and the unique economic position of this city among its bordering towns and villages in the 4th century AH.
The most important factors influencing the formation of Ferim should be considered the natural and topographic ones, the geopolitical factors and economic potentials.
Today the evidence of the urban life of Ferim can be seen in two in situ structures: The Resket Tower from the early 5th century AH (see: Figs. 1 and 2) and Shahneshin building from the mid-4th century AH (see: Plan 1; Figs. 3-6). The surface cultural evidence in the site of the mentioned monuments strengthens the chances of the existence of the old city of Ferim in this region (see Abedini, 2007: 261; Abedini, Nikoobayan and Shirzadi, 2014: 389; also Plan 2). Comparing the plan of Shahneshin with its preceding or contemporary buildings demonstrates that this structure cannot be the Jam-e Mosque mentioned in the sources and posits the theory of this dual-purpose building.
Conclusion
The ancient city of Ferim, as a castle, the capital and the governing base of Al-Qaran rulers, was the treasure house, the military camp and the military barrack of the survivors of the Sassanid clans from the historical era to early Islamic centuries. What makes this mountain city remarkable and creditable was its strategic location as the headquarters and capital of local kings. Despite the loss of the urban status of Ferim before the mid centuries, the existence of Ferim in the cartographic sources demonstrates the continuing social life of this city within centuries.
Several factors influencing the formation and development of the city of Ferim include the natural and topographical location, geopolitical location and inherent security, maintaining a reasonable distance from other political bases, political and geographical status, and dynamic agricultural and animal husbandry oriented economy and production potentials.
The existence of the Resket Tower monument and the discovery of the Shahneshin site in addition to finding the cultural evidence in the vicinity of the tower emphasizes the presence of a dynamic city with an approximate thousand-meter radius from the Shahneshin site .No similarity between the plan of Shahneshin and that of the primary Iranian mosques and allocating a ritual space in the heart of a complex called the ruler’s palace or the governing headquarters supports the hypothesis behind assigning Ferim Jam-e Mosque to the Shahneshin site and the mosque-house theory.
From the end of the 5th century AH, Ferim gradually lost its previous prestige and glory. The reason for the decline of Ferim should be sought in the following factors: the political factors and transferring the capital from Ferim to Sari in 486 AH, two major earthquakes shaking it in 521/506 and 700 AH, the emergence of the powerful Safavid dynasty in the 10th century, and integrating the countrywide political-military system.
Espahbad of Tabarestan, Espahbad of Qaran, the son of Sukhra, residing in Ferim stresses the irreplaceable political status of this city during the early centuries. The interaction between the citizens of Tabarestan with each other and with the officials of Royan in the serious political-government decisions indicates the critical role of the mentioned cities, particularly Ferim, in the political organization of Tabarestan of that period.
Yaghoub Mohammadifar, Mana Rouhani Rankouhi, Jafar Mehrkian, Vito Messina,
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
year 7, Issue 26 (2-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Belief in life after death leads to the creation of tombs and cemeteries. The remains of ancient societies are mostly limited to their tomb and graves where the investigation reveals parts of their religion, ritual, and customs related to religious beliefs. The Elimais are semi-independent and autonomous rulers at the same time as the Seleucids and the Parthians in the southwest of Iran. Architectural types of their tomb have been unearthed based on archaeological excavations in Xouzestan areas such as Susa, Dastwa, Golalak, and Saleh Dawood, Kal e chandar e Shami, Cheshme Chelvar, Qaleh Shias, Cafeh Babak and Hashtlik. In the study of the architecture of the Elamites tombs in addition to their description and typology, there are comparable similarities with the burial methods of previous civilizations and Simultaneous governments which the authors of this research are trying to achieve by using historical-comparative studies and based on the results of Elamites excavations. This research shows that according to the environmental differences between mountains and plains, the architecture of Elymais tombs is classified into two types: mountain and plain. According to their location relative to the surface of the earth. Mountain tombs are divided into underground tombs, semi-underground tombs, and tombs created on the surface. Typology and comparison Elamites tombs with tombs left from previous and native civilizations (Mesopotamia and Elam) and Seleucid and Parthian governments show that these tombs are still influenced by local traditions such as Mesopotamia and Elam.
Keywords: Elamites tombs, Kal-e Chendar Shami, Golalak, Susa, Saleh Davoud.
Introduction
Mortuary traditions vary from society to society depending on their unique cultures and values. Apart from stressing and helping preserve the identity of the deceased after death, these traditions furnish information about the prevailing burial traditions, grave architecture, deposition conditions, social structures and ethnic-cultural identity in a given society. The semi-autonomous rulers of Elymais, who had control of southwest Iran during the Seleucid-Parthian times, among other monuments, have bequeathed their tomb-houses, ruins of which have been excavated at such sites as Susa, Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Kal-e Chendar, Cheshmeh Chelvar, Qaleh-ye Shias, Kafe Babak, and Hashtlik. The present paper aims to propose a proper classification and typology so as to give a better picture of the Elamites tomb architecture (tomb structures), and to compare these structures with the known relevant constructions from the preceding cultures and concomitant empires. In terms of construction technique, Elamites tombs splint into the two general types: “structural” and “rock-cut” tombs. This paper is focused on the typology of the former type, i.e. structural tombs (Table 1).
Typology
Based on the discrete architectural styles in evidence in the two physiographic regions forming their territory, i.e. uplands and low plains, Elamitess’ tomb architecture can be classified into the two groups of mountain and plain tomb-houses.
The most distinctive characteristic of the mountain group, recovered in the highland Elymais, is the use of masonry materials in the structure of the tombs. On the basis of their location relative to the ground surface, such tomb-houses are divided into the three types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground. The mountain underground tomb-houses further split into the crypt and stone-lined subclasses. Examples of the crypt subclass are known from Tomb 23 at Kal-e Chendar, Shami, and the stone-lined instances occur at Qaleh-ye Shias, Hashtlik, Kafe Babak, Kal-e Chendar. The semi-underground and above ground tombs are represented at Kal-e Chendar.
The plain tomb-houses are found over the Khuzestan plain, and are defined by their masonry structure. Based on relative location from the ground, they fall into the underground and semi-underground groups. These structures tend to be covered with vaults. The underground instances are attested at Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Susa, while the semi-underground variety was found at Gelalak.
Stylistics of Elamites Tomb Architecture
Subterranean catacombs in Mesopotamia trace their history back to as early as the third millennium BC, testifying to the societal development and complex thinking of the coeval communities (Murgat 1998, 117). In the low-lying plains of Mesopotamia and Elam, brick is the most popular building material of the tomb-houses, while in the uplands one finds their Bronze Age counterparts built of stone (Fig. 8)(Ökse 2005, 21‒25). The vaulted roofs of the Elamites tombs echoes the Elamite vaulting techniques recorded the plain sites of Susa, Haft Tepe, Chogha Zanbil, Balenjan, etc. (Fig. 7)( Besenval 2000, 148‒149). As with the Elamite tombs, the stairs were embedded into the shorter side in most of the Elamites tombs. The unique attestation at Saleh Davoud, where the staircase was built into the longer wall of the building, finds parallel in Tomb 4 of the funerary palace at Chogha Zanbil related to the Middle Elamite period (Ghirshman 1996, 141). The coverings of the Elamites mountain crypt tombs display resemblances, inspired by the nomadic life that typified the region in the Iron Age. Stone-built chambers with flat and gable coverings and stone-paved floors are known from the Iron III sites of Posht-e Kuh (vanden Berghe et al. 2001, 58). The Arjan tomb (Fig. 7) with a rectangular stone-built room capped with a flat roof (Álvarez-Mon 2010, 15‒24), the tomb at Jubaji (Fig. 7) with a similar burial chamber (Shishegar 2014, 59‒63), the Parthian period tomb of Cheram in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad with a flat roof (Roustaei and Azadi 2011, 196), and finally, the related Elamites examples in Tombs 7 and 20 at Kal-e Chendar reflect the continuation and dynamism of this style in the uplands (Mehrkian 2016, 201‒216; Mehrkian and Messina 2019, 280). The burial of the dead on a platform also reflects an Early and Middle Elamite convention. Notable examples are Tomb 4 at Chogha Zanbil (Ghirshman 1996, 141), the southwest tomb at Haft Tepe (Mofidi 2012, 266), and the three underground tombs recovered between the outer court and the Temenos at Chogha Zanbil (Fig. 7) (Ghirshman 1968, 101‒106). Structure of the entrances to the Elamites tombs and the way they were blocked reveal affinities with Elam and Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian tombs have frequently their entrances sealed by massive stone blocks, such as the entrance of Tomb 6 at Tell Kilik Mishik, Erbil from the Middle Assyrian period (Othman 2018, 209‒213). At Haft Tepe, the entrance to the tomb was blocked with bricks and gypsum and was sealed through placing a large stone slab (Negahban 1991, 66), which is similar to the walled up entrance of Tomb 28 at Kal-e Chendar. Cutting niches into the walls of the burial chamber is a characteristic trait of the Elamites crypt tombs, the Mesopotamian examples of which from the Middle Assyrian (Tomb 45 in Assur) and the Middle Elamite periods (Haft Tepe and Susa VIII) testify to its long tradition (Pedde, 2012: 95; Hosseini, 2016: 112; Negahban 1991, 8).
The persistence of the same practice in the Parthian-Elamites tombs at Susa (Tomb 6), Saleh Davoud and Gelalak (Tombs 1, 2, 3), and Kal-e Chendar (Tombs 23 and 28) reflect its dynamism up until the first and second centuries AD. The stairs in the Elamites tombs are narrow and steep. Related examples occur in the Elamite tombs of Chogha Zanbial from the Middle Elamite period.The association of some Elamites tombs with architectural structures (buildings in Trench 10 linked with Graves 24 and 25, the complex of Tombs 26 and 28 associated with an entrance room, the remains of a wall aligned with Grave 23 at Kal-e Chendar, and the architectural remains related to the tomb at Saleh Davoud) indicate that a funerary complex probably existed next to these structures to host the mourning ceremonies. The cited examples are somehow reminiscent of the Haft Tepe mortuary complex (Mofidi, 2012: 221‒262)
Conclusions
Following the topographical dichotomy characterizing the territory ruled by the Elymais kings, the Elamites tomb architecture splits into the two types of mountain and plain tombs. The former type fall into the three sub-types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground varieties. Mountain underground tombs divide between the two crypt and stone-lined subcategories. These tombs find parallels at the Iron Age sites of the Zagros foothills, e.g. Posht-e Kuh, in terms of appearance and roof type, which includes gable, flat, and the combination of the two. Also, the form of stone chambers share affinities with the Elamite tombs at Arjan, Jubaji and Kalanter 4. The tombs of the plain type, with brick as the main construction material, are classified into underground and semi-underground sub-types based on their location relative to the ground. The roof covering in these tombs is generally of gable type. This tomb type compares with the Mesopotamian and Elamite examples such as the subterranean tombs of Nimrud, Chogha Zanbil and Haft Tepe in such aspects as the location of the staircase, the roof type, the form of the burial chamber, offering niches, burial platforms.
Belief in life after death leads to the creation of tombs and cemeteries. The remains of ancient societies are mostly limited to their tomb and graves where the investigation reveals parts of their religion, ritual, and customs related to religious beliefs. The Elimais are semi-independent and autonomous rulers at the same time as the Seleucids and the Parthians in the southwest of Iran. Architectural types of their tomb have been unearthed based on archaeological excavations in Xouzestan areas such as Susa, Dastwa, Golalak, and Saleh Dawood, Kal e chandar e Shami, Cheshme Chelvar, Qaleh Shias, Cafeh Babak and Hashtlik. In the study of the architecture of the Elamites tombs in addition to their description and typology, there are comparable similarities with the burial methods of previous civilizations and Simultaneous governments which the authors of this research are trying to achieve by using historical-comparative studies and based on the results of Elamites excavations. This research shows that according to the environmental differences between mountains and plains, the architecture of Elymais tombs is classified into two types: mountain and plain. According to their location relative to the surface of the earth. Mountain tombs are divided into underground tombs, semi-underground tombs, and tombs created on the surface. Typology and comparison Elamites tombs with tombs left from previous and native civilizations (Mesopotamia and Elam) and Seleucid and Parthian governments show that these tombs are still influenced by local traditions such as Mesopotamia and Elam.
Keywords: Elamites tombs, Kal-e Chendar Shami, Golalak, Susa, Saleh Davoud.
Introduction
Mortuary traditions vary from society to society depending on their unique cultures and values. Apart from stressing and helping preserve the identity of the deceased after death, these traditions furnish information about the prevailing burial traditions, grave architecture, deposition conditions, social structures and ethnic-cultural identity in a given society. The semi-autonomous rulers of Elymais, who had control of southwest Iran during the Seleucid-Parthian times, among other monuments, have bequeathed their tomb-houses, ruins of which have been excavated at such sites as Susa, Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Kal-e Chendar, Cheshmeh Chelvar, Qaleh-ye Shias, Kafe Babak, and Hashtlik. The present paper aims to propose a proper classification and typology so as to give a better picture of the Elamites tomb architecture (tomb structures), and to compare these structures with the known relevant constructions from the preceding cultures and concomitant empires. In terms of construction technique, Elamites tombs splint into the two general types: “structural” and “rock-cut” tombs. This paper is focused on the typology of the former type, i.e. structural tombs (Table 1).
Typology
Based on the discrete architectural styles in evidence in the two physiographic regions forming their territory, i.e. uplands and low plains, Elamitess’ tomb architecture can be classified into the two groups of mountain and plain tomb-houses.
The most distinctive characteristic of the mountain group, recovered in the highland Elymais, is the use of masonry materials in the structure of the tombs. On the basis of their location relative to the ground surface, such tomb-houses are divided into the three types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground. The mountain underground tomb-houses further split into the crypt and stone-lined subclasses. Examples of the crypt subclass are known from Tomb 23 at Kal-e Chendar, Shami, and the stone-lined instances occur at Qaleh-ye Shias, Hashtlik, Kafe Babak, Kal-e Chendar. The semi-underground and above ground tombs are represented at Kal-e Chendar.
The plain tomb-houses are found over the Khuzestan plain, and are defined by their masonry structure. Based on relative location from the ground, they fall into the underground and semi-underground groups. These structures tend to be covered with vaults. The underground instances are attested at Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Susa, while the semi-underground variety was found at Gelalak.
Stylistics of Elamites Tomb Architecture
Subterranean catacombs in Mesopotamia trace their history back to as early as the third millennium BC, testifying to the societal development and complex thinking of the coeval communities (Murgat 1998, 117). In the low-lying plains of Mesopotamia and Elam, brick is the most popular building material of the tomb-houses, while in the uplands one finds their Bronze Age counterparts built of stone (Fig. 8)(Ökse 2005, 21‒25). The vaulted roofs of the Elamites tombs echoes the Elamite vaulting techniques recorded the plain sites of Susa, Haft Tepe, Chogha Zanbil, Balenjan, etc. (Fig. 7)( Besenval 2000, 148‒149). As with the Elamite tombs, the stairs were embedded into the shorter side in most of the Elamites tombs. The unique attestation at Saleh Davoud, where the staircase was built into the longer wall of the building, finds parallel in Tomb 4 of the funerary palace at Chogha Zanbil related to the Middle Elamite period (Ghirshman 1996, 141). The coverings of the Elamites mountain crypt tombs display resemblances, inspired by the nomadic life that typified the region in the Iron Age. Stone-built chambers with flat and gable coverings and stone-paved floors are known from the Iron III sites of Posht-e Kuh (vanden Berghe et al. 2001, 58). The Arjan tomb (Fig. 7) with a rectangular stone-built room capped with a flat roof (Álvarez-Mon 2010, 15‒24), the tomb at Jubaji (Fig. 7) with a similar burial chamber (Shishegar 2014, 59‒63), the Parthian period tomb of Cheram in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad with a flat roof (Roustaei and Azadi 2011, 196), and finally, the related Elamites examples in Tombs 7 and 20 at Kal-e Chendar reflect the continuation and dynamism of this style in the uplands (Mehrkian 2016, 201‒216; Mehrkian and Messina 2019, 280). The burial of the dead on a platform also reflects an Early and Middle Elamite convention. Notable examples are Tomb 4 at Chogha Zanbil (Ghirshman 1996, 141), the southwest tomb at Haft Tepe (Mofidi 2012, 266), and the three underground tombs recovered between the outer court and the Temenos at Chogha Zanbil (Fig. 7) (Ghirshman 1968, 101‒106). Structure of the entrances to the Elamites tombs and the way they were blocked reveal affinities with Elam and Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian tombs have frequently their entrances sealed by massive stone blocks, such as the entrance of Tomb 6 at Tell Kilik Mishik, Erbil from the Middle Assyrian period (Othman 2018, 209‒213). At Haft Tepe, the entrance to the tomb was blocked with bricks and gypsum and was sealed through placing a large stone slab (Negahban 1991, 66), which is similar to the walled up entrance of Tomb 28 at Kal-e Chendar. Cutting niches into the walls of the burial chamber is a characteristic trait of the Elamites crypt tombs, the Mesopotamian examples of which from the Middle Assyrian (Tomb 45 in Assur) and the Middle Elamite periods (Haft Tepe and Susa VIII) testify to its long tradition (Pedde, 2012: 95; Hosseini, 2016: 112; Negahban 1991, 8).
The persistence of the same practice in the Parthian-Elamites tombs at Susa (Tomb 6), Saleh Davoud and Gelalak (Tombs 1, 2, 3), and Kal-e Chendar (Tombs 23 and 28) reflect its dynamism up until the first and second centuries AD. The stairs in the Elamites tombs are narrow and steep. Related examples occur in the Elamite tombs of Chogha Zanbial from the Middle Elamite period.The association of some Elamites tombs with architectural structures (buildings in Trench 10 linked with Graves 24 and 25, the complex of Tombs 26 and 28 associated with an entrance room, the remains of a wall aligned with Grave 23 at Kal-e Chendar, and the architectural remains related to the tomb at Saleh Davoud) indicate that a funerary complex probably existed next to these structures to host the mourning ceremonies. The cited examples are somehow reminiscent of the Haft Tepe mortuary complex (Mofidi, 2012: 221‒262)
Conclusions
Following the topographical dichotomy characterizing the territory ruled by the Elymais kings, the Elamites tomb architecture splits into the two types of mountain and plain tombs. The former type fall into the three sub-types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground varieties. Mountain underground tombs divide between the two crypt and stone-lined subcategories. These tombs find parallels at the Iron Age sites of the Zagros foothills, e.g. Posht-e Kuh, in terms of appearance and roof type, which includes gable, flat, and the combination of the two. Also, the form of stone chambers share affinities with the Elamite tombs at Arjan, Jubaji and Kalanter 4. The tombs of the plain type, with brick as the main construction material, are classified into underground and semi-underground sub-types based on their location relative to the ground. The roof covering in these tombs is generally of gable type. This tomb type compares with the Mesopotamian and Elamite examples such as the subterranean tombs of Nimrud, Chogha Zanbil and Haft Tepe in such aspects as the location of the staircase, the roof type, the form of the burial chamber, offering niches, burial platforms.
Alireza Vaezi, Morteza Djamali, Nasir Skandari, Vahid Tavakoli, Abdolmajid Naderi Beni,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.
Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records.
Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018).
Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.
Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios.
Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4).
Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records.
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.
Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records.
Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018).
Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.
Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios.
Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4).
Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records.
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.
Afrasiab Garavand, Ardeshir Javanmardzadeh, Mehdi Hosseyni Niya, Fatemeh Malekpur,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
Khoy county, as one of the archeological fields of Iran, has been one of the most important centers for the presence of human societies, and the process of formation of ancient societies from prehistoric to historical and Islamic eras is quite obvious and can be explored. One of the landmarks of this city is Shams Tabrizi, which is located in the northwest of Khoy county between Rabat neighborhood and Imamzadeh neighborhood, and on its southern front, there is a monument called Shams Tabrizi minaret. This area was excavated in 2007, in 2018, with the aim of studying the layers and archaeological deposits and being aware of the existence of cultural periods, by creating 3 boreholes in the northern and eastern parts. This research is the result of studying the pottery data of the mentioned area. Accordingly, the main question of this research is posed as follows; Given the diversity of pottery species and their adaptation to other sites, what cultural periods does the site chronology include? Findings of this study; The pottery of this area is classified into two main groups of glazed pottery (monochrome pottery, multicolor painting on glaze and painting under glaze and Esgrafiato) and unglazed (molded and ordinary pottery) based on the typology of pottery. And their adaptation to other areas should be said; Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is a settlement belonging to the Middle Ages to the late Islamic period. The peak of prosperity of this area was related to the Middle Islamic centuries and it should also be noted that the pottery index species show close similarities with other centers in the northwest and west. It indicates the existence of an extensive communication and cultural network in the region, and historical texts and travelogues reinforce this conclusion.
Keywords: Khoy County, Shams Tabrizi Area, Pottery, Chronology.
Introduction
The city of Khoy has been an important gateway and a crossroads for trade in distant and nearby lands. This area, due to its location in communication centers, connects to the Urmia Lake basin on one side, the southern Caucasus region on the other side, and the eastern Anatolia, making it strategically important for prehistoric societies and significant in studies related to the formation of societies. The region’s archaeological explorations indicate that the oldest settlements in the area date back to the late Neolithic period (sixth millennium BCE). The environmental and biological components of the region have created favorable conditions for permanent and temporary settlements in various cultural periods, playing a very important role throughout history. Despite its great importance in Iranian archaeology, this region has received less attention. However, archaeological findings and historical documents attest to the significance of this region in cultural periods. In the field of archaeology, ceramic findings in the stratigraphy of sites and the study of cultural changes are of great importance. Systematic research on the types of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is no exception to this rule. Given the lack of attention to this site in Iranian archaeology studies, it is necessary to investigate and study these data, as archaeological findings and historical documents indicate the importance of this region in cultural periods. The study of ceramic typology in this region is essential for understanding the prosperity and decline of the city, as well as cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to study the Islamic period ceramics of this site, their typology, and relative stratigraphy. In the study of ceramics resulting from excavation and considering the type of data, the following questions are raised: 1) Which areas have similarities with the incised ceramics in this site? 2) Which regions have similarities with the turquoise-black ink ceramics of this site? 3) Based on the comparative study of ceramic types, what are the fundamental steps in understanding the prosperity and decline of the city and its cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions?
The Text of the Article
The Shams Tabrizi complex is located in the northwest of the city of Khoy, situated between the Rabat and Imamzadeh neighborhoods. Three trenches were created in the north and east fronts of the complex for identifying layers and accessing cultural deposits. Regarding the typology of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi complex and their similarities with other complexes, it can be said that similar ceramics have been found in regions such as Rey, Sultaniyeh, Saveh, Sultanabad, Kashan, Hamadan, Bojnourd, Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, and others. Khoy was part of the Seljuk territories, especially under the Seljuk Rum branch, due to its strategic location on the trade route between the East and West. During the reign of Sultan Sanjar Seljuki, he appointed Khoy as a peer to Rey and considered Khoy and Rey as part of his special territories. The similarity of ceramic types with Rey is evidence of this statement. After flourishing during the Seljuk era and suffering damage during the Mongol invasions, especially in 628 AH, Khoy gradually regained its prosperity during the Ilkhanid period. Ceramics from the Ilkhanid period have been found in this complex, comparable to complexes of that time. In the Safavid era, Khoy gained attention from Shah Ismail I, who chose it as his winter capital. Historical sources indicate that Islamic historians attribute Khoy’s prosperity and fame to the middle centuries, particularly the 5th to 8th centuries AH. Ceramics from this period show undeniable similarities with complexes in eastern, western, and central Iran, likely due to cultural, economic, and trade exchanges between Khoy and those centers. Key ceramic types in this complex include multicolored underglaze, simple turquoise glazed ceramics, red and beige ceramics with black, blue, and purple patterns under and over turquoise and white glazes, orange and reddish ceramics with black patterns under yellow, turquoise, white, and aubergine glazes, orange ceramics with black and crackled (sgraffito) patterns under turquoise glazes, and unglazed ceramics.
Conclusion
Based on the archaeological studies and historical texts such as Ibn Hawqal, Masudi, Hamawi, and Emad al-Din Zakariya, Khoy has been a prosperous city during the Islamic period, especially from the 5th to the 8th centuries AD, due to its location on the East-West trade route. The pottery collection unearthed from the archaeological excavations of the Shams Tabrizi area also indicates that this region had cultural, commercial, and economic interactions with other centers during that time, reaching its peak during the Seljuk and Safavid periods. However, due to political and historical events, especially during the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods, all its cultural achievements were destroyed by invaders such as the Mongols and Ottomans (during the reign of Suleiman, Murad III, and Murad IV). Nevertheless, it has managed to regain its dynamism and greatness.
In this regard, the Shams Tabrizi area in Khoy is one of the prominent Islamic settlements in the region, possessing valuable cultural data, including diverse pottery artifacts. These pottery artifacts, classified based on comparative typology, belong to the Middle to Late Islamic periods and are divided into two main groups: glazed and unglazed pottery. The unglazed pottery consists of molded pottery and ordinary pottery, while the glazed pottery includes single-colored glaze, multi-colored glaze, overglaze painting, underglaze painting, and sgraffito. Due to the diversity of pottery types in terms of form, they mostly consist of various pottery bowls, and in terms of technique and decoration, they include distinctive types such as sgraffito, molded pottery, underglaze painting, and overglaze painting. Therefore, it can be said that pottery known as sgraffito in other regions such as Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, Hamadan, Kangavar, Taq-e Bostan, and Takht-e Soleiman, has been obtained, and in terms of style and technique, there are similarities between the turquoise pottery of this area and other regions in some cases. Similar turquoise pottery from this area has been obtained in Sultanabad, Kashan, Sultaniyeh, Hamadan, Bojnourd, and other regions, and can be compared to them in this respect. The results of the study of different types of pottery in the Shams Tabrizi area indicate that the pottery of this area mainly belongs to the Middle Islamic periods.
Khoy county, as one of the archeological fields of Iran, has been one of the most important centers for the presence of human societies, and the process of formation of ancient societies from prehistoric to historical and Islamic eras is quite obvious and can be explored. One of the landmarks of this city is Shams Tabrizi, which is located in the northwest of Khoy county between Rabat neighborhood and Imamzadeh neighborhood, and on its southern front, there is a monument called Shams Tabrizi minaret. This area was excavated in 2007, in 2018, with the aim of studying the layers and archaeological deposits and being aware of the existence of cultural periods, by creating 3 boreholes in the northern and eastern parts. This research is the result of studying the pottery data of the mentioned area. Accordingly, the main question of this research is posed as follows; Given the diversity of pottery species and their adaptation to other sites, what cultural periods does the site chronology include? Findings of this study; The pottery of this area is classified into two main groups of glazed pottery (monochrome pottery, multicolor painting on glaze and painting under glaze and Esgrafiato) and unglazed (molded and ordinary pottery) based on the typology of pottery. And their adaptation to other areas should be said; Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is a settlement belonging to the Middle Ages to the late Islamic period. The peak of prosperity of this area was related to the Middle Islamic centuries and it should also be noted that the pottery index species show close similarities with other centers in the northwest and west. It indicates the existence of an extensive communication and cultural network in the region, and historical texts and travelogues reinforce this conclusion.
Keywords: Khoy County, Shams Tabrizi Area, Pottery, Chronology.
Introduction
The city of Khoy has been an important gateway and a crossroads for trade in distant and nearby lands. This area, due to its location in communication centers, connects to the Urmia Lake basin on one side, the southern Caucasus region on the other side, and the eastern Anatolia, making it strategically important for prehistoric societies and significant in studies related to the formation of societies. The region’s archaeological explorations indicate that the oldest settlements in the area date back to the late Neolithic period (sixth millennium BCE). The environmental and biological components of the region have created favorable conditions for permanent and temporary settlements in various cultural periods, playing a very important role throughout history. Despite its great importance in Iranian archaeology, this region has received less attention. However, archaeological findings and historical documents attest to the significance of this region in cultural periods. In the field of archaeology, ceramic findings in the stratigraphy of sites and the study of cultural changes are of great importance. Systematic research on the types of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is no exception to this rule. Given the lack of attention to this site in Iranian archaeology studies, it is necessary to investigate and study these data, as archaeological findings and historical documents indicate the importance of this region in cultural periods. The study of ceramic typology in this region is essential for understanding the prosperity and decline of the city, as well as cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to study the Islamic period ceramics of this site, their typology, and relative stratigraphy. In the study of ceramics resulting from excavation and considering the type of data, the following questions are raised: 1) Which areas have similarities with the incised ceramics in this site? 2) Which regions have similarities with the turquoise-black ink ceramics of this site? 3) Based on the comparative study of ceramic types, what are the fundamental steps in understanding the prosperity and decline of the city and its cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions?
The Text of the Article
The Shams Tabrizi complex is located in the northwest of the city of Khoy, situated between the Rabat and Imamzadeh neighborhoods. Three trenches were created in the north and east fronts of the complex for identifying layers and accessing cultural deposits. Regarding the typology of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi complex and their similarities with other complexes, it can be said that similar ceramics have been found in regions such as Rey, Sultaniyeh, Saveh, Sultanabad, Kashan, Hamadan, Bojnourd, Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, and others. Khoy was part of the Seljuk territories, especially under the Seljuk Rum branch, due to its strategic location on the trade route between the East and West. During the reign of Sultan Sanjar Seljuki, he appointed Khoy as a peer to Rey and considered Khoy and Rey as part of his special territories. The similarity of ceramic types with Rey is evidence of this statement. After flourishing during the Seljuk era and suffering damage during the Mongol invasions, especially in 628 AH, Khoy gradually regained its prosperity during the Ilkhanid period. Ceramics from the Ilkhanid period have been found in this complex, comparable to complexes of that time. In the Safavid era, Khoy gained attention from Shah Ismail I, who chose it as his winter capital. Historical sources indicate that Islamic historians attribute Khoy’s prosperity and fame to the middle centuries, particularly the 5th to 8th centuries AH. Ceramics from this period show undeniable similarities with complexes in eastern, western, and central Iran, likely due to cultural, economic, and trade exchanges between Khoy and those centers. Key ceramic types in this complex include multicolored underglaze, simple turquoise glazed ceramics, red and beige ceramics with black, blue, and purple patterns under and over turquoise and white glazes, orange and reddish ceramics with black patterns under yellow, turquoise, white, and aubergine glazes, orange ceramics with black and crackled (sgraffito) patterns under turquoise glazes, and unglazed ceramics.
Conclusion
Based on the archaeological studies and historical texts such as Ibn Hawqal, Masudi, Hamawi, and Emad al-Din Zakariya, Khoy has been a prosperous city during the Islamic period, especially from the 5th to the 8th centuries AD, due to its location on the East-West trade route. The pottery collection unearthed from the archaeological excavations of the Shams Tabrizi area also indicates that this region had cultural, commercial, and economic interactions with other centers during that time, reaching its peak during the Seljuk and Safavid periods. However, due to political and historical events, especially during the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods, all its cultural achievements were destroyed by invaders such as the Mongols and Ottomans (during the reign of Suleiman, Murad III, and Murad IV). Nevertheless, it has managed to regain its dynamism and greatness.
In this regard, the Shams Tabrizi area in Khoy is one of the prominent Islamic settlements in the region, possessing valuable cultural data, including diverse pottery artifacts. These pottery artifacts, classified based on comparative typology, belong to the Middle to Late Islamic periods and are divided into two main groups: glazed and unglazed pottery. The unglazed pottery consists of molded pottery and ordinary pottery, while the glazed pottery includes single-colored glaze, multi-colored glaze, overglaze painting, underglaze painting, and sgraffito. Due to the diversity of pottery types in terms of form, they mostly consist of various pottery bowls, and in terms of technique and decoration, they include distinctive types such as sgraffito, molded pottery, underglaze painting, and overglaze painting. Therefore, it can be said that pottery known as sgraffito in other regions such as Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, Hamadan, Kangavar, Taq-e Bostan, and Takht-e Soleiman, has been obtained, and in terms of style and technique, there are similarities between the turquoise pottery of this area and other regions in some cases. Similar turquoise pottery from this area has been obtained in Sultanabad, Kashan, Sultaniyeh, Hamadan, Bojnourd, and other regions, and can be compared to them in this respect. The results of the study of different types of pottery in the Shams Tabrizi area indicate that the pottery of this area mainly belongs to the Middle Islamic periods.
Paria Davachi, Kamal-Aldin Niknami, Sajjad Alibaigi,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
A study on religious buildings related to fire such as fire temples and Chahar Taqis in the Sassanid era shows that different factors have been considered in constructing these monuments as an important place for religious and ritualistic ceremonies. One of these factors is deviation from north. In Avesta and other Pahlavi texts such as Vendidad, Khorde Avesta, Gozidaha-ye Zadesparm, Bundahish, Arda Viraf Nameh, Shayest Nashayest, and etc. north direction is the gateway to hell and a direction for Ahriman and the demons. According to this, and considering Avesta’s lack of clarity on temples and fire temples, the purpose of this study is to clarify how strongly religious, rituals and mythical matters have been considered in constructing fire temples. Aiming at answering the question: “Whether deviation from north and building worship places related to fire in ordinal directions, as well as placing interior elements of these worship places during the ceremonies not to face north are related to religious rituals or not?”, it has been tried to clarify the reasons of deviation from the north with a historical-analytical approach and based on archaeological evidence, compliance with Pahlavi texts and today’s Zoroastrian customs. Results of studying religious monuments in the Sassanid era show that, due to the belief of north being a direction for Ahriman and the demons in Zoroastrian rituals and Iranian myths, Mobads’ place during Zoroastrian ceremonies was of utmost importance. It had to avoid north. Also, the majority of the fire temples and palaces have been built in ordinal directions, or the main entrance to the building was built in any other direction except the north. Therefore, it can be assumed that some religious and ritualistic reasons are the reasons why the Sassanians paid extra attention to deviating from the north in building their religious monuments.
Keywords: Fire Temple, North Direction, Apakhtar, Chahar Taqi, Sassanid Era.
Introduction
The archaeological evidence indicates that many factors, including the construction of ordinal directions, were taken into account when constructing the fire-related monuments in the Sassanid era. Now, the main question is why should a fire temple or Chahar Taqi be built on ordinal directions? And basically, why it has been taken into account in all fire temples? To find the answer to this question, the religious and ritual texts of the Sassanid era and some of the Zoroastrian written sources can be helpful; thus, relying merely on archaeological evidence cannot answer all questions about religious monuments of the Sassanid era. Thus, achieving a comprehensive perspective in this regard necessitates finding a logical relationship between the archaeological evidence and the Zoroastrian written texts. The religious texts have pointed to the fact that the position of Ahriman and winter is the north direction or Apakhtar. Since Iranians assumed the north direction as the position of winter and had no enemy bigger than winter or north and also considered the coldness as the worst disaster, they likely tended to construct their major buildings in a direction that deviated from the north because this is an important point that had been taken into consideration in religious and ritual ceremonies in Zoroastrianism. By reviewing all of the groupings and classifications presented by researchers on the location and placement of the fire-related monuments across Iran, we can figure out that most of these monuments, either having a circumambulation or without it, either being isolated or being located at the villages or city centers, and either belonging to the early, mid, or late Sassanid era, have been built on ordinal directions, and the deviation-from-north pattern is observable in most of them. In the present work, the Authors attempt to investigate the reasons for the placement of the fire temples and Chahar Taqis on ordinal directions by using a descriptive-analytical method. For this purpose, initially, the religious texts such as Avesta, Vendidad, and other Zoroastrian texts are investigated through the documentary method. Then, relying on the archaeological evidence, the instances of deviation from the north in the fire temples are identified and introduced. On this basis, the fire temples and Chahar Taqis of the Sassanid era across Iran are investigated. Yet, the main analysis in this work is based on some newly found fire temples in the west of Iran, which have provided considerable evidence in this regard.
Discussion
Consider the Adur Gushnasp fire temple in Takht-e Suleiman as the criterion for the identification of the Sassanid fire temples architecture style, said that the influence of this type of building plan (especially deviation from the north) can be observed in other fire temples of this era. According to the explorations of the Sassanid fire temples in the west of Iran, most of them have some features in common, one of which is the deviation from north and construction on ordinal directions. For instance, among the three Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd fire temples, there are similarities in terms of the plan, material, firebases, T-shape platform, and deviation from the north. In Mil-e Milegeh and Palang Gerd, the T-shape platforms are placed between the northern piers while in the Shiyan fire temple; the T-shape platform is placed at the western gate. Despite various theories regarding the function of these platforms, the T-shape platforms have been placed in such a manner as to avoid facing the north while performing or watching the ceremonies. Considering the religious, political, and social changes occurring during the 3 several hundred years of the Sassanid dynasty, it is inferable that the plans of the religious buildings of the early, mid, and late Sassanid era exhibit some changes. However, the construction of religious buildings in ordinal directions is a factor that has been taken into consideration during the whole Sassanid dynasty without being changed. Based on the archaeological evidence we can observe the deviation from the north in the placement of the building of the temples, direction of the building’s entrance, and finally, the placement of the platforms in the interior space of the temples. Some of the reasons for considering the deviation from the north include the consideration of the ritual and mythical issues, the lethality of coldness in Iranian’s culture, confliction between the position of the Iranian and Indian Yazatas and demons, and a significant relationship between the direction and intensity of sunlight and its impact on the formation of spatial patterns of the constructions.
Conclusion
Although there is not sufficient information available regarding how the location for fire temples was selected, an investigation and comparison of the Avesta and Zoroastrian written sources with archaeological evidence indicates that some ritual aspects such as considering a deviation from the north have been probably an essential factor when constructing these monuments. The most obvious evidence for the consideration of the deviation from the north can be seen in Adur Gushnasp fire temple, the plan of which has been repeated in most of the fire temples of the Sassanid era, especially in fire temples of the west of Iran such as Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd. Since the direction to which the Mobads, individuals, and fire were facing has been very important in ritual ceremonies and other purification-related ceremonies, the construction of these monuments in a direction that deviated from the north might be attributed to the religious and mythical instructions. The comparison of the archaeological evidence with written Pahlavi sources and current Zoroastrian ceremonies indicates that the deviation from the north had been taken into consideration while selecting the temple locations, determining the building entrance directions, and the platform placement in the interior spaces of these locations.
A study on religious buildings related to fire such as fire temples and Chahar Taqis in the Sassanid era shows that different factors have been considered in constructing these monuments as an important place for religious and ritualistic ceremonies. One of these factors is deviation from north. In Avesta and other Pahlavi texts such as Vendidad, Khorde Avesta, Gozidaha-ye Zadesparm, Bundahish, Arda Viraf Nameh, Shayest Nashayest, and etc. north direction is the gateway to hell and a direction for Ahriman and the demons. According to this, and considering Avesta’s lack of clarity on temples and fire temples, the purpose of this study is to clarify how strongly religious, rituals and mythical matters have been considered in constructing fire temples. Aiming at answering the question: “Whether deviation from north and building worship places related to fire in ordinal directions, as well as placing interior elements of these worship places during the ceremonies not to face north are related to religious rituals or not?”, it has been tried to clarify the reasons of deviation from the north with a historical-analytical approach and based on archaeological evidence, compliance with Pahlavi texts and today’s Zoroastrian customs. Results of studying religious monuments in the Sassanid era show that, due to the belief of north being a direction for Ahriman and the demons in Zoroastrian rituals and Iranian myths, Mobads’ place during Zoroastrian ceremonies was of utmost importance. It had to avoid north. Also, the majority of the fire temples and palaces have been built in ordinal directions, or the main entrance to the building was built in any other direction except the north. Therefore, it can be assumed that some religious and ritualistic reasons are the reasons why the Sassanians paid extra attention to deviating from the north in building their religious monuments.
Keywords: Fire Temple, North Direction, Apakhtar, Chahar Taqi, Sassanid Era.
Introduction
The archaeological evidence indicates that many factors, including the construction of ordinal directions, were taken into account when constructing the fire-related monuments in the Sassanid era. Now, the main question is why should a fire temple or Chahar Taqi be built on ordinal directions? And basically, why it has been taken into account in all fire temples? To find the answer to this question, the religious and ritual texts of the Sassanid era and some of the Zoroastrian written sources can be helpful; thus, relying merely on archaeological evidence cannot answer all questions about religious monuments of the Sassanid era. Thus, achieving a comprehensive perspective in this regard necessitates finding a logical relationship between the archaeological evidence and the Zoroastrian written texts. The religious texts have pointed to the fact that the position of Ahriman and winter is the north direction or Apakhtar. Since Iranians assumed the north direction as the position of winter and had no enemy bigger than winter or north and also considered the coldness as the worst disaster, they likely tended to construct their major buildings in a direction that deviated from the north because this is an important point that had been taken into consideration in religious and ritual ceremonies in Zoroastrianism. By reviewing all of the groupings and classifications presented by researchers on the location and placement of the fire-related monuments across Iran, we can figure out that most of these monuments, either having a circumambulation or without it, either being isolated or being located at the villages or city centers, and either belonging to the early, mid, or late Sassanid era, have been built on ordinal directions, and the deviation-from-north pattern is observable in most of them. In the present work, the Authors attempt to investigate the reasons for the placement of the fire temples and Chahar Taqis on ordinal directions by using a descriptive-analytical method. For this purpose, initially, the religious texts such as Avesta, Vendidad, and other Zoroastrian texts are investigated through the documentary method. Then, relying on the archaeological evidence, the instances of deviation from the north in the fire temples are identified and introduced. On this basis, the fire temples and Chahar Taqis of the Sassanid era across Iran are investigated. Yet, the main analysis in this work is based on some newly found fire temples in the west of Iran, which have provided considerable evidence in this regard.
Discussion
Consider the Adur Gushnasp fire temple in Takht-e Suleiman as the criterion for the identification of the Sassanid fire temples architecture style, said that the influence of this type of building plan (especially deviation from the north) can be observed in other fire temples of this era. According to the explorations of the Sassanid fire temples in the west of Iran, most of them have some features in common, one of which is the deviation from north and construction on ordinal directions. For instance, among the three Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd fire temples, there are similarities in terms of the plan, material, firebases, T-shape platform, and deviation from the north. In Mil-e Milegeh and Palang Gerd, the T-shape platforms are placed between the northern piers while in the Shiyan fire temple; the T-shape platform is placed at the western gate. Despite various theories regarding the function of these platforms, the T-shape platforms have been placed in such a manner as to avoid facing the north while performing or watching the ceremonies. Considering the religious, political, and social changes occurring during the 3 several hundred years of the Sassanid dynasty, it is inferable that the plans of the religious buildings of the early, mid, and late Sassanid era exhibit some changes. However, the construction of religious buildings in ordinal directions is a factor that has been taken into consideration during the whole Sassanid dynasty without being changed. Based on the archaeological evidence we can observe the deviation from the north in the placement of the building of the temples, direction of the building’s entrance, and finally, the placement of the platforms in the interior space of the temples. Some of the reasons for considering the deviation from the north include the consideration of the ritual and mythical issues, the lethality of coldness in Iranian’s culture, confliction between the position of the Iranian and Indian Yazatas and demons, and a significant relationship between the direction and intensity of sunlight and its impact on the formation of spatial patterns of the constructions.
Conclusion
Although there is not sufficient information available regarding how the location for fire temples was selected, an investigation and comparison of the Avesta and Zoroastrian written sources with archaeological evidence indicates that some ritual aspects such as considering a deviation from the north have been probably an essential factor when constructing these monuments. The most obvious evidence for the consideration of the deviation from the north can be seen in Adur Gushnasp fire temple, the plan of which has been repeated in most of the fire temples of the Sassanid era, especially in fire temples of the west of Iran such as Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd. Since the direction to which the Mobads, individuals, and fire were facing has been very important in ritual ceremonies and other purification-related ceremonies, the construction of these monuments in a direction that deviated from the north might be attributed to the religious and mythical instructions. The comparison of the archaeological evidence with written Pahlavi sources and current Zoroastrian ceremonies indicates that the deviation from the north had been taken into consideration while selecting the temple locations, determining the building entrance directions, and the platform placement in the interior spaces of these locations.
Afshin Akbari Zarrin Qabaei, Mohammad Hussein Azizi Kharanaghi,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.
Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.
Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.
Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.
Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.
Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.
Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.
Sharareh Atayinia, Mohammad Mortezaee,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract
Abstract
With the arrival of Islam in Iran, art came into the service of Islam and an interaction between Iranian art and Islamic thought was formed, which can be observed in the art of Islamic architecture in Iran. One of the most obvious types of cultural and religious architecture of the past, which has played an essential role in Islamic architecture from various historical, artistic, religious and social aspects, is tower-shaped tombs. These buildings have a long history in the context of Iranian culture and society, and for this reason, they have a relatively high diversity. The tombs and the blessed shrines after the mosques are the most important elements of religious architecture, in which you can see the beauty, elegance, technique and creativeness of architecture. In this research, it is tried to deal with Iranian art and Shia ideas in the architecture of religious-monumental buildings, as well as the connection between politics and religion in terms of architecture and aesthetics. The ancient region of Kojur (Old Royan) contains a considerable number of Islamic era tomb buildings that, in addition to having the general principles of Islamic architecture, also have special regional characteristics which can contribute to better understanding the native architecture and its function; furthermore, the religious and political link demonstrated in the architectural art of this region. The question raised in this research is, what was the function of the religious buildings of the tower-shaped tombs in the Islamic era? And in response, it can be said that, in addition to the funerary function, these religious elements can also have a religious-political function. The research method of this article in the context of studies was based on the purpose of the fundamental research type and based on the nature and method of the descriptive-historical research style. The way to collect information in this research is through documentary (library) method. The results of this research in the analysis and investigation of the architectural developments of the tower-shaped tombs in the Kojur region have shown the combination of Iranian, Islamic art and native architecture.
Keywords: Iranian Art, Shia Ideas, Tower Tombs, Kojur.
Introduction
The Muslim artist, realizing this meaning and value, designs the face and creates his artwork according to the aspects of Islamic (Shia) thought and wisdom. Religious architecture has also indicated and emerged meanings with the same foundations and concepts. Now considering that the greatness and sanctity of the personality of the prophet of Islam together with the orders given in the Quran and Hadith about his “relatives” and “Ahl al-Bayt” (siblings) caused Muslims to value and respect him from the very beginning and give a special place to their associates. This group, which was initially called by names such as “Al”, “Ahl”, “Zariyah”, “Atrat” and “Aqraba”, was later called “Sadat”, which at the same time they were called because of their sovereignty and glory in the sight of Muslims. Iranians, after converting to Islam, paid special attention to the children and grandchildren of the prophet. Signs of this attention can be observed in the presence of a significant number of memorial and burial monuments (tower-shaped tombs and blessed tombs) of the children and grandchildren of Shia imams in Iran, especially in Mazandaran, decorated with Iranian art and Shia thought.
In Iran during the Islamic era, tomb buildings are among the most numerous architectural works after mosques. The construction of these buildings with different names such as “dome”, “Madfan” (burial place) , “tomb”, “Rouzah”, “Meshhad” (place of becoming martyr), “Maqam” (position), “mausoleum”, “Beqaa”, “Astane”, “dome” , also called “Qasr” (palace) and “Imamzadeh” (son of Imam), became popular from the 4th century AH (Hejri Ghamari) and with the emergence of different local dynasties in the east and north of Iran, which coincided with the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate (Grabar, 1375: 16).
The local rulers in the Mazandaran region, who had Shia and Alavi tendencies since the second century of Hejri, supported Shia ideas and beliefs in the following centuries. This protection in architecture was more visible in the form of tower tombs on the graves of Shia Imams.
Identified Traces
The background of tower-shaped tombs: A tower is historically referred to as a tall and circular or polygonal building or “A tall and strong building next to a rampart with a castle or between a road for observation and guarding” (Seyd Sadr, 2001: 90). Sometimes the towers are built as a sign on the graves of the prominent and great figures which are actually considered a kind of tomb. In fact, here, in addition to the function of observation, the function of being seen by the tower itself is mentioned; tomb towers with different forms and shapes were able to demonstrate the effects of different goals and functions in their usages (Pirnia, 1383: 170).
Mausoleums (Shrines) in Kojur: Tomb buildings (shrines) in Kojur and their investigation can clarify many cases and answer most of the surrounding questions. The appearance, structure, materials used, the spaces employed, the dome and the inscriptions of the building represent the existence of a close historical-cultural relationship between the people of the region and their contemporary conditions. Tombs such as the tomb of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani), the tomb of two Imamzadeh Tahir and Motahar (Malek Kiyomarth bin Bistun), which are mentioned in detail as an example.
Tahir and Motahar tomb tower (King Kiyomarth bin Bistun): This building is located in the southwest of Hazar Khal village, near the Kojur-Salehan asphalt road. The cemetery of the people of Khachak and Hazar Khal villages surrounds the building due to the sanctity and respect they have for it, and some of the gravestones in the mentioned cemetery are dated between 1290-1309 AH (Hejri Ghamari).
Mausoleum of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan: Geographical location of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani) tomb (registration number 3659). The mausoleum of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan, known as Imamzadeh Debir Salehani, is located on the east side of Kojur district and Salehan village.
Conclusion
Regarding the interaction of Iranian art and Shia ideas in Islamic architecture (in general) and religious monuments (tower-shaped tombs) of Islamic mysticism and Sufism, various opinions have been expressed so far and each of which represents a corner of the mellifluous works of Iranian architects; that the speakers of these ideas have accompanied with it from their perspective. Since artistic understanding, like mystical perception, has a taste and personal aspect, according to the author of these lines, it can be concluded that this collection as an architectural work in its form, space and function has characteristics derived from the fundamentals of Islamic mysticism and wisdom. These characteristics and features have been influential both in the formation of the buildings’ figure and decorations and in the formation of internal and external spaces.
Considering the function, it can be said that this collection, which is basically designed for a religious-mystical function, in addition to providing this function considerably has a mystical function and the forms, spaces and architectural decorations in this collection are a kind of reflection of the mystical meanings and they are specific to Shia mysticism; such as asceticism, love, unity and guardianship. The demonstration of these concepts can be seen most of all in the decorations and the way of spatial communication of this collection.
Taking a look at the decorations used in these monuments indicates the Shia thinking of the Muslim artist in the form of motifs, decorations and inscriptions. Along with the verses and hadiths that reflect the Shia vision. Patterns of trees, birds, and so on are also a reflection of Shia thought and mind. Among the most important manifestations of this, the following can be listed: the use of geometric, plant and animal motifs with mystical symbolic concepts; in the decorations, the use of mystical symbolic colors, respecting the hierarchy of entry into the tomb of this collection in addition to showing the art and mysticism of architects and masters, it also represents the political, social and artistic beliefs of the society. These buildings as a whole, in all their components have symbols indicating the influence of mysticism, especially Shia mysticism.
With the arrival of Islam in Iran, art came into the service of Islam and an interaction between Iranian art and Islamic thought was formed, which can be observed in the art of Islamic architecture in Iran. One of the most obvious types of cultural and religious architecture of the past, which has played an essential role in Islamic architecture from various historical, artistic, religious and social aspects, is tower-shaped tombs. These buildings have a long history in the context of Iranian culture and society, and for this reason, they have a relatively high diversity. The tombs and the blessed shrines after the mosques are the most important elements of religious architecture, in which you can see the beauty, elegance, technique and creativeness of architecture. In this research, it is tried to deal with Iranian art and Shia ideas in the architecture of religious-monumental buildings, as well as the connection between politics and religion in terms of architecture and aesthetics. The ancient region of Kojur (Old Royan) contains a considerable number of Islamic era tomb buildings that, in addition to having the general principles of Islamic architecture, also have special regional characteristics which can contribute to better understanding the native architecture and its function; furthermore, the religious and political link demonstrated in the architectural art of this region. The question raised in this research is, what was the function of the religious buildings of the tower-shaped tombs in the Islamic era? And in response, it can be said that, in addition to the funerary function, these religious elements can also have a religious-political function. The research method of this article in the context of studies was based on the purpose of the fundamental research type and based on the nature and method of the descriptive-historical research style. The way to collect information in this research is through documentary (library) method. The results of this research in the analysis and investigation of the architectural developments of the tower-shaped tombs in the Kojur region have shown the combination of Iranian, Islamic art and native architecture.
Keywords: Iranian Art, Shia Ideas, Tower Tombs, Kojur.
Introduction
The Muslim artist, realizing this meaning and value, designs the face and creates his artwork according to the aspects of Islamic (Shia) thought and wisdom. Religious architecture has also indicated and emerged meanings with the same foundations and concepts. Now considering that the greatness and sanctity of the personality of the prophet of Islam together with the orders given in the Quran and Hadith about his “relatives” and “Ahl al-Bayt” (siblings) caused Muslims to value and respect him from the very beginning and give a special place to their associates. This group, which was initially called by names such as “Al”, “Ahl”, “Zariyah”, “Atrat” and “Aqraba”, was later called “Sadat”, which at the same time they were called because of their sovereignty and glory in the sight of Muslims. Iranians, after converting to Islam, paid special attention to the children and grandchildren of the prophet. Signs of this attention can be observed in the presence of a significant number of memorial and burial monuments (tower-shaped tombs and blessed tombs) of the children and grandchildren of Shia imams in Iran, especially in Mazandaran, decorated with Iranian art and Shia thought.
In Iran during the Islamic era, tomb buildings are among the most numerous architectural works after mosques. The construction of these buildings with different names such as “dome”, “Madfan” (burial place) , “tomb”, “Rouzah”, “Meshhad” (place of becoming martyr), “Maqam” (position), “mausoleum”, “Beqaa”, “Astane”, “dome” , also called “Qasr” (palace) and “Imamzadeh” (son of Imam), became popular from the 4th century AH (Hejri Ghamari) and with the emergence of different local dynasties in the east and north of Iran, which coincided with the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate (Grabar, 1375: 16).
The local rulers in the Mazandaran region, who had Shia and Alavi tendencies since the second century of Hejri, supported Shia ideas and beliefs in the following centuries. This protection in architecture was more visible in the form of tower tombs on the graves of Shia Imams.
Identified Traces
The background of tower-shaped tombs: A tower is historically referred to as a tall and circular or polygonal building or “A tall and strong building next to a rampart with a castle or between a road for observation and guarding” (Seyd Sadr, 2001: 90). Sometimes the towers are built as a sign on the graves of the prominent and great figures which are actually considered a kind of tomb. In fact, here, in addition to the function of observation, the function of being seen by the tower itself is mentioned; tomb towers with different forms and shapes were able to demonstrate the effects of different goals and functions in their usages (Pirnia, 1383: 170).
Mausoleums (Shrines) in Kojur: Tomb buildings (shrines) in Kojur and their investigation can clarify many cases and answer most of the surrounding questions. The appearance, structure, materials used, the spaces employed, the dome and the inscriptions of the building represent the existence of a close historical-cultural relationship between the people of the region and their contemporary conditions. Tombs such as the tomb of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani), the tomb of two Imamzadeh Tahir and Motahar (Malek Kiyomarth bin Bistun), which are mentioned in detail as an example.
Tahir and Motahar tomb tower (King Kiyomarth bin Bistun): This building is located in the southwest of Hazar Khal village, near the Kojur-Salehan asphalt road. The cemetery of the people of Khachak and Hazar Khal villages surrounds the building due to the sanctity and respect they have for it, and some of the gravestones in the mentioned cemetery are dated between 1290-1309 AH (Hejri Ghamari).
Mausoleum of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan: Geographical location of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani) tomb (registration number 3659). The mausoleum of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan, known as Imamzadeh Debir Salehani, is located on the east side of Kojur district and Salehan village.
Conclusion
Regarding the interaction of Iranian art and Shia ideas in Islamic architecture (in general) and religious monuments (tower-shaped tombs) of Islamic mysticism and Sufism, various opinions have been expressed so far and each of which represents a corner of the mellifluous works of Iranian architects; that the speakers of these ideas have accompanied with it from their perspective. Since artistic understanding, like mystical perception, has a taste and personal aspect, according to the author of these lines, it can be concluded that this collection as an architectural work in its form, space and function has characteristics derived from the fundamentals of Islamic mysticism and wisdom. These characteristics and features have been influential both in the formation of the buildings’ figure and decorations and in the formation of internal and external spaces.
Considering the function, it can be said that this collection, which is basically designed for a religious-mystical function, in addition to providing this function considerably has a mystical function and the forms, spaces and architectural decorations in this collection are a kind of reflection of the mystical meanings and they are specific to Shia mysticism; such as asceticism, love, unity and guardianship. The demonstration of these concepts can be seen most of all in the decorations and the way of spatial communication of this collection.
Taking a look at the decorations used in these monuments indicates the Shia thinking of the Muslim artist in the form of motifs, decorations and inscriptions. Along with the verses and hadiths that reflect the Shia vision. Patterns of trees, birds, and so on are also a reflection of Shia thought and mind. Among the most important manifestations of this, the following can be listed: the use of geometric, plant and animal motifs with mystical symbolic concepts; in the decorations, the use of mystical symbolic colors, respecting the hierarchy of entry into the tomb of this collection in addition to showing the art and mysticism of architects and masters, it also represents the political, social and artistic beliefs of the society. These buildings as a whole, in all their components have symbols indicating the influence of mysticism, especially Shia mysticism.