Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.

Abstract
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.

Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969). 
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.


Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars. 
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.

Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.

Fars Province has been the cradle of two great Persian empires—the Achaemenid and the Sasanian—throughout Iranian history. The presence of significant historical monuments from these two periods clearly demonstrates the importance of this province. One such region within Fars is Darab, which was home to the city of Darabgerd during the Sasanian period. Despite the historical and archaeological significance of this area within Iran, the amount of research conducted there remains limited. Given the importance of this city in the Sasanian era, this article seeks to clarify the position of the city and the khurrah (or kūra, “administrative district”) of Darabgerd and to reconstruct its defensive structure. Based on recent archaeological surveys in the Darab Plain, the study aims to determine the role Darabgerd played within the Sasanian administrative and political structure and to assess the duration of its importance. Furthermore, considering the fortresses and military fortifications surrounding the city of Darabgerd, the study examines how the defensive and monitoring system of the city and the Darab Plain functioned. At first glance, the ruins of Darabgerd—which testify to its former grandeur—along with the presence of a rock relief, a large and significant mint that remained active beyond the Sasanian period into the early Islamic centuries, and the discovery of seals and clay sealings, all attest to the importance of this geographical area during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. For this reason, the existence of a coherent defensive structure for both the city of Darabgerd and the Darab Plain was essential. Based on the identification of fourteen fortresses during archaeological surveys of the Darab Plain, this research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, integrating archaeological evidence with historical sources in order to provide a clearer understanding of the defensive structure of the Darab Plain during the Sasanian period. The results indicate that the geography of the Darab Plain played a decisive role in the formation of the city of Darabgerd and its defensive system.

This study examines the relationship between geographic variables and the location, architecture, and long-term occupation of the Ismaʿili fortresses of Dāmḡān County in northeastern Iran. During the Islamic period, Dāmḡān formed an important sector of the Ismaʿili defensive network in the historical region of Qūmis, containing several major fortresses and outposts, including Gerdkūh, Mehrnegār, Mansūrkūh, Qaḷʿa-ye Doḵtar, Stīvhād, and Shīr. The primary objective of this research is to evaluate the extent to which environmental and geographic factors influenced the selection of fortress locations and the persistence of occupation at these sites. The study employs a descriptive–analytical methodology that combines archaeological field survey, historical and textual evidence, satellite imagery, and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analysis. A range of environmental variables—including elevation, topography, slope, hydrology, climate, geology, mineral resources, vegetation, and communication routes—were examined and compared with the spatial distribution of the Ismaʿili fortifications. The results demonstrate that the distribution of the fortresses followed a deliberate and non-random pattern closely associated with strategic environmental conditions. Most sites were established on elevated terrain overlooking the Čašma-ye ʿAlī River corridor, major communication routes connected to the Great Khorasan Road (Silk Road), agriculturally productive plains, and mineral-resource zones. The fortresses also maintained visual interconnectivity and benefited from favorable defensive topography, reliable water supplies, and access to economic resources. Architectural evidence further indicates that these sites were adapted to local environmental conditions through the construction of cisterns, defensive walls, towers, and multi-level architectural complexes. The study concludes that geographic variables played a decisive role in the location, architectural organization, and long-term viability of the Ismaʿili fortresses of Dāmḡān. These fortifications constituted an integrated territorial network designed to support the military, economic, administrative, and religious objectives of the Nezārī Ismaʿili state in northern Iran.

The transition from the late 4th millennium BCE to the Bronze and Iron Ages along the northern and southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains is a major topic in archaeology, closely linked to the emergence of urbanism. Archaeological research indicates that with the end of Sialk III, many settlements, including those on the Qazvin Plain, collapsed. Similar processes occurred during the early 3rd millennium BCE in regions such as Kashan and Tehran. Although new settlements appeared in the Qazvin Plain during the later 3rd millennium BCE, the areas of Tehran, Qomrud, and Kashan were reoccupied only after a significant gap. In contrast, the northern flank of the Alborz displays a settlement history distinct from that of the southern side. While evidence for the influence of Sialk III in the north is limited, substantial occupation during the 3rd millennium BCE suggests divergent cultural developments on the two sides of the Alborz. This study draws on archaeological data from excavations and surveys in the northern and southern Alborz Mountains to examine Bronze Age (3rd millennium BCE) cultural developments. It highlights interaction networks linking the Gorgan Plain, southern Turkmenistan, Mazandaran, northeastern Iran, and the Central Plateau through exchanges of raw materials, technologies, and pottery traditions. Evidence from sites such as Tepe Hissar, Tureng Tepe, Ghal e-Ben, Ghal e-Kash, Tepe Kalar, and Qoli Darvish demonstrates cultural diversity, overlapping ceramic traditions, and continuous or discontinuous occupational sequences. The article emphasizes a contrast between the cultural hiatus of the Iranian Central Plateau and the flourishing development of the northern Alborz, particularly eastern Mazandaran and the Gorgan Plain, where regional interaction networks expanded. By contrast, the southern Alborz reflects migration, settlement disintegration, and environmental adaptation. Overall, the study identifies the Central Alborz as a key corridor for cultural interaction and interregional networks during the Bronze Age.

The coins of the local rulers of Pars (the Fratarakā) are among the most significant archaeological sources for reconstructing the political, religious, and cultural conditions of the region during the Seleucid period. Beyond their economic value, these coins contain visual and symbolic elements that reflect the continuation of Achaemenid traditions and the formation of the political identity of the local rulers. One of the most prominent iconographic elements is the depiction of a building on the reverse of some of these coins, a motif that has long attracted scholarly attention. Despite previous studies, the architectural nature and function of this structure remain subjects of debate in Iranian numismatic and archaeological research. This study aims to examine and clarify the architectural identity and function of the structure depicted on the coins of the first and second groups of the Fratarakā rulers. To this end, the study introduces the relevant coin groups and analyzes their visual features in order to resolve existing ambiguities regarding the nature of the structure. The central research question asks what type of building is represented on these coins and to what extent it can be compared with known examples of ancient Iranian ritual architecture. The methodology is descriptive-analytical and based on a comparative approach. Data were collected through museum-based study of the coin collections housed in the Sepah Bank Museum and the Tamashagah-e Pol, in addition to library research and previous scholarly works. These data were then compared with known architectural examples from the Achaemenid and post-Achaemenid periods. The findings indicate that the depicted structure has a ritual and religious character and, in certain structural and symbolic aspects, is comparable to the Kaaba-ye Zarthosht monument at Naqsh-e Rostam. Furthermore, the study shows that over time, due to technical changes in minting methods, the artistic quality and architectural detail of the motif gradually diminished. These results suggest that the depiction of this structure not only reflects ancient Iranian religious and architectural traditions but may also signify the continuity of religious and political legitimacy among the local rulers of Pars in the post-Achaemenid period.

Stamp seals constitute one of the most enduring elements of administrative traditions in the Central Zagros of western Iran. However, the uneven archaeological record has generated ongoing debate regarding continuity and discontinuity in their use, particularly during the late fourth and early third millennia BCE, when securely stratified evidence remains limited. Drawing on newly published materials from Tepe Tyalineh, Godin Tepe, Chogha Maran, and Dehsavar, this study reassesses the evolution of stamp seal traditions between ca. 5000 and 2500 BCE within an updated regional chronological framework. By examining the style, iconography, and archaeological contexts of stamp seals and seal impressions from a comparative perspective, the article evaluates competing interpretations of the development of administrative practices in the Central Zagros. The evidence indicates that stamp seals and seal impressions were employed in the region from the Early Chalcolithic (5000–4600 BCE) through Late Chalcolithic phases 1–3 (4600–3700 BCE), during which they continued to develop locally while interacting with broader supra-regional networks. Although the archaeological record suggests an apparent gap during Late Chalcolithic phases 4–5 (3700–3100 BCE), stamp seal traditions persisted into the Early Bronze Age (3100–2500 BCE). While these traditions underwent significant transformation and were increasingly overshadowed by cylinder seals and supra-regional administrative systems during the later fourth millennium BCE, they nevertheless continued to play a role in local administrative practices in the Early Bronze Age. The analysis suggests that this apparent gap is more plausibly explained by biases in archaeological visibility, preservation, excavation coverage, and chronological resolution than by an actual interruption in the production and use of stamp seals. Overall, the study supports a model of relative continuity accompanied by stylistic, iconographic, and administrative transformation within the Central Zagros glyptic tradition. These findings underscore the active role of Central Zagros communities in the development of administrative practices and contribute to broader discussions of cultural continuity, interregional interaction, and the emergence of sociopolitical institutions in prehistoric Southwest Asia.

 This article examines an exceptional Proto-Elamite tablet from Susa (MDP 17, 043) that departs from standard economic accounting texts by listing seventeen named individuals rather than commodities or labor quotas. A central problem addressed here is the apparent inconsistency between gender-marked signs within nominal chains and the uniform or contrasting classifications that conclude those chains, as well as the summary count on the reverse of the tablet. Through a close structural and contextual analysis of the tablet, this study argues that the text operates with a two-level semantic system. Signs such as (M388) and (M124) occurring within nominal chains function at a descriptive level, indicating roles or statuses that are not reducible to biological gender. By contrast, the final combinations |M217+M388| and |M217+M124| assign individuals to institutional categories that determine their treatment as countable administrative units. The reverse of the tablet therefore records not gender or functional roles, but the total number of registered individuals classified according to their final institutional status. This layered semantic structure reveals a sophisticated administrative logic in Proto-Elamite record-keeping and highlights the social and institutional dimensions of individual registration beyond purely economic accounting.

The archaeological sites of the Ardabil Plain provide essential evidence for understanding the cultural sequences of northwestern Iran and its interactions with the Iranian Plateau, the South Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia. Among these sites, the mound of Qaleh Yeri–Kuraim is of particular significance. This paper presents the results of the first season of stratigraphic excavations conducted in 2023, based on two test trenches. Test Trench I (TTI) was opened to establish a comprehensive cultural sequence at the site, while Test Trench II (TTII) targeted deposits associated with the Transcaucasian/Kura Araxes Early Bronze Age horizon. The excavations revealed substantial archaeological evidence, including dry stone and mudbrick architectural remains, industrial installations such as kilns, metallurgical evidence, and extensive ceramic assemblages. In TTI, a long and well defined stratigraphic sequence of approximately 14.6 meters was documented, containing successive and occasionally alternating layers with Islamic, historical, and Bronze Age pottery. This sequence represents one of the most continuous stratigraphic records in the eastern sector of northwestern Iran. TTII yielded significant evidence of metallurgical activities, including furnace remains, slag, copper ore fragments, ceramic molds, and crucibles, indicating metal smelting, refining, and production during the Early Bronze Age. Eco-factual evidence, including animal remains (primarily sheep and cattle) and plant remains (notably wheat and barley), reflects a subsistence economy based on mixed farming and animal husbandry. Special finds such as obsidian tools, spindle whorls, grinding stones, bone implements, and clay figurines demonstrate a range of domestic, economic, and symbolic activities from the Bronze Age through the historical and Islamic periods. In the absence of absolute dating, the site’s chronology currently relies on relative dating and ceramic typology. The results indicate long term occupation interrupted by two major hiatuses, likely linked to tectonic, environmental, and historical changes.

The archaeological excavation of the Zich site formed part of the salvage archaeology program conducted in the reservoir area of the Kangir Dam, located in the Zarneh district of Iwan County, in the northwestern part of Ilam Province. The results of this investigation, based on the systematic survey of nine 100×100 m grid units, the excavation of eight test trenches measuring between 2×2 m and 3×3 m, and the excavation of four trenches ranging in size from 5×5 m to 10×10 m, ultimately led to the identification of a temporary settlement, or nomadic campsite. The study of the architectural remains and surviving architectural features exposed in the excavation trenches, together with their comparative analysis against contemporary regional examples, indicates that Zich was a single-phase, short-term temporary settlement used by mobile pastoralist groups. The settlement pattern at the site appears to have consisted of tents, each enclosed by one- or two-course dry-stone walls and separated from one another by the same one- or two-row stone alignments. Comparative analysis of the ceramics and other materials recovered from all four excavation trenches dates the occupation of the site to the early Islamic centuries, specifically the 2nd to 3rd centuries AH. Zich appears to have developed because of several favorable locational factors; its suitable topographic setting, proximity to a perennial spring and the Kangir River, nearness to the Guriyeh structure, the presence of dense pastureland, and its position along one of the old tribal routes running parallel to the Kangir River, which connected the Kermanshah region to the warmer areas south of Iwan County. The study of the structures and built remains of present-day nomadic communities constitutes one of the most effective and precise scientific approaches for achieving a better understanding of the architectural organization of ancient mobile pastoralist societies, and it falls within the scope of ethnoarchaeological research. On the basis of the settlement practices of a contemporary tribal community, the present study examines the settlement pattern of a nomadic campsite within its local landscape. The data were collected through field survey and excavation, following the conventional methods of archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research carried out in the region.

Bibi Doost Tepe series around Bonjar city of the central part of Zabol city in the north of Sistan and Baluchistan province along the Niyatak channel in a north-south direction. These series of Tepe due to its Massive volume of cultural materials, especially pottery samples and the proximity to the Zahedan Kohne site the second government House of Sistan in the Islamic era it is of special importance in the Studies of Archaeology and History of Sistan, accordingly with the issuance of a license from the Archaeological Research Institute in 2016, speculation to determine the area and privacy done. In this study 877 pieces of pottery related to the Islamic era were identified, recorded and studied. Examples mentioned in four groups: Simple unglazed pottery, no engraved glaze, Simple glazed and Glazed engraved were located. in this research an attempt was made to start Study ancient sources and Archaeological Researches the Real Identity of Bibi Doost Tepe in the North of Zahedan Kohne Then, the samples of pottery collected from the level of Bibi Doost Tepe should be applied to: their typology and relative dating. The results of the studies indicate that it is important that the Bibi Doost Tepe are part of the second capital of Sistan due to its location in the area of Zahedan Kohne. And the results of the study conducted on its pottery also informs about the technique of making high quality pottery in the Islamic era, in the north of Sistan plain. The results of the studies also clearly show the cultural connection of this region with the Baluchistan basins of Iran and Afghanistan, Greater Khorasan, Kerman, Central Plateau and parts of Central Asia. The present study intends to provide a ground for illuminating a part of the Islamic era of Sistan by conducting a scientific and methodical study.
Keywords: Sistan, Bibi Doost Tepe Series, Pottery Of The Islamic Period, Reading Ancient Sources, Typological Comparison.   

Introduction
Sistan and Baluchistan province with an area of about 187,502 square kilometers is equivalent to 9.1% of the area of Iran, of which 8,117 kilometers are related to the Sistan region (Najjar Salighe, 2015: 25). Citing historical sources, there is no doubt that the land of Sistan had great importance and capabilities during the Islamic era. The site of Bibi Doost, in the form of a series of continuous Tepe on the western edge and along the Niyatak channel in the north of Zabol city, in the north of Sistan region, at an altitude of 493 meters above sea level and in the geographical position N: 3106740 and E:6136897 can be seen. Considering the proximity of this series of Tepe to the Zahedan Kohne area, a systematic archaeological investigation of the Bibi Doost area with the aim of determining the identity of these Tepe, discovering the history of settlement, types of pottery and how it has cultural relations with other Neighboring points were put on the agenda and efforts were made to provide appropriate answers to existing questions by conducting scientific studies on the collected terracotta samples and reading ancient sources.
Research method: The research method in this research is descriptive, comparative-analytical. which is based on two parts of field investigations and the use of library resources. The field method in this research is that after preparing and drawing the topographical map of the region, which includes an area of about 30 square kilometers, by 8 experts in a step-by-step survey, compacted at distances of 50 meters from each other. It has been surveyed that during this survey, 877 pieces of pottery related to the Islamic era were identified, collected, recorded and studied from all the existing structures. In addition, the sampling process, which was considered the most important part of the field method, was done randomly and categorized by indicators.
Research questions: 1) Based on the reading of the ancient sources and the study of the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series, can this area be considered a part of the ancient city of Zahedan Kohne? 2) What types of pottery from the Islamic era can be identified in the Bibi Doost hill range? 3) In what time period are the studied pottery findings dated? 4. Based on the pottery findings, how are its regional and extra-regional connections evaluated?

Discussion
In this research, an effort was made to study the distribution of ancient structures in the Bibi Doost area and their proximity to the Zahedan Kohne area in accordance with the predetermined goals. Due to the extensive destruction of Zahedan Kohne city and the change of its cultural and ancient landscape, an effort was made to use ancient sources and archeological finds (potteries) in order to know its exact extent. In the first part of the research, based on the reading of ancient sources, it was determined that the series of Tepe of Bibi Doost is a wide area of ancient monuments, which is completely different from the point of view of the types of pottery, the date of settlement, the type and structure of the structures and the references of the texts. It can be mentioned as part of the old books of Rabaz city Zahedan Kohne, the second Government House of Sistan (Kiekha, 2016: 1120-1120). For example, Qasim-Abad mill or Kusang mill, which is probably the minaret of the mosque or the caravanserai mill in the area of Zahedan Kohne city Rabd (Landour, 1999: 635 & 652), is currently among the ancient monuments of the Tepe dynasty. It is located in the center of Bibi Doost, which indicates that the scattered structures in the Bibi Doost area are in full connection with the Zahedan Kohne area. In the continuation of the research and in order to answer other questions, it was tried to study and investigate the types of terracotta in the Bibi Doost hill range. Regarding the classification and typology of the pottery of the Islamic era of the Bibi Doost Tepe series, which led to the identification of more than 18 types and subspecies of pottery, it shows that the potters of Sistan used various methods of production. and the decoration of pottery of the Islamic era. Then, the pottery samples of Bibi Doost area, which are considered the most important documents for the chronology of this area, were compared with the samples and pottery vessels found in the explored and investigated areas. they got. The results of the studies of the samples and the comparisons show that the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series in the middle centuries of Islam (4 and 5 to 9 centuries A.H.) can be dated. are set This importance is completely consistent with the rise and fall of the Sistan plain and its centrality at that time, which is the city of Zahedan Kohne. In the end, the results of the typological comparisons of the pottery samples of the Bibi Doost area clearly show the similarity of these samples with the pottery of the neighboring areas, especially Khorasan.

Conclusion
Studying the architectural structures scattered in the Bibi Doost hill range, at first glance, due to the high amount of destruction, their identification and connection with the Zahedan Kohne area was almost impossible. Therefore, an effort was made to identify the true identity of these Tepe by reading ancient texts and studying the surface pottery of this area. Taking into account the different parts of the city of Zahedan Kohne that were known earlier (five separate parts called the Castle or fortress, the first citadel, the second citadel, Sharstan and Rabd), now we can The chain of Tepe known as Bibi Doost, which is located in the vicinity of the northwest front of the city of Zahedan Kohne, added a part of the Rabd of this city, which is the second Government House of Sistan. The collection of historical evidences about the foundation and decline of the city of Zahedan Kohne in the Islamic era shows that this city was founded in the 4th and 5th centuries of AH and started to decline in the 9th century of AH. The study of the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series also confirms the same point. Based on the study of the pottery, the oldest type of pottery in the area is dated to the 4th and 5th centuries of AH and the most recent one is dated to the 9th century of AH, which is completely consistent with the rise and fall. It is located in the city of Zahedan Kohne and another reason is that this series of Tepe is part of the main structure of the city of Zahedan Kohne.

Abstract
The primary questions of this research include the chronological and stratigraphic situation, the cultural material features, and the cultural interactions of the Tape Gohareh with other contemporary sites in the Central Zagros region. Based on preliminary evidence and surface findings, it appears that the Tape Gohareh contains continuous settlements from the Seleucid to the Parthian periods. The characteristic pottery of these periods includes painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery. The study of these findings, along with other cultural artifacts from the site, indicates a cultural homogeneity between this mound and other contemporary sites in the region. This research aims to analyze the historical and cultural status of the Tape Gohareh and its connections with other contemporary cultural centers in the Bagestan region and Central Zagros. The research methodology was based on field methods and documentary analysis, where the former involved archaeological excavations documenting the deposits and cultural findings, while the latter included historical sources, books, published articles, and excavation reports. The results indicate the existence of an ancient site from the Seleucid and Parthian periods in the Bisotun and Central Zagros region. Studies on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the Tape Gohareh communities suggest that livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture, along with other social activities such as weaving, spinning, and pottery-making, were common in these societies. Architectural remains from various phases of settlement, as well as characteristic pottery—such as painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery—were among the significant cultural findings. The analysis of these artifacts highlights the cultural homogeneity of the Tape Gohareh with other prominent Central Zagros sites such as the Parthian slopes of Bisotun, Sorkh Dom-e-Laki Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana and Sang-e-Shir Hamedan, Anahita of Kangavar, and Khurheh.
Keywords: Central Zagros, Bisotun, Tape Gohareh, Seleucid, Parthian.

Introduction
The ancient site of Tape Gohareh is located in the province of Kermanshah, within the region of Bisotun (ancient Bagistana). Situated in a mountain valley overlooking the Chamchamal plain, it lies approximately 4.5 km from the historic remains of Bisotun, adjacent to the northern side of the village of Gohareh (Map. 1 & Fig. 1). Bagistana, or modern Bistun, was one of the important regions of Central Zagros in antiquity, and is mentioned by Isidore in the first century AD as a Parthian city (Schoff, 1914). Despite numerous activities and research conducted in Bisotun and the Central Zagros region in recent years, our understanding of certain historical periods, such as the Seleucid and Parthian eras, remains limited. Given the significant political and historical influence of the Seleucids in the Central Zagros during the third and second centuries BC, only a few sites, such as Laodicea (Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011), Ecbatana (Azarnoush, 2007), and Sorkh Dom Laki (Shishegar, 2005), as well as scattered artifacts such as the statue of Heracles (Bernard, 1980), an Ionic column base in Bistun (Lushe, 2006), stone vessels and a broken stone basin from Dinavar (Ghirshman, 1971), the Kermanshah Greek inscription (Robert, 1967), a capital discovered in Shiyan, a Greek inscription in Eslamabad (Alibaigi et al., 2020), and the Daya Cave in Sarpol-e Zahab (Alibaigi et al., 2023), have provided us with insights. In this light, archaeological research and excavation of the Tape Gohareh at Bisotun, a site with cultural remains spanning the Seleucid to Parthian periods, could be a valuable endeavor in understanding the region’s historical and cultural developments during these eras. The key questions of this research are: What is the stratigraphic and chronological sequence of the site? What are the characteristics of the cultural materials from the Seleucid and Parthian periods found at Tape Gohareh, and based on the existing cultural artifacts, what level of interaction did this site have with other contemporaneous regional sites? Moreover, what was the social and cultural status of Tape Gohareh in the region during the Seleucid and Parthian periods?
It appears that Tape Gohareh was continuously inhabited from the Seleucid through the Parthian periods. The cultural remains of this era include notable decorated, glazed, clink, and plain pottery. The study of these finds, along with other cultural materials from the site, suggests a cultural affinity with other contemporaneous sites in the Central Zagros region. The research on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the communities of Tape Gohareh indicates a prevalence of pastoralism, hunting, and possibly agriculture, as well as other social activities such as weaving/spinning and pottery-making.

Discussion 
Excavations at Tape Gohareh revealed two trenches, Trench 1 (10×5 meters) and Trench 2 (3×2 meters), which uncovered cultural remains including architectural structures, pottery, decorative stones, glass artifacts, storage jars, pestles and mortars, metal objects, evidence of pottery-making activities, and the bones of both domestic and wild animals, as well as an Islamic-period cemetery.
The architectural remains consist of five distinct phases from the Seleucid and Parthian periods (Fig. 2, 3 & 4). The first phase includes a floor made of plaster or lime mixed with gravel. A 20 cm layer of ash above this floor in both trenches suggests the possibility of a widespread fire, marking the end of Phase 1 habitation. The site was reused in Phases 2 and 3, with more extensive and higher-quality architectural features compared to later phases. It is likely that these communities had a higher social and economic status compared to the societies of Phases 4 and 5. Phase 4 saw a decrease in architectural construction, and Phase 5 shows more significant construction activities, although only stone foundations of the walls remain. Phases 1 to 3 likely date to the Seleucid period, spanning roughly from the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. For Phases 4 and 5, a middle Parthian date is suggested. Additionally, excavations uncovered 20 graves from an Islamic-period cemetery. The animal bone remains from the site indicate the presence of domesticated herbivores (cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys), wild herbivores (boars), and carnivores (dogs). The economic structure of the Tape Gohareh communities seems to have been based on pastoralism, with the highest frequency of animal use being sheep (30%), followed by boar (22.5%), cattle, goats, and horses (15% each), and donkeys and dogs (2.5% each) (Chart. 1). 
The site’s pottery is classified into four groups (Fig. 8, 9, 10 & 11): plain, decorated, clinky, and glazed. The plain pottery from both the Seleucid and Parthian periods shows similar forms, with no significant differences in shape. However, finely decorated pottery is characteristic of the Seleucid period at Tape Gohareh. These decorated pottery pieces were not found in Parthian layers and likely date to the mid/late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Two decorated pottery fragments were recovered from Parthian layers, but the quality of their craftsmanship was inferior. The earliest glazed pottery pieces at the site likely date from the late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Clinky pottery fragments were found in cultural layers likely dating from the late 3rd century to the 1st century BC. Pottery traditions at Tape Gohareh show a cultural affinity with other Central Zagros sites. These pottery pieces can be compared to finds from the Parthian Bisotun slopes, Kangavar, Sorkh Dom Laki, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and the Sang-e Shir of Hamedan, as well as from Khurha Central (Kleiss, 2007; Kambakhshfard, 1995; Shishegar, 2005; Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011; Azarnoush, 2007; Afshari & Naqshineh, 2014; Rahbar, 2003). Additionally, in some cases, comparisons can be drawn with sites such as Ghale Yazdgerd (Khosrowzadeh et al., 2021), Nushijan (Stronach, 1974), and extra-regional sites such as the Elhaei site in Khuzestan, Susa, Pasargadae (Sharifi, 2005; Haerinck, 1997; Stronach, 1997), Failaka Island in Kuwait (Hannestad, 1983), and the Uruk site (Petrie, 2002).

Conclusion
The findings from the cultural excavations at Tepe Gohareh suggest three distinct phases of settlement, beginning with the Seleucid period from around the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BCE. Following this period, a relatively small settlement from the Middle Parthian era developed on the site, and then, possibly towards the end of the Parthian period, a larger settlement emerged. After this phase, the site was abandoned, and eventually, a cemetery was established on it during the early Islamic period.
An examination of the social and economic structures of the site reveals that the communities of Tepe Gohar followed a consistent subsistence pattern throughout the settlement phases, primarily involving livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture. The discovery of cultural artifacts such as mortars, spinning whorls, slag, and discarded pottery suggests other societal activities, including agriculture, weaving/spinning, and pottery production. Additionally, items related to personal hygiene, cosmetics, and adornment—like small glass vessels and decorative stone beads—were also found.
Among the most significant finds were distinctive pottery pieces from the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The analysis of these finds indicates that Tepe Gohareh shares a cultural homogeneity with nearby sites in Central Zagros, such as the Parthian terrace at Bisotun, the Anahita Temple in Kangavar, the Sorkh Dom Lakki of Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and Sang-e Shir in Hamadan, Khorheh, and in some cases, with Nushijan and Ghale Yazdgerd. Although some pottery pieces resemble those found at sites such as Pasargadae, the Elhaei site, Susa, or the island of Failaka in Kuwait, and Seleucid-era Uruk, the cultural similarities are not significant enough to confidently discuss a broader regional connection.

Abstract
Numerous silver coins from the Samanid dynasty have been unearthed in Russia and various European regions, suggesting significant trade interactions between Asia and Europe during the 4th century AH, and illustrating the Samanid dynasty’s international relations with European merchants at that time. This study addresses a central question: How did the Samanid era’s trade expansion extend to Northern Europe? Utilizing Islamic historical documents and numismatic evidence, this research seeks to trace the Samanid dynasty’s trade routes across Western territories, with a particular focus on the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe. Employing historical-analytical methods through documentary and library research, the study explores the trade dynamics during the 3rd and 4th centuries AH/9th and 10th centuries AD. During these centuries, the Khazars served as a pivotal trading link between the West (Bulgaria, Russia, Byzantium, and the Baltic coasts) and the East (Iran and other Islamic regions). Ancient Islamic records reveal that the Samanid dynasty’s international commerce was highly developed during this period. One notable trade route ran from Samanid territories to Eastern Europe and the Baltic Sea shores. Key regions such as Khwarazm, the land of Oghuz, Volga, and the Baltic coasts were crucial to the trade activities along this route, which is examined in this study. The discovery of Dirhams from Samanid emirs, including Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe, serves as evidence of the extensive trade exchanges during this period.
Keywords: Samanid Dynasty, Coin, Islamic Era Texts, Exchanges, Northern Europe.

Introduction
Researchers have segmented the history of the Samanid dynasty into two primary phases: the pre-independence period (819-875 AD / 203-261 AH) and the post-independence period (875-1005 AD / 261-395 AH) (Jalolzoda, 2018: 15). While there is consensus on this chronological division, numismatic findings indicate that the origins of the pre-independence era may extend to as early as 191 AH. Coins serve as a dependable resource for exploring this subject, and it is recognized that during the dynasty’s initial phase in Transoxiana, local trade utilized Bukhar Khudahs coins, which were confined within the region (Ibid: 17). The discovery sites of Samanid coins suggest that in this early phase, the coins did not circulate beyond the borders of the Samanid realm at the time. In the subsequent period, known as the independence era of the Samanid dynasty, the regime operated under the “official endorsement of the Abbasid Caliphate” and received “authorization” to produce both gold and silver coins (Ibid: 18). This era saw the exportation of Samanid coins beyond their dominion. This study employs ancient Islamic manuscripts to investigate the Samanid dynasty’s trade interactions with territories outside their domain, and numismatic evidence from beyond the Samanid borders corroborates the expansion of their trade relations into broader European regions.
Research Objective: The aim is to explore the trade pathways utilized by the Samanid dynasty for international exchanges in Western territories and to analyze the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe.
Research Question: How did the Samanid dynasty’s trade activities extend to Northern Europe during their era?
Research Methodology: Utilizing a historical-analytical approach, this study leverages documentary and library research to assess the spread of Samanid coins outside the traditional boundaries of the Samanid dynasty. By examining numismatic evidence alongside historical and geo-historical documents, the extent of the Samanid dynasty’s financial interactions with Northern Europe is scrutinized. In this study, areas where coins have been discovered are treated as “primary data,” whereas “historical and geo-historical” documents are used as “secondary sources.” Through detailed analysis and classification of the collected data, conclusive results will be derived.

The Introduction and Decline of Samanid Dynasty Dirham Imports into Europe
 Starting from the late 9th century AD, the Samanid dynasty began exporting substantial amounts of silver coins to promote trade with other regions (Perrie, 2006: 54). Serving as a conduit, Russia facilitated the export of silver to Europe for approximately two centuries, a process through which Samanid Dirhams were introduced to Sweden (Kovalve, 2002: 3). Numerous caches have been unearthed along the Volga River, from western Russia to Kazan, revealing stocks of Samanid Dirhams. In the 10th century AD, these Dirhams made their way to Northern Europe and Scandinavia through the territories along the Volga and the Bulgars residing in the Middle Volga, as corroborated by texts from the Islamic era (Jonsson et al., 1989: 251; Kovalve, 2002: 1). Ibn Fadlan reports that the route from Transoxiana to Khwarazm, extending to Itil and the Bulgars, as well as the pathway from Bukhara through Khwarazm heading northwest directly towards the Kama River and the Bulgars, was heavily trafficked by traders (Ibn Fadlan, 1966, 98). He provides a detailed account of this road; in Bulgar, he noted the presence of Muslim groups, including those from Khwarezm. The principal trade route originated in Khwarazm and traversed the territory of the Khazars, situated on the northeastern coast of the Caspian Sea (Hudud al-’Alam, 1993: 122-123), reaching its capital, “Itil ,” at the Volga River’s mouth in Russia, and proceeded towards Eastern Europe. The Russians exchanged goods with the Bulgars for Samanid Dirhams, facilitating the introduction of these coins into the northern regions of Russia (Kovalve, 2002: 3). This trade eventually extended into Scandinavia‌, and the unearthing of Islamic coin hoards in Northern Europe substantiates this assertion (Heidemann, 2010: 9). Samanid-era coins that arrived in Russia were utilized as money for trading purposes and were locally circulated, gaining popularity in the 10th century AD (Grossman & Walker, 2013: 332). Over the course of the 10th and 11th centuries, these coins traveled from Central Asia to the Baltic area (William, 2016: 63). In the 10th century, Samanid Dirhams became extensively popular across Northern Europe, with numerous coins discovered in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden (Grossman and Walker, 2013: 332). The decline of the Samanid dynasty signaled the end of the influx of Samanid Dirhams into Europe, resulting in a reduced number of these coins reaching Scandinavia (Johan 1980, 4).

Conclusion
Geographical sources offer valuable insights into the trade routes connecting the Samanid dynasty’s territory with Europe, detailing the merchants active along these routes and the goods exported from European nations to the Samanid domain. The Samanid territory was linked to Europe via several pathways. The principal starting points were Transoxiana and Khwarazm, situated along the Amu Darya River. During this period, the link between Russia, Khwarazm, and Transoxiana was established through Itil  in the Volga Delta. Another starting point was the coastal cities along the Caspian Sea. Furthermore, an additional route connected the Samanid dynasty to regions along the Volga and Itil , beginning from Rey and extending to the Caspian Sea coastline. This route, traversing through Transoxiana and reaching Merv in Khorasan, enabled the substantial movement of commercial goods from Khorasan, Khazar, and Kama Bulgaria to Rey. Additionally, there was a path leading from Itil to the Russian territories, specifically to Kuyaba in the west and Tselinnoye in the northwest. Along these routes, merchants carried goods from the Samanid dynasty’s territory to various locations in Eastern and Central Europe, including areas around the Volga River in Russia, as well as Poland, Germany, and Hungary. In exchange, they imported products from these European regions, notably including Slavic and Finnish slaves. During this period, the coins initially utilized for purchasing goods in Russia, Bulgaria, the Qebchaq steppe, and other adjacent areas were traded for goods in the Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, and Denmark). Additionally, Khwarazm traders moved up the Volga River to acquire commercial products, thereby enabling the importation of goods from Eastern Europe into Kama Bulgaria, the capital of the Kama Bulgars, and subsequently to Khwarazm. Russian traders in Kama Bulgaria engaged with Khwarazm merchants and journeyed to the land of the Khazars to conduct trade. The Khazars played an active role in facilitating the transport of goods from the Samanid territory across the Ural and Volga regions and further into the Baltic, acting as effective intermediaries. In this period, traders from Russia, Iran, and Viking communities converged in the Bulgar region to trade goods. Additionally, Hungarian merchants transported slaves from Scandinavian areas to the markets in Bulgar. At the same time, goods from the East were being imported into Scandinavia. The Vikings moved their merchandise southward, engaging in exchanges or trades with Eastern goods in the Volga region. This trade primarily facilitated the influx of silver into Northern Europe, while Scandinavia exported furs and slaves, commodities that were attractive to the Samanid dynasty. Numismatic evidence along these trade routes reveals that, over the years, Samanid Dirhams made their way from Eastern Europe to Northern Europe. These coins have been discovered in various Northern European regions including Scandinavia, Scotland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, and the Baltic coasts. Typically, these Dirhams are linked to rulers such as Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I. The primary minting locations for these Dirham coins were largely in Samarkand, Al-Shash, Balkh, and Andarab.

Abstract
Carpets and rugs are one of the most important ancient crafts of Iran. The flourishing of visual arts began in the Safavid and Qajar periods, it appeared on many works such as books, tiles, wall paintings, calligraphy fabric, carpets and rugs, and reached its peak. The beginning of relations with the West and the adaptation of Western images, the printing and photography industry had a significant impact on Iranian works of art. A group of these works are religious-narrative rugs, which are considered a subgroup of pictorial rugs. This group can be divided into different categories and each category deals with the narration of one or more stories taken from Quranic stories. In this research, with the main aim of identifying, typology and analysis of religious narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, an attempt was made to answer the following questions: Which Quranic stories of the prophets are depicted the most? And which centers were the main weaving centers of these rugs? This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical way and the statistical population includes 30 narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, all of which belong to the Qajar period. Collecting information by means of finding and field studies, by referring to the reliable sites of museums and auctions, has been done in a purposeful way and the findings indicate that the Quranic stories engraved on these rugs are stories that are approved by all three major religions of the world, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism, the most famous of which are the narrations related to Abraham and Ismail(pbuh), Mary(pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Suleiman(pbuh), and Yusuf(pbuh). Most of these types of rugs are woven in the cities of Kerman and Kashan, so they are considered important rug weaving centers of the Qajar period.
Keywords: Religious Rug, Qajar Period, Pictorial Rug, Narrative Rug, Quranic Stories.

Introduction
In response to the need to protect himself from the cold, man turned to the weaving of various types of carpets. Carpet and Rug weaving have been noticed by humans for a long time. The Pazyryk Rug attributed to the Achaemenid period is an example to prove this claim. It can be said that many carpets and rugs have been woven from the Achaemenid period until now, due to their decomposability, only a few examples of them are currently available. But the progress of this art can be seen in the quality of fibers, color, pattern and attention to details over many years. The art of carpet weaving in the Safavid period had a significant growth along with other arts and this trend continued in the Qajar period as well. Qajar period carpets and rugs have various animal, vegetable, geometric, human, mythological motifs and later inscriptions, which have displayed original images with different themes and combinations. One type of them are Pictorial carpets and rugs, which can be divided into several groups. A group of them is called “narrative rugs” that include different topics. The reflection of the religious beliefs of the people of the Qajar era in this art has caused the emergence of narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories. The aim of the upcoming research is to identify and introduce, typology and analyze religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period with a focus on Quranic stories and these are the questions: 1- Which Quranic stories and related to which prophets have been narrated in religious narrative rugs in Qajar period? 2- In which centers are the religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period mostly woven? Due to the fact that carpets decorated with the motifs of Quranic stories are parts of the art of the Qajar period, and at this time, they have attracted the attention of people and weavers. We need to analyze them.

The Subject of Pictorial rugs
The weave of such Rugs is considered a great development in the Qajar period, which may have its roots in the Safavid period. Pictorial rugs have various divisions based on the subject they presented. These subjects can inspire the reader with stories of historical, geographical events, epic, love stories, religious and mystical stories in the form of sweet stories. These stories have old roots and most of them have been written into poetry during the past centuries by the great poets of Iran and have been illustrated many times by painters and artists (Shabani Khatib, 2008: 89, 90). Qajar kings always resorted to religion to legitimize their rule. Reciting prayer, Taziah in Muharram and public mourning days are part of the religious ceremonies that were prevalent in the Qajar period (Shamim, 2008: 357). Of course, the educational aspect of such rugs in the direction of religious teachings for the less educated people of the society cannot be ignored.
The impact of new industries
The art of the Qajar period entered a new stage with the influence of intellectual currents, economic, social and artistic relations of the West and the entry of photography and printing industries. The art of illustration, which was used only to decorate the pages of books and the walls of important buildings, was manifested this time in the art of rug weaving. The rugs considered in this research can be divided into 5 groups in terms of subject matter: the stories of Gabriel (pbuh), Ibrahim and Ismail(pbuh), Maryam (pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Solomon(pbuh) and Yusuf(pbuh).

Discussion
It appears that from the mid-13th century AH, the commissioning and consumption of pictorial rugs particularly those featuring religious themes and narratives based on various Quranic stories followed an upward trend that continued into the subsequent century (the 14th century AH). The primary themes employed for this category of rugs are Quranic stories that are also recognized by other major world religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, and are recounted in the Torah and the Gospels. Undoubtedly, among the Quranic narratives, the stories of Abraham and Ishmael, Mary and Jesus, Solomon, and finally Joseph are the most well-known. At the same time, the most prominent and well-known events have been selected from the various life stories of each of these great figures. The primary motifs are depicted within the rug’s central, predominantly rectangular panel, while the borders featuring Flowers and foliage patterns, as well as verses in Nastaliq script set within medallion shaped frames reinforce the themes of the central imagery.
The study revealed that Kerman and Kashan were the two major centers for the production and weaving of pictorial rugs during the Qajar era; notably, out of the 30 rugs examined, 25 originated from Kerman and Kashan. Despite the vast distance separating these two production hubs, the details within the woven patterns bear such a striking resemblance that the similarity cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Undoubtedly, therefore, extensive professional, artistic, and commercial ties existed between these two centers of production.

Conclusion
The Quranic stories engraved on Qajar religious narrative rugs refer to the most prominent and well-known stories of divine messengers. Among the mentioned 5 groups, rugs focused on the life stories of Prophet Yusuf(pbuh) with 11 rugs, represented more than one third of the quantity of existing rugs and represented the success and acceptance of the subject by weavers and customers. Kerman and Kashan, two main poles of the production and weaving of such rugs, because 25 of the 30 rugs examined are woven in Kerman and Kashan and they are woven only in the size of a rug (1*2 m). In addition to being time-consuming, the weaving of such rugs is also expensive and they were woven only on the orders of kings and nobles, and their use was only visual-decorative, and they were not woven to furnish the ground, but were offered as a vow or endowment to religious places. Maybe it was used to tell a story (Naqali). The many commonalities in each of the groups, despite being produced in different centers, indicate the connection between artists and craftsmen in the Qajar period. These rugs were woven from the end of the 13th century AH to the middle of the 14th century AH (the fall of the Qajar rule).   

Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.

Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. 
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.

Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.

Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.

Abstract
Zahhak Castle in Hashtrood, one of the prominent archaeological sites in northwestern Iran (East Azerbaijan Province), houses valuable stucco decorations. A portion of the artifacts recovered from excavations is preserved at the Zahhak Castle site museum, another portion in the storage of the Azerbaijan Museum in Tabriz, and a limited number in the museum’s main gallery. These artifacts include animal, human, floral, and geometric motifs. The present study aimed to evaluate the crystalline structure, mineralogical composition, and the extent of structural degradation of the excavated stucco decorations, employing laboratory techniques including X-ray diffraction (XRD), field-emission scanning electron microscopy (FE-SEM), ion chromatography (IC), proximity, and monitoring of environmental conditions (temperature and humidity). To compare structural damage, samples from both the site museum and storage artifacts were selected and analyzed. Phase analysis results indicate that the main phases of the stucco decorations are gypsum (CaSO₄·2H₂O) and quartz (SiO₂), with minor amounts of calcite (CaCO₃), albite (NaAlSi₃O₈), anorthoclase (O₈(Si₃Al)(Na,K)), and anorthite (CaAl₂Si₂O₈) also identified. According to IC results, the presence of harmful chloride and nitrate ions was detected at low and non-destructive levels. Crystallographic data suggest that structural alterations mainly occurred prior to excavation and during artifact burial. However, the high humidity conditions at the site museum and the lack of adequate conservation standards may accelerate deterioration processes. For optimal preservation, it is recommended that environmental temperature and humidity be continuously monitored and that standard display cases, along with periodic monitoring, be employed as effective conservation measures.
Keywords: Qaleh Zahhak Hashtrud, Stucco Decorations, XRD, Fe-SEM, Heritage Conservation.

Introduction
Excavations at the Zahhak Castle site in Hashtrood were conducted on a limited scale by Ghandgar and Rahmatpour between 2000 and 2007. During the excavations in the hall of the site (which is now the Zahhak Castle site-museum), a number of stucco decorations with various motifs—including plant, human, animal, and geometric designs, as well as pieces related to half-columns—were discovered. The stucco decorations obtained from the Zahhak Castle excavations are currently preserved in two collections: The Azerbaijan Museum in Tabriz and the Hashtrood Museum. These decorations include 47 pieces housed in the Azerbaijan Museum and a considerable number of stucco fragments of various sizes that remain at the site-museum. Of the 47 stucco pieces in the Azerbaijan Museum, five are displayed in the main galleries, while the remaining pieces are kept in the museum storage under relatively stable temperature and humidity conditions. The stucco works at the Zahhak Castle site are currently placed on the ground on a plastic sheet covered with excavation soil, and some pieces are kept in glass display cases and niches within the site-museum.
Considering the thermodynamic properties and crystal solubility of gypsum, along with the specific temperature and humidity conditions at Zahhak Castle during different seasons, it is not unexpected that these conditions may lead to particular changes in the structure of the excavated stucco decorations. This study aims to investigate these changes by comparing the microstructure of the stucco decorations at the Zahhak Castle site with those housed in the Azerbaijan Museum. The research examines these changes by analyzing the environmental parameters to which the pieces have been exposed, as well as considering the chemical composition of the gypsum used in the decorations and the ions present in the site environment. The processes that have caused—or may cause—the deterioration of these works will be evaluated. Ultimately, the study seeks to propose appropriate environmental conditions that would lead to the more sustainable preservation of these artifacts.
Therefore, the research questions are as follows: What types of damage have affected the stucco decorations at Zahhak Castle, and what are the causes of this damage? Additionally, what temperature and humidity conditions are most suitable for the proper preservation of the stucco decorations at the site?

Discussion
Site-museums encompass historical sites that have been excavated during various archaeological seasons. The primary purpose of creating such spaces is to present important archaeological findings and data derived from excavations. During excavations, some artifacts are preserved in situ by providing necessary conditions and facilities, and are made accessible to the public so that visitors can establish a direct connection with the context of the artifacts’ creation and formation.
In site-museums, visitors can simultaneously observe both the artifacts and the historical site, while also witnessing ongoing archaeological activities as well as conservation and restoration operations (Hassanzadeh, 2012: 378). The quality of the museum’s interior space is enhanced through the arrangement, organization, and structuring of its elements and forms, and it is designed with the aim of creating an attractive environment for tourists (Azarbouye Dinki et al., 2018).
Accordingly, the display cases at the Zahhak Castle site-museum (Fig. 1) are not suitable for the proper preservation of the stucco artifacts under study. These display cases should not only ensure protective security but also enable better exhibition of the artifacts. Currently, the artifacts are kept in glass display cases that allow visitors to access the items by sliding the glass and, in some instances, even remove them from the cases.
The overall arrangement of visual elements is designed to prepare the viewer’s mind to receive information. The artifacts inside the display cases are arranged in two rows, and visitors must sit to view the items on the lower level, which sometimes discourages them from observing these pieces. Additionally, the artifacts are presented without any information regarding their condition, year of discovery, or function, which generally renders them meaningless and of little cognitive value to visitors.
For designing an appropriate enclosure for the Zahhak Castle artifacts, it is recommended to consider the display case and communication spaces, the visual requirements of the environment, climatic conditions, lighting, materials and construction techniques, and security and protective systems (Fig. 2). In this regard, it is suggested that stucco artifacts of similar types be grouped in the same enclosure, accompanied by explanations regarding the excavation period, historical era, and probable function of each piece. Furthermore, the pieces should be categorized according to their design and motif and displayed in separate enclosures.
The primary factors for physical and chemical preservation in museums include the monitoring of temperature, relative humidity (RH), and fine particulate pollutants, and careful supervision of environmental conditions is of high importance (Mansourzadeh & Hatami, 2017: 289–302; Rahmani-Garmi, 2011: 62). To control the environmental conditions at the site where excavated artifacts are housed, monitoring tools such as thermometers and hygrometers should be used. Additionally, the implementation of air conditioning, protective measures, and museum security systems is essential.
In the case of the Zahhak Castle site-museum, comprehensive preservation of the artifacts is particularly important because these items are part of a valuable historical heritage, and proper care and maintenance are necessary.
The main factors in the preservation of artifacts in museums include both physical preservation and protection against chemical agents (Mansourzadeh & Hatami, 2017: 289–302). Careful monitoring of environmental conditions, including temperature, relative humidity (RH), and fine particulate pollutants, is one of the most important measures for safeguarding collections (Rahmani-Garmi, 2011: 62). To control the environmental conditions were excavated artifacts are housed, the use of monitoring tools for temperature and relative humidity, such as hygrometers and thermometers, is essential.
Furthermore, the implementation of ventilation systems and comprehensive protective and security measures in the museum, especially at the Zahhak Castle site-museum, must be thoroughly considered, as the excavated artifacts are part of a valuable historical heritage and their preservation is essential.
Regarding the Zahhak Castle site-museum, since the site’s temperature rarely reaches 40 °C—which typically does not cause phase transformations in gypsum—there is likely no significant concern about the deterioration of the stucco artifacts due to heat. Similarly, considering the low concentrations of chloride and nitrate ions in the stucco samples, the likelihood of phase transformations in the artifacts is also reduced. However, it is still recommended to maintain the temperature and relative humidity at approximately 20–25 °C and 40–50%, respectively, to prevent potential damage to these works.
To improve the storage conditions of the stucco artifacts in the Azerbaijan Museum’s repository, it is necessary to use an automatic air ventilation system that operates several times a day at predetermined intervals to remove excess humidity from the storage environment. Therefore, to monitor the temperature and humidity in the repository, the use of temperature and humidity data loggers is essential for recording and surveying environmental conditions, allowing precise control over storage parameters. Seasonal analysis of the data collected from the temperature and humidity data loggers, as well as air treatment systems, can help prevent damage to the stucco artifacts and minimize structural deterioration of the pieces.

Conclusion
This study demonstrates that the degradation processes have not significantly altered the structure of the stucco decorations at Zahhak Castle within the site-museum. Examination of the crystalline structure of these artifacts, both at the site-museum and at the East Azerbaijan Archaeology Museum, indicates that structural changes in the stucco were likely limited to the pre-excavation period, during the burial of the artifacts in soil, and that no substantial changes have occurred from the time of excavation (2003) to the present (2024).
Harmful anions, such as chloride and nitrate, are present only in minor amounts in the Zahhak Castle stucco, which slows down the processes of dissolution and recrystallization of the gypsum artifacts. Despite the anticipated lack of significant changes in the artifacts at the site-museum, it is recommended that these pieces be placed in standard display enclosures and maintained under stable temperature and humidity conditions to prolong their lifespan.
It is noteworthy that the stucco decorations at the site-museum generally lack distinctive designs or motifs, and most intact samples have been transferred to the repository of the East Azerbaijan Archaeology Museum. The primary reason for this transfer was the absence of a secure storage environment at the site-museum. It is expected that the installation of temperature and humidity data loggers, security equipment, and the use of standard display cases will improve the protective conditions of the site-museum.
Furthermore, the absence of specialized staff at the site-museum leads to confusion among visitors and the loss of opportunities to convey valuable information about the artifacts. Access to Zahhak Castle is only possible via challenging routes, which, combined with the lack of expert personnel, may reduce visitor motivation. It is therefore recommended that the artifacts be preserved near their original locations, with suitable conditions for display and protection. Similar artifacts should be kept in designated, separate enclosures from other types and displayed on shelves accompanied by complete information regarding their condition at the time of excavation and their probable function.

Abstract
Ramhormoz city is located in Khuzestan province, southwest of Iran. The founding of Ramhormoz is attributed to the Sassanid kings in Islamic period texts. Based on archaeological surveys and excavations conducted in Ramhormoz, traces of settlements from prehistoric times to the Qajar era have been identified. The Aala River, as one of the most important rivers in this city, passes through the Ramhormoz plain and divides it into two parts, eastern and western. On the banks of this river, there are traces and evidence of Sasanian investment in the agricultural economy, such as tunnels and water supply canals. Recently, due to subsidence of the riverbed near Tall Bormi and south of Ramhormuz, part of the remains of a structure have been revealed. This study, for the first time, examined the relationship between this structure and evidence of Ramhormuz irrigation. In the absence of a comprehensive and independent study of the Ramhormuz plain irrigation system, such a study is all the more necessary The goals of this research are to chronologies the structure and understand its relationship with other evidence of plain irrigation in order to determine its function. In order to achieve these goals, the method of library studies and analysis of historical texts and findings of previous archaeological surveys was used, along with the analysis and review of findings from the author’s field survey of the river structure and open and covered channels of the Aala River. Determining the function of the newly discovered river structure as a dam-bridge and part of the Ramhormuz irrigation system to feed the southern canal known as Moradbeigi and provide the possibility of movement between the two parts of the plain, determining the Sassanid chronology of the Moradbeigi canal and the bridge structure based on its connection with the Sassanid sites of the western plain, are among the most important findings of this research.
Keywords: River Structure, Bridge-Weir, Sassanid, Aala River, Ramhormoz.

Introduction
The Khuzestan Plain was one of the most important centers of the agricultural economy during the Sasanian period, due to its fertile lands and important and large rivers. At least since the Sasanian period, whose economy was based on agriculture, the inhabitants of Khuzestan built complex systems of dams, canals and underground tunnels into the river valleys (Mousavi & Daryaee, 2012: 1082; Alizade et al., 2004: 70). Among the numerous water structures built on the rivers of Khuzestan during the Sassanid period, at least two remains are located in the Ramhormoz region: one is the ancient Jareh Dam on the Zard River, and the other is part of the remains of a structure that was revealed as a result of the author’s field survey in the bed of the Aala River. Archaeological research and excavations have been conducted on the Jareh Dam before it was flooded, which has led to the identification of architectural remains from the Sassanid and Islamic periods. However, no independent research has been conducted so far regarding the newly discovered river structure in the Aala River bed, as well as the water supply system of the Ramhormoz Plain. Only in the archaeological studies of Ramhormuz, there has been a brief mention of the existence of canals and aqueducts of the Aala River; The reason for this could be the recent and late discovery of the water structure on the Aala River bed. Therefore, such research can increase knowledge and understanding of the Ramhormuz irrigation system during the Sassanid period. The most important questions that this research intends to answer are: 1) What function or functions did the newly discovered structure in the Aala River bed have? 2) Based on what evidence can this structure be attributed to the Sassanid period? The authors hypothesize that this river structure was the remains of a bridge or a dam-bridge. In addition to comparing the architectural remains, if there is a connection between it and other evidence of Sasanian irrigation on the Ala River, it could be a structure from the Sasanian period. The problem of this research, unlike similar studies that mainly examine the relationship between irrigation evidence and existing bridges and dams on the rivers of Khuzestan in order to understand the mechanism and goals of water supply, is to first determine the function of the river structure (bridge or dam-bridge?) by proving the relationship with irrigation evidence and then determining the goals of water supply in addition, determining the possible chronology of this river structure based on its relationship with evidence of Sasanian irrigation of the Ramhormuz plain and architectural materials and remains is another goal of this research.

Discussion
One use of this river structure is as a bridge, because the Aala River divides the Ramhormuz plain into two parts, eastern and western. Given the similarity of the architectural materials, it seems that this bridge was a Sassanid bridge. Identifying the function of the dam-bridge for this structure depends on proving its connection with other evidence of irrigation of the Ramhormoz plain. In the north of the plain, on the eastern walls of the river are the Jubaji Tunnels and on the western walls are the Zirzard Tunnels, which are actually a type of river aqueduct. Given the large distance between the northern aqueducts and the location of the river structure’s discovery, as well as the location of the tunnels close to the riverbed, it is clear that this structure has no connection with the northern aqueducts of the Ramhormoz Plain However, in Henry Wright and Elizabeth Carter’s survey of the western plain of Ramhormuz, they mentioned Sasanian canals. One of these canals (the southern canal), now called Moradbegi, is located a hundred meters upstream of the structure, which proves that this structure was a dam-bridge. Of the 6 sites associated with the Moradbegi Canal, about 5 sites have Sassanid settlements, indicating that Moradbegi is a Sassanid canal. Since the end of this canal leads to three sites RH-8, RH-8, and RH-22S, it seems that the purpose of constructing the canal was to provide water for consumption at these sites, in addition to agriculture. This function is possible, according to the “Maqdasi” report, regarding the supply of water to the city of Ramhormuz from the northern canal. After supplying water to the city of Ramhormuz, the northern canal entered the agricultural lands of the western plain and was used to irrigate these lands

Conclusion
The most important evidence of Sasanian investment in the Ramhormuz region can be seen in the Jareh Dam area and around the Aala River. During the Sasanian period and thereafter, the inhabitants of this region created irrigation systems branching off the rebellious Aala River, enabling the exploitation of the river’s water for agricultural and irrigation purposes This system in the north of the Ramhormoz Plain included tunnels dug in the conglomerate river wall to irrigate the eastern part of the plain; and in the western plain, it included a number of irrigation canals. The southernmost canal, dated by Wright and Carter to Sasanian times, was fed from behind a bridge, the destroyed remains of which have recently been discovered in the riverbed near Tole Burmi. It seems that this fragmented and destroyed structure, considering its upstream Sasanian canal and the architectural typology, materials used, type of cutting and arrangement of stones used, belongs to the Sasanian period, which was used simultaneously as a bridge for passage between the eastern and western parts of the plain and as a dam to direct surface water and upstream of the structure to the Sasanian sites RH-9, RH-22S and RH-8 and agricultural lands, and had a dual use The construction of the Moradbeigi Canal, which was fed from behind the Aala dam-bridge, was in line with the policy of settling the agricultural population in large cities. Because, based on its size, the RH-9 site, apart from the Sassanid city of Ramhormuz, was a large population centre in the Ramhormuz plain that was abandoned in the post-Sassanian phase. Despite the importance of Ramhormuz in the constant exchanges between Fars and Khuzestan since prehistoric times, it does not seem that the Aala Bridge was a caravan bridge with strategic military and economic importance between different states, but rather a local structure or building that was built to manage the water of the Aala River in part of the Ramhormuz lands.

Abstract
Due to the construction of the Seymareh Dam and the risk of flooding the archaeological site ‎known as “Pir Mikail,” conducting salvage excavations at this site became an unavoidable ‎necessity. At the highest point of the mound, a stone structure with an irregular plan was ‎situated, initially hypothesized to be a Sasanian Chahartaq (four-arched structure). Accordingly, ‎the excavation was carried out with the aim of identifying the nature of the structure, ‎understanding the settlement pattern at the site, and examining the surrounding remains and their ‎interactions with one another. The present research is based on a descriptive-analytical method ‎with a field and comparative approach, as well as historical sources, and seeks to answer the ‎following questions: What is the nature of the stone structure located at the summit of the ‎mound? Is it a Sasanian Chahartaq or an Islamic-era tomb? What other remains does this site ‎contain, and what interactions and functions have these remains had with each other or with ‎other neighboring sites? What factors have influenced the formation of human settlements and ‎architecture in this region? The excavation results revealed that the main structure was not a ‎Sasanian Chahartaq but rather a tomb belonging to the middle Islamic period. In the southern part ‎of the site, the remains of a coherent architectural complex belonging to the Sasanian period were ‎identified, including spaces with barrel vaults and lime plaster coating, as well as a columned ‎hall. Furthermore, evidence indicates that this site was connected to the “Shahr-e Viran” complex ‎and a communication route. Overall, the findings suggest a continuity of settlement sequence at ‎the Pir Mikail site from the Sasanian period to the early Islamic centuries, and continued activity ‎in its central part until the late Middle Islamic centuries.‎
Keywords: Archaeology, Simareh, Sasanian, Pir-Meka’il Site, Kuhdasht.

Introduction
The Seymareh Valley has persistently attracted human societies due to its natural characteristics, strategic position, and fertile water and soil resources. This valley constituted one of the major civilizational hubs during the Sasanian and Islamic periods. Historical texts refer to it as part of the province of “Pahleh,” which comprised two principal districts: “Māsabadhān” in the north (modern-day Ilam Province), centered on the Sasanian city of Sirwan, and “Mihrajān Qadhaq” (also recorded as Qadhaq) in the south, centered on the city of Seymareh (Balādhurī, 1376/1997: 433). According to historical sources, these cities retained their significance until the early Islamic centuries. Despite the identification of numerous ancient city remains along the valley, some—such as “Shahr-e Rudbār”—have not yet been subjected to archaeological study and excavation.
The construction of the Seymareh Dam and the consequent risk of inundation rendered salvage archaeological excavations an unavoidable necessity at sites within the reservoir catchment area, including “Pir Mikā’il.” Archaeological data pertaining to the Sasanian period across present-day Iran have largely been obtained from other provinces. Recent discoveries of architectural evidence and remains in the Seymareh Valley, however, can provide a new model for settlements of this period in the Central Zagros and Lorestan regions. The studied site is located approximately at the far end of the Seymareh Valley in Lorestan Province. At the highest point of this low elevation mound, a stone structure was present, initially hypothesized to be the remains of a Sasanian Chahartaq (four arch structure). The distribution of surface sherds further confirmed the existence of occupation during the Sasanian and Islamic periods.
Excavation at this site was undertaken as a salvage necessity, with the objectives of identifying the site’s remains, determining the nature, function, and date of the stone structure, elucidating the interrelationships among the architectural features, and understanding the role and significance of these structures within the cultural and geographical context of the region. This research, predicated on the hypothesis that the aforementioned site contains previously unknown remains from the Sasanian and Islamic periods, commenced with the following research questions: What is the nature of the stone structure located atop the mound? Is this structure a Sasanian Chahartaq or an Islamic period tomb? What other remains does this site contain? What interactions and functions did these features have with one another or with other features at neighboring sites? What factors have influenced the formation of human settlements and architecture in this region?

Discussion
The most significant excavation data include:
A. Islamic Period Structure: Excavations in the central part of the site revealed a mausoleum measuring approximately 8x8 meters. The building materials consist of local natural limestone, such as large and small dressed cubic stones, sometimes irregular, along with rubble stone and cobbles, bonded with a semi-crushed, reddish-tinted gypsum mortar.
b. Sassanid Period Architectural Findings: Remains of a regular architectural complex, consisting of several interconnected spaces built with natural stone and gypsum mortar, were identified. To increase the strength of the walls, the stones were laid with gaps between them, and the empty spaces were filled with a significant volume of mortar to enhance the structure’s adhesion and resistance. Overall, the main structure includes a quadrangular space and columned halls.
c. Quadrangular Space: This refers to a quadrangular room with approximate dimensions of 360×270 cm. The discovery of arched gypsum fragments within the ceiling debris indicates that this space was covered with a barrel vault.
d. Columned Halls: Adjacent to the quadrangular space, two columned halls were also identified, each featuring a central quadrangular pier of stone and gypsum mortar acting as the middle column. Comparing this structure with similar examples suggests that the roofs of these halls were also vaulted. The internal and external surfaces of the walls were covered with a layer of gypsum plaster, 3 to 5 cm thick.
e. Enclosure Wall: In the northwestern sector of the Sassanid site, a dry-stone wall (without mortar) built with stones averaging 10×15×17 cm in size was discovered. Only one course of stones remains from this wall, which has a width of 80 cm and a remaining height of between 40 and 45 cm.
f. Remains of an Ancient Road: At the far end of the site, in its southwestern sector, parallel to the discovered enclosure wall and above the Qanat’s outlet, traces of an ancient road running northwest to southeast were identified. This road, with a width between 3 and 4 meters, ran parallel to the river and established a connection between Sirvan and Seymareh.
g. Qanat: This Qanat was identified in the southern area of the site. It transported potable water from the mountain aquifer foothills to the structures located along the banks of the Seymareh River and to the Qanat’s outlet (mazhar).
The aqueduct’s structure consists of vertical wells with an average depth of 7 meters and a gentle slope. This aqueduct channel consists of two main parts: the “arch” (with a semicircular arch and, in some parts, a “keyhole arch” type) and the “body”.

Conclusion 
Archaeological excavations revealed that the main structure in the central part of the site, contrary to the initial hypothesis, was not a Sasanian Chahartaq but rather a solitary mausoleum belonging to the Islamic period.
However, the archaeological findings in the southern part of the site include the remains of a coherent complex of spaces featuring barrel vaults, semicircular arches, and columned halls (with stone piers and semi-crushed gypsum mortar), constructed using stone and gypsum. The presence of a columned hall alongside spaces with barrel vaults constitutes a distinctive characteristic of this complex, indicating a combination of two architectural styles, both belonging to the Sasanian period. Other notable architectural features include the use of small arched openings as doorways, delicate gypsum-plastered niches on the interior walls, and the employment of simple gypsum blocks in door frames.
Considering the structural similarities with Sasanian sites within the catchment area of the Seymareh Dam—such as the materials used, arched doorways, symmetrical niches, as well as the presence of pottery sherds of the same style at the site, which correspond to typical Sasanian-period examples—a Sasanian date is proposed for this structure.
The contemporaneous functioning of the Qanat with other surrounding features provides strong evidence for the existence of an organized settlement dependent on this water system during the historical Islamic period. This Qanat not only represents a rare example of indigenous water engineering but also clearly illustrates the connection between nature, technology, and human settlements, manifesting the intelligent interaction and adaptability of human habitations with the natural environment within a historical framework.
Although a definitive statement regarding the precise function of the Sasanian structure remains difficult, its location downstream of the “Shahr-e Virān” (the ruined city) site, the presence of traces of an ancient road to its west, its proximity to the rock-cut Qanat, as well as its general architectural features and ceramic evidence, all indicate the interaction of this complex with its surrounding environment. It seems that this complex served to secure the communication route between Sirwan and Seymareh during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. The presence of collapsed arched vaults and destroyed walls made of stone and saruj (a traditional lime-mortar) likely points to a devastating earthquake (in the 3rd century AH / 9th century CE), which caused serious damage to the Qanat and the building complex, leading to their abandonment and eventual complete destruction of the site, as well as the destruction of “Shahr-e Virān.” In sum, the architectural evidence and ceramic data confirm the settlement sequence of the site from the Sasanian period, with continued occupation into the early Islamic centuries.

Abstract
The ceramic analyzed in this article, labeled as Red White and Black (RWB) ware in the Mahidasht region, is a painted pottery tradition in the west of central Zagros. Our information regarding this was limited to published information on the Mahidasht 1975-78 project. So, more questions and hesitation remain about this ceramic that should be answered. What are the essential characteristics of Red White and Black pottery?  What is the exact chronology of this ware in the chalcolithic sequence of western Iran? So to answer these proposed questions and also to give an updated view from Red White and Black ceramic in the chalcolithic period studies in the west of Iran, the RWB ware of the Mahidasht project belonging to the Siahbid 1978 excavation stored at the National Museum of Iran was analyzed. In addition to the investigation of RWB ceramics at the National Museum of Iran, the published information concerning the most recent archaeological survey and excavations project done in the western parts of Iran has also been considered. This study has resulted in a complete and updated view concerning the different aspects of the Red White and Black ware studies, like chronology, settlement pattern, ware characteristics, dating. It became clear to us that some of the surveyed and excavated sites in different parts of western Iran date back to the early phases of the Chalcolithic period based on observation of Black On Buff (BOB) ceramics involving Red White and Black (RWB) ware instead of BOB ceramics and dating to later phases of chalcolithic period consequently. in addition to such dating that request future revision, our study on the Red White and Black ceramic in this article yielded more interested results in this regards. 
Keywords: RWB Ware, Mahidasht Project, Central Zagros, Chronology, Late Chalcolithic Period.

Introduction
In the prehistoric archaeology of the western regions of the Central Zagros, and especially the Mahidasht region, various types of engraved pottery have been reported. One of these pottery traditions that is also the subject of the present project is Red White and Black/RWB pottery. This pottery type and the others mentioned are related to the Mahidasht project. It was carried out before the Iranian Revolution and between 1975 and 1978 by the Royal Ontario Museum under the direction of Louis Levin in cooperation with the Iranian Archaeological Research Center. This project identified more than 900 ancient sites from prehistoric times to the Islamic centuries. Due to the Islamic Revolution, the project above was left unfinished. The reviewers remained and could not publish the complete data collected by this project (Levine, 1975; Levine & McDonald, 1977) (Figure 1). After nearly 50 years, a team of Iranian and foreign archaeologists resumed the studies of this project (Renette et al., 2021). Part of this revision project is dedicated to the study of pottery known as J ware in the final stages of the Neolithic and the early stages of the Chalcolithic (Transitional Chalcolithic). Data related to the Chalcolithic period between 5000 and 3200 BC is another doctoral dissertation’s subject (Figure 2). Among the data from this dissertation, which is also the subject of the present article, are the pottery known as Red White and Black/RWB. Given the limited information published, many ambiguities and questions about this pottery type exist. Consequently, to answer the aforementioned ambiguities and questions, the RWB pottery collection, all obtained from the 1978 excavations of the Choqha Maran site and currently preserved in the National Museum of Iran, was studied and examined. A detailed study of this pottery and a summary of recent research and excavations conducted in various parts of western Iran led to new results about this type of pottery. In addition to providing new results about the characteristics and features of this type and also determining the exact period of this tradition in the prehistoric sequence of the region, the results of this research revealed that the scope of this pottery is not limited to the western regions of the Central Zagros and that more areas beyond the western regions of the Central Zagros, such as the sites of Kurdistan Province in the northern part of the Central Zagros, are under the jurisdiction of this pottery tradition.

Discussion
As mentioned, the Red White and Black/RWB pottery is among the painted pottery of the Late Chalcolithic of the Mahidasht Project in the western central Zagros regions. The name of this type, like other painted pottery types of the western central Zagros regions, such as Black On Buff/BOB, Red On Buff/ROB, or Black On Red/BOR, is derived from the technical and visual characteristics of the pottery. The adjective Red refers to the color of the core of this type. The adjective White refers to the white covering of the body of this pottery, and the adjective Black refers to the black patterns on the white covering. In short, this type of pottery is made with Red core and white covering with black patterns on the white covering (Henrickson, 1985) (Figure 3). All information about this pottery type in the Mahidasht Project is limited to these general descriptions and a few black and white plates. This is while all the RWB pottery fragments obtained from the 1978 excavations of the Choqha Maran site are currently kept in the National Museum of Iran (Figure 4). A close study of this type, along with a summary of the results of the latest research and excavations carried out in western Iran, has provided a good opportunity to introduce this type fully and to resolve all ambiguities and questions about this type of pottery about its precise chronology, precise technical specifications and features of the pottery, distribution range, etc. What follows is to present an updated and new picture of RWB pottery in the prehistory of western Iran. In continuing to describe this type of pottery, it should be noted that the white clay covering of this type of pottery is of the evanescent type and, in some cases, is very weak, so that sometimes nothing of this covering remains on the surface of the pottery. However, the patterns are healthier, and in some cases, the pattern and the covering have disappeared. Most RWB pottery is made using the wheel-made technique, which has not been mentioned in previous descriptions. Forms in many cases include vessels with turned-out rims and vessels with flat rims. The designs on these Pottery are also often geometric with parallel bands and stripes, hanging triangles, successive quotation marks, irregular vertical stripes and chevron hatching and in some cases animal designs (often goats with round horns and snakes) in a geometric frame and sometimes plant designs (Figs. 4,5,6) (Table 1,2).

Conclusion
The pottery traditions in the western Central Zagros region, about which little information has been published, are the pottery type known as RWB. This pottery type is well-made with a red core, a white covering, and black patterns. Most of the published information about this type is limited to the Mahidasht project between 1975 and 1978. As a result, complete information about this project and, consequently, the RWB ware pottery has not been fully published, and there are many questions and ambiguities about this pottery style. It should be noted that the data of the Mahidasht project are currently kept in the repository of the National Museum of Iran. As a result, the Mahidasht revision project has allowed the study of these data and the RWB pottery closely and in detail. By summarizing the studies and investigations conducted on this pottery and the results of new excavations and research conducted in western Iran, a new and updated picture of this type of pottery was provided in the archaeology of the Late Chalcolithic period of Western Iran. Some of the results obtained in this research, especially the information related to the distribution range of this culture in western Iran, and provide new information. RWB pottery is placed in the prehistoric sequence of western Iran after the Siahbid horizon and in the Maran horizon in the early stages of the Late Chalcolithic 2 (LC2). Some Late Chalcolithic sites in western Iran, especially the Late Chalcolithic sites in Kurdistan province, have been attributed to black-patterned pea-like pottery known as Black On Buff/BOB. However, by obtaining RWB pottery and studying it closely, it was found that these sites were incorrectly dated and that their Black On Buff/BOB pottery belongs to the RWB pottery tradition. In addition, this research found that the range of RWB pottery is not limited to the western regions of the Central Zagros and its neighboring regions in southwestern Iran, but covers much broader areas of western and southwestern Iran. The tradition extends from the south to the Hakalan and Parcinah cemeteries in the Ilam province in southwestern Iran. This tradition extends from the north to the city of Marivan in Kurdistan province (Fig. 7-11). In general, what was presented in this research is the most recent and up-to-date picture available of the RWB pottery tradition in the archaeological studies of the Western Late Chalcolithic in Iran.

Abstract
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD. 
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.

Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers. 
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces. 

Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.

Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.