Abstract
In the Qajar period, the relationship between the visual elements and the composition of the paintings follows certain precise principles that are consistent with the art of Laquer painting. In Persian lacquer the base is almost always of papier-mâché. The surface was thinly coated with a fine plaster, or gesso, and upon this the painter executed his design in the miniature-painting technique of the time. The whole was then covered with a layer of transparent lacquer or varnish, which not only protected the painting, but enriched and mellowed the colors. The difference between the iconography of the Qajar period and the previous period is that folk themes are prevalent and their types are found in tiling, oil painting, Laquer, and Lithography. The main questions of the study are: 1- How is the Qajar period illustrated on the Laquer artworks from the iconography approach? 2- What are the intertextual elements in the Qajar iconography on Lacquer’s artworks? The main problem of research is about iconographic reading of the icons in the Qajar period Laquer painting. For this purpose, in this article, two exemplary examples of artworks with emphasis on iconography have been analyzed. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The purpose of this research is to identify the role of the common themes of the Qajar period in the iconography of these works. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to identify literary, historical and artistic sources. Identifying sources and gathering information has been in a library manner. Data analysis has been qualitative. The research hypothesis is that in almost all works there are signs to reach another story or text. Findings and results indicate that: In addition to the common features of the Qajar style of painting, these works have a strong relationship between literary, religious and political texts and intertextual relations.
Keywords: Laquer, Qajar Jllustration, Jconography, Jntertextuality.

Introduction
Lacquer painting during the Qajar era, in addition to the usual Qajar art style, also had visual and practical decorative aspects, and was a good platform for illustration. This type of painting, which was applied to various objects in the applied context, peaked during the Qajar era and then declined. The argument of this research is that the influence and interactions of cultures on each other should not be taken into account, as this transfer of data and information is exchanged across territories in different ways, resulting in the creation of artistic styles over time. It has become indigenous to every region. The present study is descriptive in terms of its fundamental purpose and nature. The issue facing the research is how to characterize the iconography of papier-mache paintings and lacquer paintings. In this period, we see the increasing influence of Western painting on Iranian painting and iconography. Incomplete western perspective principles, the use of color shades to represent the volume, and the use of a variety of angels and a variety of techniques have made artists more instrumental. Each of these techniques also has its own language and makes the theme of iconography different depending on the technique. This study first examines Laquer’s art in the Qajar era and then analyzes its methods, contexts, applications, and themes, specifically, Laquer’s imagery and its types. The purpose of this article is to identify and introduce the values of Lacquer’s works from the point of view of iconography and to study and classify the iconographic themes of the icons in the Qajar period on the artworks of the aliens. The last years of the nineteenth century saw a tendency towards an even more marked Westernization. This took two forms. Firstly, the depiction of single figures and scenes of an almost photographic realism, under the influence of imported Russian pieces made for the Persian market. But, as already mentioned, much lacquer painting of this late Qajar period takes the form of exercises in the Safavid style, There can be no doubt that many of these works in Safavid style were intended to deceive, including endless versions of Shah Ismail at the battle of Chaldiran and Nadir Shah at Karnal derived from the large murals Chehel Sutun in the Isfahan. We will also try to answer the following questions: 1. How is the Qajar period illustrated by the iconography of the Lacquer’s paintings? 2. What are the intertextual elements in the Qajar iconography on the artifacts?

Identified Traces 
In this short paper have made no attempt to present a full and coherent history of lacquer painting in the Qajar period; that would require a full-length book. I have merely tried to draw attention to some interesting points, a handful of outstanding objects, and one or two remarkable personalities. Qajar lacquer may not be great Art with a capital A, but its spirit is light-hearted, its technical brilliance is undeniable, its colors are warm and bright, and it has given, and continues to give, an immense amount of quiet pleasure both in the land of its origin and in the West. This pen-box is belongs to a group known as qalamdan-i kayani or “royal penbox”, notable for their style of decoration, with figural scenes extending to the base of the cover, and to the sides, base and sometimes to the inside of the sliding drawer as in the present lot. The basic template for the layout is common to extant examples and these pen-boxes were clearly made to order rather than as workshop pieces for the market. The figures surrounding the Shah differ from example to example and many represent known personalities. Generally, the theme of kingship dominates the exterior whilst the internal decoration consists of panels showing miracles and other episodes from the lives of Sufis. The importance of this pen-box is not only the colophon, but also the only-known self-portrait of the artist. Sayyid Muhammad was a painter of the Nasir al-Din Shah period. The top has a central cartouche depicting Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar sitting on the Peacock throne flanked by princes on the left, and ministers and court officials, ambassadors and foreign dignitaries on the right, inscription-filled cartouches above and below with a couplet in his praise. Other cartouches to either side of the Nasir al-Din Shah scene contain depictions of the courts of Persian kings mentioned in Firdousi’s Shahnama. 

Conclusion 
In many of papier-mache paintings, the widespread use of epic, religious, and literary texts has established a kind of intertextual connection. In the case Kiyani (royal) penboxes with cartouches framing audience scenes, celebrate Persian kingship by linking the ruling monarch with Iran’s great historic and legendary rulers. This example features the court of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar (r. 1848–96) at the center of the lid. Other audience scenes of Persian rulers, such as Genghis Khan and Khusrau Parviz, as well as legendary kings from the Shahnama (Book of Kings), such as Afrasiyab and Manuchihr, are each identified by inscriptions. Such penboxes were not made for the market but were often commissioned and given as presentation pieces. The image and text element are the main elements that make up this image text. The writing is often about artist signatures or in relation to the subtext that the themes play as the text. Case studies of the present study include Shahnameh, Khamseh Nezami, Mantegh- al-Tayr Attar, and Qessas- al-Anbiya as the textual paintings. In this search, it is clear that the paintings of  Laquer work, like other texts, are not independent and original, but consist of thousands of literary, religious, and political cultural texts.

Abstract
Archaeological surveys have a long history, nearly seventy years, in the Upper Khuzestan plain. Despite the abundance of prehistoric sites, the number of identified Initial Village period settlements is very limited yet. Looking at the encountering history of Initial Village period settlements shows almost all of them were discovered accidentally. Besides the problem of alluvial accumulation, which is a considerable factor, there are several other reasons that affect the visibility of low and early settlements. First of all, villages in this period were obviously small and structures were built mainly using pisé and mud bricks; so buildings were less durable compared to later periods (Early, Middle, and Late Susiana). Secondly, later occupations almost covered up the whole area of early settlements. Hundreds of later sites established in the places that was favorable for earlier settlements. Consequently, at least two main reasons we infer affecting early sites in the Upper Khuzestan Plain not to be found easily are: little attention to the dynamic character of natural alluviation and deposition in the landscape of the region and incompetent field methods. These factors have prevented us to gain a full understanding of the quantity and quality of early settlements in this region. Here, by considering two factors of topography and older flood plains, an early assessment of the concentration of such early settlements in the area between the Shur and Ojirub Rivers is achieved. Boneh Rahimeh is a site that was previously merely recognized as a prehistoric site but not an Initial Village period settlement. In the present study the site is introduced as a potential pair for the Formative and Archaic Susiana site of Chogha Bonut. 
Keywords: Initial Village Period, Upper Khuzestan Plain, Dynamic natural landscape, Boneh Rahimeh.

Introduction
Archaeological surveys by the late R. Adams in the area between the Karkheh and Karun Rivers in the Upper Khuzestan Plain revealed patterns of prehistoric settlements for the first time (Adams 1962). Almost eight years later, Frank Hole conducted a survey in the same area to re-evaluate prehistoric settlements (Hole 1968). These two surveys were conducted when the existence of early phases of prehistory in the Upper Khuzestan plain was still unrecognized. In the meantime, however, in the small plain of Deh Luran, F. Hole and his collogues had introduced Ali Kosh as an early settlement in that area (Hole et.al. 1969). 
In the third season of excavations in Chogha Mish (KS0001), Archaic Susiana pottery was discovered for the first time in trenches 21 and 25 in the deepest gully of the eastern mound of the site. In addition to Archaic Susiana pottery, Trench 25 contained a new type of architecture in which long mud bricks were used (Delougaz and Kantor 1996: 4-5), then Boneh Fazel Ali (KS0002) was identified as another Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement. Discovery of these remains at the latter site was a total chance; rodents’ activities had caused Archaic Susiana/Initial Village potteries to become visible (Kantor 1976). 
During leveling activities of low mounds to the south of Andimeshk, H. Wright found prehistoric pottery in the debris removed by bulldozers. Subsequently, F. Hole started excavations in this leveled area, where became known as Tulai/Tuleii (KS0372) (Hole 1974).
Again, similar developmental activities to the south of Dezful led to the identification of the already damaged and rather small site of Chogha Bonut (KS0109) by Chogha Mish excavation team. On the basis of evidence similar to those revealed in Chogha Mish and Boneh Fazel Ali, Kantor conducted some excavations in the site. Hence, Chogha Bonut was the fourth Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement in the Upper Khuzestan Plain (Alizadeh 2003: XXXi).
During his epidemiological studies in the Dez irrigation Pilot area, F. G. L. Gremliza (1959-1960/1) (Gremliza 1962) collected a large number of prehistoric painted potteries from archaeological sites. Thirty years later A. Alizadeh studied and published Gremliza’s collection (Alizadeh 1992). Alizadeh’s expertise in typology of Khuzestan prehistoric pottery and in particular Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period caused Gremliza’s collection to become a reliable source for comparative studies. There is some sporadic evidence among Gremliza’s survey material that points to early settlements in the area near the Shur and Ojirub Rivers (Alizadeh 1992: 93-95; 100-105, fig.36. V; fig.37. K; fig.38.I).
It is well known that a considerable amount of later cultural remains as well as sediments cover earlier prehistoric settlements in the alluvial plains such as Khuzestan. Hence naturally early small and low occupations are buried and invisible, which makes their recognition a challenging task for archaeologists. Based on geomorphic studies conducted in the Khuzestan plain, it is clear that the sedimentation regimes were not uniform in all areas at the Upper Khuzestan plain. The Ojirub River basin area in particular, where the density of prehistoric sites is higher, bears recorded traces of old alluvium while younger sediments are recorded in the surrounding areas (Map 3). 
Like Boneh Fazel Ali, rodents’ activities led the evidence of early occupations to become visible in Boneh Rahimeh (KS0040). To the southwest of the site and around rodents’ holes, a considerable number of Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period pottery was discovered (Fig. 4), while only Late Middle Susiana and Susa II pottery was visible on the surface. A bullet core – characteristic of Aceramic Neolithic in Khuzestan- was also found in the southwestern slope of the site (currently under cultivation) (Fig. 5).

Conclusion
As stated, almost all Initial Village period settlements in the Upper Khuzestan plain were discovered by chance. In addition to Chogha Mish, Boneh Fazel Ali, Chogha Bonut and Tepe Tulai/Tuleii, where archaeological excavations led to identification of Initial Village period in these sites, evidence from previous surveys and recent investigations have increased the number of Initial Village period settlements of the Upper Khuzestan plain from 5 to 11 sites.
The dynamic nature of geographical features is considered as one of the main factors in the invisibility of earlier occupations in the alluvial plain of Khuzestan. Shifts in the course of major rivers as well as their effluents have caused fluctuations in the nature and rate of sedimentation. This, in turn, has led to form different topographic features in the region. On the other hand, the environmental potential of the region has caused the growth of later occupations, which have hidden earlier phases of settlement. Hence, almost all Initial Village period occupations are buried beneath layers of sequential occupations of later periods. 
To sum up, it seems evaluating the number and character in regards early occupations in the Upper Khuzestan plain requires updated and practical field methods. If our present knowledge about the earliest phases of occupation in Khuzestan plain was so far based on accidental revealing of lower layers of settlements by bulldozers or rodents’ activities, it is now time for applying new methods such as remote sensing techniques, studying geographical landscapes and factors affecting geographical dynamics of the region as well as archaeological intensive surface surveys in order to yield impressive results about Initial Village period in the Upper Khuzestan plain.

Abstract
In 1931, The archaeological sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz were registered in the National Iranian Registry of Sites, but since then, their exact location remained unknown. According to the Cultural Heritage monuments list, the Location of all three sites are in Iraq. In this article we have attempted to find clues about the location of these three sites, according to De Morgan’s reports, satellite photographs, Historical maps and documents related to the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods of the Iran-Ottoman Border conflict. Our evaluations indicate that these three sites are located in three different locations inside modern Iraq- Iran’s political border somewhere around Ilam province. In this article, the authors try to answer these three questions: Have these sites been inside Iranian border in Qajar and Pahlavi periods? Are these three sites traceable? Could the mentioned sites be dated to the Elamite period?
Keywords: National Iranian Registry, Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye, Seba’āt-e Kahriz, Pusht-i Kuh Luristan, borderland.

Introduction
Jean-Jacques De Morgan was a French mining engineer, geologist, and archaeologist who had travelled to all across the Iranian plateau before starting excavations at Susa. During his visit to Pusht-i Kuh, De Morgan was hosted by Hussein-Gholi Khan, the governor of this region for more than a month. in Etudes geographques, he indicates to these ancient sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz (Tchahar-riz) located west and south of Pusht-i Kuh beyond the Iranian current border. André Godard, another French archaeologist was assigned to serve the new-founded Iranian Archeological Service in 1922. He was responsible for registering and restoring the national heritage monuments. The first three monuments that were recorded in Godard’s list were Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz. It seems that Godard had used De Morgan’s book to present Pusht-i Kuh monuments.

Discussion
During the last centuries, the western border of Iran has always been the matter of dispute between Iran and its neighbors. The conflicts between the Iranian and Ottoman governments began in the Safavid era. In 1850 some joint commissions were appointed to settle the border disputes and their work were underway for about 70 years. These commissions were mediated by Russian and British representatives in the region. The present borders of Iran and Iraq are the result of these commissions. During and before these commissions the nomads of the region were easily crossing the border. The Baksaye or Bagh-e Shahi area nowadays on Iraqi soil was part of the Pusht-i kuh governor’s estate. But as the Pahlavi era began, the last governor fled to Iraq and the region was permanently separated from Iran.
De Morgan only gave an explanation of his visit to the Tursaq area. He has been silent about the two districts of the Baksaye and the Tib River Basin. It seems that he has never been to these two areas. It sounds that local people or the governor himself have informed de Morgan about Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz. he may also have access to the map of the Border Commission in which these two sites have been mentioned. In the map of boundary delimitation committee all three areas of Tursaq, Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz Sabah are attested and their location are shown.

Conclusion
Some 90 years after registering of Tursaq sites (Sulaiman and Zirzir Tapa), as well as Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz sites in the of Iranian National list of Registered Sites, an opportunity presented itself to gather information on the latter using written documents, historical maps and remote sensing techniques. The Tursaq complex, which has been registered under the name of Sulaiman Tapa, is essentially two separated, yet nearby settlements. According to the illustrated report by the Iraqi Antiquities Department published in 1967, Tursaq has deposits dating to the Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, whereas according to Jacques de Morgan the sites date to the Kassite period, while the National Iranian Registry of Sites refer to the site as Elamite. As for Baksaye, de Morgan only refers to the site’s name and it is registered on the Iranian list. Based on the Iraqi Atlas of Archaeological Sites, the latter site, a cluster of several small sites in the Baksaye area next to the Iran-Iraq border in Mehran region, dates back to Old Assyrian, Kassite and Islamic times. The third site, erroneously registered on the list as Seba’āt-e Khariz is in fact Seba’āt-e Kahriz (Seven Kariz) in the north of the Maysan Province of Iraq. According to De Morgan and the Iranian list this site is Elamite, but our analyses of satellite and aerial images suggest that the site might in fact belong to Seleucid-Parthian, and perhaps Sasanian periods. 

Abstract
In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of archaeological site-formation processes can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary deposits and stratigraphy of archeological layers. This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in Kafiristan Yasen archaeological area to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area.  Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites are mainly built on hillslope erosional terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural ridge consisting of siltstone and sandstone rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural soilas well asexcavation trenches shows that two sedimentary units consisting of very coarse gravelly sediments and fine gravelly sediments in a clay-rich matrix could be distinguished in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found in the context of coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that might have deposited in a different surface morphology to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which have been deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later drainage system.
Keywords: Geoarchaeology, Geomorphology, Archeological Site, Kafiristan Yasen.

Introduction
Geoarchaeology is a rather new interdisciplinary approach that studies the past of human history using geological methods. In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of ancient records can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary content and stratigraphy of archeological layers and materials. Geology has been available to archaeologists over the past two decades as a basic tool for reconstructing ancient environments and understanding the long-term climatic and anthropogenic conditions and interactions of pre-historic human with the surrounding environments. These studies are particularly influential in understanding the Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological and geological backgrounds and materials. Geoarchaeological studies in Iran are mainly confined to Paleolithic sites and the use of geological methods such as sedimentology to describe the details of ancient records in caves and rock shelters. Geoarchaeology is an interdisciplinary discipline between geological sciences and archeology that examines the role of geological factors in the rise, continuation, and fall of ancient settlements. In this field, techniques and methods common in earth sciences such as aerial photography and satellite imagery, sampling, microscopic studies, chemical analysis, etc. are used to solve archaeological problems.On the other hand, inarchaeological geology, archaeological data are used to solve geological problems, particularly in relation to dating of Quaternary deposits, ancient seismological studies, and ancient mining. Large-scale archaeologists study most of the natural landforms and anthropogenic structures and small-scale archaeologists study the soil, natural sediments, and anthropogenic deposits. Archaeo-geology also occasionally covers other interdisciplinary studies such as ceramic petrography, archaeomineralogy, archaeometallurgy, radiometric dating, etc.

Identified Traces
This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in the area of Kafiristan Yasen archaeological site to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area. The Yasen Kafiristan archaeological site comprises a set of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 km southeast of Deylaman. According to previous studies, thechronology of sites in the area varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Therefore, the present study seeks to map the environmental conditions of the Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites in terms of geology, geomorphology and climate and to understand the relationship between environmental elements with the cultural and archaeological features of the cultural sites in the study area.Research method of this study is descriptive-analytical and field study which uses the spatial data related to the research problem to evaluate and investigate the relationship between environmental and cultural characteristics in the ancient sites of Kafiristan Yasen in southeastern Deylaman in Guilan province and to answer the research questions.Gathering information in the field surveys done with the using of observation, survey of landforms and geomorphological and geological processes in an ancient site, justification of features displayed on geological, topographic and climatic maps of the site, as well as utilization of software such as GPS and GIS.

Conclusion
The ancient site of the Kafiristan Yasen comprises a series of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 kilometers southeast of Deylaman. The approximate dating of antiquities in this area, according to previous studies, varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Yasen ancient site enclosures are mainly built on hillslope erosion terraces; the difference between the erosion of the soft layers and the hard layers is probably the main controlling factor for the formation of these hillslope terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces level. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural promontory consisting of silty and sandy rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural profiles and the wall of drill trenches shows that two sedimentary sections consist of very coarse gravelly sedimentary rocks and fine gravelly sediments in the clay-rich can be separated in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found alongside coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that may have deposited in a different hillslope profile to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later watercourse system.

Abstract
In any society, the sources of legitimacy are justified by the traditions that govern the community; the king arrives at a metaphoric royal position in ancient Iran instead of an objective physical entity, and in this transformation it is necessary to reflect the concepts rather than the body. His material is a reflection of the exemplary notions in which he stands. As one of the exemplars of the concept of “divine religion”, a discourse is formed around the king’s body, in which there is a kind of superiority for increasing power and legitimacy. The questions of this study are: How does the material body in power relations become a body that is believable to the people? How did the discourse of the king’s ideal body reflect on the literature and art of that period? The main question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king distinct and superior to the ideal body and legitimacy of power. For this reason, in this article, various aspects of the Achaemenid king’s body functions are examined and analyzed, and how the process of shah’s body shaping discourse is shaped and deepened into a type of attitude toward legitimacy is gained. The purpose of this study is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid king’s body in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, reflected in a series of symbolic functions in the Achaemenid idealist body. The findings and results show that all of these collections are indications that the triple concepts of King Farahmand’s body, warrior and blessings have been enhanced in the interest of power.
Keywords: Ideal Body, Active Behaviors, Legitimacy, Mythology, Achaemenid King.

Introduction
After the establishment, the political ruler has always sought to gain legitimacy by reducing direct influence to maintain the state by making changes in the state discourse indirectly and by deceptive and subtle signs. The government disguises itself in various guises to show the subtle domination of power. In ancient Iran, the king was the most faultless person and representative of the gods on earth, and a creature full of divine powers. In this transformation it was necessary for his objective body to reflect the concepts of the ideal King’s example in order to obtain the necessary legitimacy. Applying the concepts of legitimacy, especially the importance of the Divine Faith as the focal point of ideal King, forms a discourse around the king’s body, in which a kind of material superiority with supranational functions is promoted to enhance power and legitimacy. Transcendental functions of the body, relying on pre-existing knowledge, place the king’s power above the legitimate others.
Evidence of this is seen in narrations and stories as one of the bases of power since they incorporate elements of power within the symbolic relationship. The key question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king different and superior to the ideal in terms of power, which is also believed by the people. The results show that the representation of the Achaemenid King’s body was shaped around a king’s body based on a mythological knowledge in the form of a set of propositions, narratives, stories, and pictures as interactive functions. All of these collections are illustrations that incorporate the triple concepts of the function of the king’s supernatural body in the form of a wise king, a warrior, and a blessing for the purposes of power discourse.
Research Objectives and Necessity: The purpose of this research is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid King in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources.
Research Questions and Assumptions: 1- How does the king’s body become a supernatural and exemplary body in relation to power? 2- How has the discourse of the king’s ideal body been reflected in literature and art? 
The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, dominated a series of symbolic functions to gain legitimacy in the Achaemenid body has been reflected.

Mythological Insights and Knowledge
The legitimacy of an affair emerges when its propositional side is the same as the belief in the propositions of knowledge; this insight provides the legitimacy necessary for legislation. Insight enables one to create a form of expressive, prescriptive, and meticulous speech that is appropriate. The characteristic of this insight is to generate enormous volumes of empowering actions embodied within the subject. One of the most important areas for expanding insight is narrative. The narrative format is used to develop insight discourse. The narrative transmission of insights in the form of folk tales allows the community to interpret the criteria of its power. The narrative has authority, and all morality and legitimacy lie within the narrative. Power-oriented insight is shaped by taking advantage of existing insights or making changes to that set of speech to fit its needs. The king in the Achaemenid era is a mythological vision; in the mythical vision every action is a repetition of practice that has been modeled once and for all since the beginning of myths.

Conclusion
According to the propositions expressed in historical texts, it can be said that each one’s message seeks to induce a single message, which is the authority and legitimacy of the ideal king with metamaterial bodily functions. These statements are not intended to express the true character, but to explain the king’s personality as a sample of the behavior of a specimen of good and apt creation, and represent the king’s attempt to display a godly representation of his personality. His attributes are manifested by the characteristics of the gods and their earthly repetition. Most of the King’s similarity is focused on his position as the authentic seal and supplier of the covenant with Ahuramazda. Farah was a divine and Ahuraic force that shows one’s ability and invincibility. Having a king in Iran required race, archery, equestrian, physical strength, divine power, immortality, and so forth. Applying these concepts around the material body throughout life, the accompanying behavioral, locating, and scheduling behaviors accompany the metamorphosis of the king’s body. The king’s physical ability and skill in archery and hunting is due to the divine power bestowed on him. The king has a heavenly routed birth. His divine election, even when he was a child, is under the protection of the heavenly forces.  In the meantime, he has transformed himself into the king until he attains the role of mediator in the continuation of the cosmic order of the army and by placing his body in courtly relations such as coronation and symbolic deeds. All of this emphasizes the heavenly glory and divinity of the ideal king. The functional functions of the physical body of the king in various spatial and temporal positions have been used as an intangible tool of power in order to show different effects of the king’s distinction and legitimacy. In essence, the constant propaganda of power and knowledge to prove the legitimacy of government and the repetition of coherent propositions in a series of historical narratives and narratives has made the discourse of the body, with its particular formulations, a self-evident truth.

Abstract
The bronze coins of Antiochus III that are dated to the time of his great expedition to the East come from a mint in Ecbatana. The obverse depicts the diademed head of the king, whereas the reverse shows a grazing horse or a mare with a foal. Both motifs were absent from Seleucid coinage, but direct analogies can be found in Achaemenid seals. By placing these motifs on his coins, Antiochus III was likely attempting to portray himself as the rightful king of Iran. 
Keywords: Antiochus III, Coins, Horse Motives, Grazing Horse and a Mare, Iran, Greece. 

The coinage of Antiochus III, the Great (223-187 BC) featured various kinds of the horse motif. Whereas some depictions portrayed the king as a charging cavalryman with a spear,II others presented horses by themselves. The obverse of the bronze coins minted in Ecbatana show the diademed head of the king. The reverse depicts a grazing horse with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1264-1967; Newell, 1938: 213-214, cat. no. 618-621, Pl. XLVI, 13-18). The same mint produced bronze coins with an identical obverse and a different depiction on the reverse, although with the same legend. The reverse features a mare with a foal (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1268-1971; Mørkholm, 2001: 118, Pl. XXIV, 367; Newell, 1938: 214, Pl. XLVII, 1-8) (Fig. 1). The horses on the reverses seem to be naturally connected with the place where the coins where minted; Ecbatana, the capital of Media.III The presence of these animals on Antiochus III’s coins is currently interpreted as a reference to the role the Median cavalry played in the royal army. It is difficult, however, to directly link these depictions with battle.  
In accordance with T.E. Newell’s classification (Newell 1918: 6-10), the way Antiochus III’s head is depicted on the aforementioned coins with a grazing horse belongs to the B type, which is analogous to the coins that present the king as a rider. On the coins with a mare and a foal, the face of Antiochus seems to be younger; it should therefore be concluded that they were most likely struck earlier. However, taking their theme, the depiction of horses, into account along with the fact that the coins were struck at the same mint in Ecbatana, it is assumed that they were issued roughly at the same time (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462). The B-type coin is likely from the time period of ca. 211-209/8 BC (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 358-359) or 209/8-207/6 BC (Newell 1938: 216).
While acknowledging the above-mentioned differences, it seems that the issues featuring horses on the reverses should be associated with Antiochus III’s expedition to the East in 212-205 BC,IV which was also indicated by the place of their minting. Media directly bordered the country of the Arsacids and constituted a significant point during Antiochus III’s expedition. The king was in Ecbatana in 211-210 BC, which was memorialized on bronze coins struck at uncertain mint 73, a military mint associated with Ecbatana. The coins, dated to 210 BC, depicted the diademed head of the king on the obverse and an elephant with a mahout and a tripod (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 463-464 cat. no. 1272-1274; Newell, 1938: 220-221, cat. no. 632-637, Pl. XLVIII, 6-11.), or an elephant with an anchor, on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 464 cat. no. 1275-1277; Newell, 1938: 224-225, cat. no. 648-651, 654, Pl. XLIX, 4-6). The depictions of the king’s face on those issues are also recognized as B-type, which suggests that coins with various types of horse images can be dated to a similar time. 
It seems by all means plausible that the horse motif has an association with Media. In ancient times, this country was renowned for its excellent cavalry (Bar-Kochva, 1976: 44) and famed Nisean horses.V Horses played a tremendous role in the culture of Iran (Schmitt 2002). Achaemenid seals have been found to depict a grazing horse (de Clercq 1903: 38, Pl. VII, 102 bis) and a mare with a foal (Tuplin, 2010: 105) similar to the ones on Antiochus III’s coins. The motif of a grazing horse was earlier featured on Seleucus II’s bronze coins from Antioch (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, cat. no. 710; Newell 1941: 168, cat. no. 1163-1166, Pl. XXXVI, 4-8), from where it was most likely borrowed by Antiochus III. Equivalents of this motif as well can be found on Achaemenid seals. A mare and a foal in Seleucid coinage cannot be found in the existing sources, it has to be assumed that this was not a coincidence, but a conscious reference to Achaemenid iconography. 
The objective of Antiochus III’s expedition to the East was the restoration of Seleucid rule over the provinces that had been separated from the empire during the reign of his father, Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226 BC). The successful rebellions of Adragoras the satrap of Parthia (Iust. 41.4.7; Bickerman, 1983: 19; Wolski, 1969b; 1975) and Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria (Iust. 41.4.5; Strab. 11.11.1; Wolski, 1960; 1969a; 1982), together with the Parni invasion under Arsaces I’s command (Iust. 41.4.7; Trog. Prol. 41; Strab. 11.9.2), led to a considerable reduction of the Seleucid territory in the East. The emergence of the countries of the Arsacids and Diodotids significantly weakened the dynasty’s authority and demonstrated that not only the Seleucids were able to rule in the East. This was also vivid proof of the empire’s helplessness, which could encourage other rebellions,- as was indicated by the example of Molon, the satrap of Media and the governor of the Upper SatrapiesVI.
By placing Iranian motifs known from the Achaemenid period on his coins, Antiochus was able to portray himself as the only king of Iran, as opposed to the Parni invaders or Greco-Bactrian usurpers. Neither of the motifs (the grazing horse and the mare with a foal) had military connotations, and their peaceful nature could additionally emphasize the rightfulness of Antiochus III’s rule. From the Achaemenid period came the depictions of a mare with a foal together with a winged disc (Collon, 1987: cat. no 923), which might suggest that this motif had religious connotations. Considering the significance of the horse in Iranian religion, such connotations should not be deemed strange (Briant, 2002: 248-252; Simons, 1994: 170;  Shahbazi, 1987). The accounts of Herodotus (Hdt. 7.40.4), Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.. 8.3.12), and Quintus Curtius Rufus (Curt. An. 3.3.11) suggest the horse was connected with Ahura Mazda, who they referred to as Zeus/Jupiter (Boyc,e 1984; Hoover, 1996: 48; Lorber & Iossif, 2009: 32l; Sherwin-White & Kuhrt, 1993: 76; Olbrycht, 2016: 100). The Avesta described both Tishtrya (Yt. 8.18) and Verethragna (Yt. 14.9) as a white horse, which seems to indicate that the horse was not so much linked to a specific deity but rather represented the idea of the divine. Mare’s milk was used in religious rituals, such as the initiation of Achaemenid kings (Lewis & Llewellyn-Jones 2018: 133). If we are to accept the religious significance of the horse depictions on Antiochus III’s coins, the horse should be construed as a sign of divine support for the Seleucid ruler, which was an important from the perspective of the iconography of power. In fact, Antiochus’ coins had carried references to local cults in the pas as well.VII Reviving old motifs was an important move from the perspective of the iconography of power
Seleucid coinage also featured depictions of horned horses, including the horned horse heads known from the coins of Seleucus  I’VIII and Antiochus IIX Their meaning is interpreted in the context of military strength (Erickson, 2019: 138), although the presence of horns, a symbol of divinity in the Middle East (Erickson, 2013: 124; Troncoso, 2014: 61-62, Svenson, 1995: 40) that, the Seleucids most likely borrowed from Babylon (Anagnostou-Laoutides, 2012: 3-5; 2017: 155-156; Hoover, 1996: 28-29.), suggests that horses had a religious significance. It cannot be excluded that the horned horse symbolized the legitimacy and rightfulness of royal power (Hoover, 1996: 97; Troncoso, 2014: 64).
A horse head, though without horns, is present on Antiochus III’s bronze coin from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The coin, minted after Molon’s rebellion, features the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. Its obverse depicts a young male bust facing three-quarters right in an elephant headdress. The bust is identified with Alexander the Great, although it is also thought to be an idealized depiction of Antiochus III (Houghton & Lorber 2002: 444 cat. no. 1182; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  412A, Pl. XXI, 18; Le Rider, 1965: 25, cat.no. 27, Pl. i, 12). The horse head from the reverse, although it does not feature horns, seems to refer to the coins of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The male bust in an elephant headdress, a symbol or royal power (Troncoso, 2013: 256), has a direct analogy in the coinage of the first Seleucid king, who borrowed this motif from the coins of Ptolemy I (323-283 BC) (Dahmen, 2007: 15, Erickson, 2011: 111; Hadley, 1974: 53).X In his coinage, Antiochus III often used older motifs, which was a conscious reference to the period of the empire’s greatness. The most famous example is the restoration of Apollo with a bow seated on an omphalos in place of the figure of standing Apollo, which had been put on coins by Seleucus II (Erickson, 2009: 195 2019: 125-126). Such a restoration was an obvious reference to the times before the crisis of the monarchy and the loss of provinces in the East.

Conclusion
Antiochus III strove to portray himself as the one rightful ruler of the empire. In the face of rebellions and usurpation not only in the East, but also in the West (Achaeus’ rebellion), the actions he undertook stopped the country’s decomposition and restored the dynasty’s authority. In the East, the king attempted to consistently subdue independent countries, through actions such as fighting a war against Media Atropatene after his victory over Molon or making an expedition to Armenia, which began his great eastern expedition. His goal was to eliminate each center of power that could rival the Seleucids in the East and restore the borders to their status from before the period of his father’s reign. Whether Antiochus III was able to carry out those plans is another issue,XI but they offer context that makes it is easier to interpret the presence of the motifs of a grazing horse and a mare with a foal on his coins from Ecbatana. By using these motifs, Antiochus III made a reference to the Iranian tradition, which enabled him to present himself as the rightful ruler of all of Iran. It cannot be excluded that horses symbolized the divine legitimization of royal power. The sole image of these animals, which were so important in Iranian culture, constituted a clear sign that emphasized the king’s connection with Iran, as well as with the provinces that were separated from the empire and ruled by foreign dynasties. 

Endnote
I. The present article was financed by the National Science Centre in Poland (FUGA 5 scholarship program me, UMO-2016/20/S/HS3/00079). 
II. Bronze coins that feature the king as a rider with a spear come from Ecbatana (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 461, cat. no. 1259-1963). An analogous image is present on the bronze coins of Seleucus II from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (Erickson 2019: 136-138, Fig. 3.11-12; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, 274-275, cat. no. 709, 767-768; Newell 1941: 167, cat. no. 1162, Pl. XXXVI, 1-2). This motif, in the form of a horned rider on a horned horse featured on the drachmas, hemidrachms and tetradrachms struck in Ecbatana, also appeared in the Seleucid coinage of Seleucus I Nicator (Erickson 2019: 43-46, Fig. 1.8; Houghton & Steward, 1999: Pl. P.5.1, 1A; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: cat. no. 203; Newell, 1938: cat. no. 481, Pl. XXXVI, 9, 10). 
III. In his description of Media, Polybius highlighted its unique location in the center of Asia, as well as the country’s wealth and military significance. According to him, there were many cities and villages in Media, and Ecbatana itself was surrounded by Greek cities (Plb 5.44; 10.27.1-3). When describing Media, Strabo mentions the earthquakes that were to destroy numerous cities and two thousand villages (Strab. 11.9.1). Even if those figures are exaggerated, this account indicates the wealth of the country. When Strabo moves on to describe the country under the Parthian dominion, he mentions multiple Greek cities founded by the Macedonians, which demonstrates the degree of Media’s urbanization (Strab. 11.13.6). Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was an important administrative center during the Seleucid period (Aperghis, 2004: 42).
IV. Antiochus III took over Armenia in the first place (Plb. 8.23.1-5, but his real target was the country of the Parni (Plb. 10.28-31), and Bactrian Greeks Plb 10.49; 11.34) . For Antiochus III’s eastern anabasis, see Grainger, 2015: 55-79; Kuhrt & Sherwin-White, 1993: 190-200; Lerner, 1999: 45-62; Wolski, 1996: 87-88; 1999, 75-78
V. The most famous horses of antiquity were named after the Nisaean plain in Media (Azzaroli, 1985: 89; Herzfeld, 1968: 8; Schmitt, 2002). In the New Assyrian Period, these horses were part of the tribute the Medes had to pay to the Assyrians (Shabani, 2005: 8). Herodotus wrote about Nisean horses taking note of their presence in the army of Xerxes I during the period of war against Greece (Hdt. 3.106.2; 7.40. 2-4). According to Strabo, these horses were used by the Persian kings (Strab.11.13.7; 11.14.9). When describing the parade of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daphne, Syria, Polybius lists Νισαῖοι as one of the horse units present (Plb. 30.25.6). The name, which clearly refers to Nisean horses, suggests that the unit was comprised of Iranian riders who came from Media (Sekunda, 1994: 22). According to another interpretation, they may not have been from Media, but were armed in a similar manner as the Medes (Bar-Kochva, 1979: 74). 
VI. The causes and course of Molon’s rebellion were described by Polybius (Plb 5.43-54).
VII. In order to memorialize his victory over Molon, Antiochus III struck coins at Susa featuring a female head in an elephant headdress on the obverse and the goddess Artemis with a bow on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 454 cat. no. 1224-1225; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  410-411). Nanaia from Susa and Anahita from Iran, who were identified with Artemis during the Hellenistic period, were probably also portrayed as the Greek goddess (de Jong, 1997: 273; Martinez-Sève, 2015; Le Rider, 1965: 293-296; Tarn, 1966: 69). The image of the goddess can be interpreted as an expression of the local deities’ support for Antiochus, similarly to an analogous image known from a coin of Seleucus II that wad also struck in Susa (Iossif & Lorber, 2009 109).
VIII. The image of a horned horse head is known from the obverse of silver tetradrachms that feature an elephant and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ on the obverse were struck at Pergamon (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 1.2.) and an uncertain mint likely located y in Asia Minor (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 2). A half of a horned horse appears on coins minted in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 474, add. 16, 18).
IX. A Syrian mint in Europos (Dura) struck bronze coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and a bow on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 115, 136-137, cat. no. 367-368; Newell, 1941: 80, cat. 882-883, Pl. XIII 9-10). In Bactria (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 161, cat. no. 469, 471; Wright, 2010: 117-118, Fig. 67) and in Carrhae (Newell, 1941: 47-48, cat. no. 784-787), coins were struck with a horned horse head on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ as well as the head of Seleucus I in a horned diadem. An identical set of images is featured on the coins from Sardes (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 124, cat. no. 322; Wright 2010: 117, Fig. 66) and, Europos (Dura) (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 136-137, cat. no. 363, Newell, 1941: 79, cat. no. 878-879), but with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. From Aï Khanoum (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 151-153, cat. no. 426-434) and an uncertain mint also located in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton, Lorber 2002: 475, add. 21) came coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ with the head of Antiochus I in a hornless diadem on the obverse.
X. For information on the motif of Alexander in an elephant headdress with ram horns in Lagid coinage see: Dahmen, 2007: 42; Mørkholm, 2001: 63-64; Meeus, 2009: 248.
XI. J. Wolski, when indicating the actual failure of Antiochus III’s expedition, referred to his activities in India and comeback to Seleucia through southern Iran as “a military parade”; in fact, Antiochus did not manage to dismantle the country of the Parni or the Bactrian Greeks (Wolski, 1999, 78).

Abstract
In the classical society of the Sassanid era, the clerical class was one of the most important pillars of the community. It had influence, credibility and popularity, and represented an important and influential institution from the lowest to the highest levels of society. This important institution is however not well-known and many uncertainties remain about it. One of these ambiguities is the inner structure of this class, which is still almost unknown. Due to the vagueness of the information coming from various sources other than a few titles, there is almost no precise data about its hierachy. Due to the great importance of this class, a proper understanding of the Sassanid era would not be possible without a proper understanding of the clergy class. This is the topic of the present paper, mainly based on literary material. It could notably be proven that the Zoroastrian clergy of the Sassanid period can be divided into two general groups in terms of the presence or absence of governmental professions and official titles. It is not possible to determine the upper ranks of this class, such as Rad, Dastour or Mowbed, while the head of the clergy class (as the Mowbedān-Mowbed) was a member of the class known as the Sassanid privileged ones (Vozorgan).
Keywords: Zoroastrian Clergy, Sassanid Era, Structure and Hierarchy of the Zoroastrian Clergy.

Introduction
It is difficult to reconstruct the internal structure of the institution of Zoroastrianism. It is due to two fundamental factors: first, the length of the Sassanid era and the dynamics of the society that inevitably led to profound changes and transformations in various institutions during these 430-year periods.  and the second the final prophecy What happened during this time was long after the collapse of this dynasty, which was modified by the same institution in accordance with the goals and purposes of this institution and in accordance with the conditions of the time.  Thus the texts further complicate matters rather than the help solving the problems. For example, in the Sad Dar Nasr is written: “In the case of sin, one should try to repent to the Hirbads and the Dasturs and the Rads.” In this phrase, three important cleric titles or positions are mentioned without any precision concerning their precise attribution (Sad Dar Nasr, Dar-e 45). It is probably explained because the main target audience of these books were familiar with these definitions and titles, and that the authors of the texts did feel consequently the need to explain them clearly. So what is the meaning of the titles used by clerics during the Sassanid period? How did this social class evolve? Almost all scholars who worked on the Sassanid period inevitably dealt with Zoroastrianism, and consequently the institution of the clergy (Christensen, 1368. Frye, 1382. Shaked, 1384. Zarinkob, 1388. De Yong, 1390. Daryaee, 1383. Shaki, 2011. Miri. 2013 &...).

Discussion
Daryaee segregated the Sassanid clergy class “in terms of their rank and duty”, including “Mowbeds, Hirbbads, Dasturs, Dadvars, and Rads”, which meant: the senior clergy, the Fire Worshiper clerics, specialist theologians or jurists, judges and scholar clerics “ (Daryaee, 1392B: 144). It is further shown in this study that it is not possible to deal with the internal division of this class clearly. For example, while Manouchehr, the author of the letters of Manouchehr, introduced himself in his letters as the Rad of Pars and Kerman, at the beginning of his third letter to all Behdinān, he called himself the Hirbad-e Khodāy. On the other hand, some of the categories are sometimes mentioned for a specific task, so it becomes very difficult to determine exactly what each of these positions was. In the Ravayat-e Azarfranbag-e Faroxzadan, in response to the question, “If all members of a family are to be Behdin except one woman, can she become the Padehah Zan?” it is said: “Rads, Mowbeds and Dasturan have to choose a guardian for her.” There are many similar cases in Sassanid texts which make it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions in this regard. Unfortunately, seals are not really helpful as Gyselen points out: “It should be noted that glyptic does not offer anything other than a very few titles or whether the lack of findings was because some authorities needed Have they not used the seal? Or the cause of something else is unclear “(Gyselen, 1995: 123). Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts. The first deals with the official titles and ranks of the Zoroastrian clergy and the second part deals with the informal titles.

Conclusion
- Some clerical titles correspond to official titles, employed in government offices or bureaucracies, while most of clerics were not State employed and devoted themselves solely to religious activities.
- There were clerics who had no position in the clerical hierarchy and were usually referred as clergymen with specific characteristics, such as the title of Zartoshtom, which was probably something like a polar and a disciple.
- Although it is possible to imagine Rads, Dasturs and Mowbeds in the top ranks of the clergy, it is not possible to determine precisely the position of each of these titles in the hierarchy and their priority.
- The clergy class, like other classes of Sassanid society, had a leader whose title varied in different eras. The title Mowbedān-Mowbed is only attested since the middle of this period and probably did not exist in the early Sassanid era. It is still unclear what was the title or name of the head of this class at that time.
- It seems incorrect to distinguish the titles of Mowbed and Mog (Magi), and to place them in two separate degrees in the Zoroastrian hierarchy, at least until the mid-Sassanid era. They have the same linguistic meaning. Of course, in the later periods, and given the dynamics of Sassanid society, a distinction may be drawn between these titles, in which Mowbed took precedence over Magi.

Abstract
The Fars province is one of the most important areas in Iran in term of pre-history archeological studies. This region has good natural talent due to its diverse environmental infrastructures. During the Samnard’s archaeological exploration in the year of 1972 AD, according to the identification of polished red plain pottery in several sites of the Marvdasht plain and excavation of the Tel Bakun in layer 5A, an important period was identified in the Fars chronological sequence which called the Lapui period. Over the past few decades, due to limited recognition of the material-cultural characteristics of the Lapui period and the short duration of cultural continuity (3900-3400 BC), uncertainties such as the precise beginning and end of this period, livelihoods, socio-cultural mechanisms, specialized production and economic remains. The variety of cultural materials obtained has consisted of several layers of settlement, architectural structures, pottery, handicrafts and stone utensils, animal figurines, materials related to administrative and administrative techniques, ornamental and miscellaneous objects that have been studied and evaluated. The present study is related to the study of cultural and settlement materials obtained from the excavation of Lapui mound and its conclusion is a confirmation of the cultural-settling continuation of the 4th millennium BC and the Lapui period in Marvdasht plain which in this research has been addressed.
Keywords: Fars Province, Marvdasht Plain, Lapui Period, Excavation of Lapui Mound.

Introduction
The Kor and Syvand rivers are the important rivers in the Marvdasht plain that have been effective in establishment of settlements and sustaining of them. There are numerous mid- mountain plains along the course of these permanent rivers, the most important of which is the Bayza and Marvdasht plains. The beginning of archaeological activities and sequence identification of the Fars chronology is based more on the sounds of the Louis Vandenberg (Vandenberg, 1952: 54-75). The Lapui period is one of the most important phases of the pre-history chronology of this region and south of the Iranian plateau. This period was named by the characteristic pottery of layer A5 of Tal Bakun and derives from the name of the Lapui Village in the Zarghan area and was recorded in the Fars chronology. The cultural horizon of this period dates from about 3900 to 3400 BC and fills the gap between the cultures of the Bakun and Bansh.
Necessity and Purposes of Research: The importance and necessity of excavation of the Lapui Mound is actually the accumulation of cultural data within the archaeological deposits that have led to an understanding of objective relationship of the material and layers with each other, and so far this has not happened in the excavations of this cultural period in the Marvdasht plain. The main objectives of this study are to clear up the ambiguities mentioned above in the Lapui Period and to determine its cultural sequence in chronology of the South Zagros and Fars cultures in Marvdasht plain.
Research Question and Hypothesis: The most important question in this research is to study and analyze the cultural and settlement data which obtained from excavation of mound, in order to explain the 4th millennium BC of the Fars. To explain such a journey, the hypothesis of the achievements of excavation of this site can be stated that the diversity of cultural materials found in the various sections of architecture and the various cultural materials is categorical and noteworthy in some respects, identical and close to other similar cultural sites and some are unique.
Research Methodology: In this study, we tried to utilize the results of field research of Lapui Mound and comparative library studies. The most important method of data analysis in this research is based on statistical methods with comparison and analysis. By excavation of the site, significant quantities of cultural material have been obtained. Therefore, the identification of Lapui period and cultural features of this period on the Lapui Mound in the 4th millennium BC, based on the study and analysis of cultural data through field studies, documentary and interdisciplinary studies begin and has been dealt with.

Geographical Location of Lapui Mound
The Lapui Mound is located 3 kilometers south of the Kor River. Its height is about 2 meters, 140 meters’ length and 130 meters wide which cover an area of about 1.2 hectares. The mound is located 1573 meters above sea level (Abdi, 2016).

The excavated trenches in the Lapui Mound
The excavation focused on two trenches, T-1 in the middle of the mound toward to southwestern part of the mound and T.2 in the central part of the mound.

Material and Cultural Data from Excavation of Lapui Mound
During the excavation of Lapui Mound, a total of 6249 pieces of pottery with a total weight of 80.497 kg were obtained. According to the studies, the stone as raw material obtained in the excavation of Lapui Mound with a variety of heated stones, small stone decorative containers, artifacts and stone tools are mentioned.
Findings and evidence of politico-administrative and economic documents such as seals, seal impress, counting tokens, seal the container door and pieces of baked mud have been found in the settlement layers of the Lapui mound.
In all from excavation of the Lapui Monud from Trench 1 in layers 04, 05 and 06, five pieces of intact shale in type of bivalve and fragments of average length 6.5 cm (largest) and 3 cm (smallest), width 4.2 cm (largest) and 1.7 cm (smallest) obtained.

Conclusion
The most important achievement of excavation of the Lapui mound is the identification of archaeological deposits in the site that have been identified and classified into 20 layers and the settlement phases associated with that have been identified in the trenches and stratigraphic sound up to virgin soil. Cultural - material remains obtained from the excavated layers of the Lapui mound along with coherent architecture and variety of identified functions, including workshop, kitchen, residential, and uninterrupted settlement sequences identified in stratigraphy, as an integral part of studies Lapui mound has been great importance in the cultural explanation of the 4th millennium BC and the Lapui period of Fars. The variety of types of structures in the layers reflects the type of temporary settlement with a permanent architectural style, with a coherent and intensive architecture in the site. According to the studies, all the layers and cultural materials belonged to the Lapui period, which dates back to the 4th millennium BC. The results of study and analysis of the little cultural material obtained of Lapui mound indicate the presence of inhabitants of this site during the 4th millennium BC and coincide with the late Bakun period (new Bakun) and the beginning of the Lapui period until the middle of this period clearly and possibly later.

Abstract
Khoy Plain has attracted various tribes in terms of geographical conditions and suitable environmental capacities over the course of thousands of years, and has been the basis for establishing human settlements in different periods. The pattern of dispersion of the areas identified in this mid-range plain in the Bronze Age reveals the emergence and existence of a large center called “Dozdqi”, which in this period becomes a very important center. Dozdaqi with a height of 1200 meters above sea level is an area with more than 16 hectares and 24 meters above the surface of the surrounding area, the highest prehistoric area of the plain, which is located along the permanent river of Ghodvokh Boghan and the springs and wetlands. The existence of a salt mine as an export commodity in this area, as well as obsidian artefacts (imported goods) in 7 different colors. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center Of the 16 hectares.The existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age pottery sherds were collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.
Keywords: Dozdaqi Khoy, Bronze Age, Pottery.

Introduction
The late fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, one of the most important milestones not only in Iranian history, but also in the history of the Near East. This period coincides with major events such as the formation of the first city government, the beginning of urbanization and the expansion of its line.
The ancient Bronze Age in the northwest is part of a widespread culture called the Culture of Kura-Aras (Rezalou and Zaban Band, 2016: 17) or Yaniq’s Culture (Burney and Lang, 1971: 44, Dayson, 1973: 686-7) Is known. n this regard, Dozdaqi  Khoy with an area of more than 16 hectares of the largest settlements in the north of Lake Urmia is related to the Bronze Age, which has cultural works of the Neolithic, Copper, Bronze and Iron Age periods. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center center Of the 16 hectares, he said that the existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. Therefore, attention to the above-mentioned cases, as well as the study of the status of the Dozdaqi area in the Bronze Age, is one of the most important goals of this research in terms of the presence of cultural materials related to the three old, middle and new bronze periods on the site. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age clay collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.

The Dozdaqi Khoy Area
The Dozdaqi area consists of two parts of the east (Dozdaqi area) and the western one (Hill Dozdaqi) separated by a sandy road (Picture 1). This ancient site is located 1.5 kilometers southwest of Khoy city, in the central part and 1 kilometer north of the Amirbiq village, in longitude N: 38.31 23, and latitude E: 44.5514 with an average elevation of 1200 meters The water level is formed in the middle of a mid-range plain and the fertile part of the plain on the eastern side of the Qodwokh Boghan River.
 The most important bio-properties of the Dozdaqi field are as follows: the area of the fertile and cultivated land, the amount of precipitation, the appropriate height, access road, the presence of pastures and suitable vegetation available around the site, fuel resources, abundant water resources and most importantly, there was a salt mine in the east of the area. This ancient work has brought the most important potential and conditions of economic exploitation based on agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and cultural exchanges (salt, rock quarrying, etc.) with neighboring areas.

Typology of the Bronze Age Crystal Enclosures
In this paper, 20 pieces of samples of pottery sherd that were collected during the speculation of the field and area of 1395 from the surface of the site were studied and typified (Plan 1 and Table 1). The color of the pottery is varied, and in this regard, the pottery of the collection can be divided into three groups: brown dumplings, gray dwarfs, red pottery, besides in one color case Black beetle. In making most of the samples, the binder is used in the mineral and the surfaces of the clay are smooth and smooth. On two levels, most of the pottery is covered with thick or thin flowers to peppery, light brown, cream and red. There is also a wheel maker in the collection of handmade pottery. The temperature required to bake most of the pottery has been sufficient. The specimen of the Bronze Age is a hot dip galore comparable to the clay samples obtained from the hills of Yannick (Burney, 1961), Burton-Brown Hill (1948), Haftevan (Burney, 1973), Gijler (Pecorlla,and Salvini, 1984), Cole Tape (Abedi, 2011), the Kohneh Tappeh Cy (Zalaghi and Akhalari, 2007) the Kohneh Pasgah (Akhalari 2008) and the Barouj Tappeh (Alizadeh and Azarnoush, 2002).

Conclusion
The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and prosperity of this site has been in the era of urbanization and urbanization, and it seems that during this period, and for the first time in the plain, there could be a center with an area of more than 16 hectares said that the existence of such a center in the Khoi Plain is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade.

Abstract
Western Iran during the first millennium had been fraught with significant incidents in the Assyrian and the Urartian era. In this historical period, the Mannaean local government had been frequently invaded by the Assyrian and the Urartian. Therefore, these invasions and the need to defend the country and its national structures had obliged the Mannaean government to construct strongholds so as to prevent plunder and destruction. Apparently it is the time a structure is built on Ziviyeh hill which is known to be a castle by researchers. In the present study, according to the major structure of the building and the tombs around this site, Ziviyeh is suggested to be an important temple. Paying careful attention to this structure and the excavated areas around the Ziviyeh hill, it is claimed that at that time, besides constructing castles, Mannaean government used to build some buildings for undertaking specific rituals. This must be noted that religious rituals had always been of considerable importance for the governments. The major question is: lf the structure discovered in Ziviyeh is not a castle, what had been used for? Explaining this, the authors have tried to hypothesize that the probable use of the Ziviyeh structure had been religious and ritualistic circa 7^th to 9^th century B.C. in the Western Iran. This study having an analytical-historical approach, using field studies and library data, tries to introduce the structure and study data and their co-relations.
Keywords: First Millennium, Mannaean, Castle, Worship, Ziviyeh.

Introduction
In 7^th to 9^th centuries B.C the Mannaean, an independent Iranian government, was located in the West of Iran. It was on the way of bordering governments of the Assyrian and Urartian and therefore it was invaded frequently. These invasions caused the Mannaeans, similar to other governments, to start constructing castles and strongholds in order to survive these attacks, as well as other constructions such as temples. Due to their locations on the way of invading governments they constructed these temples on highlands to prevent plunder age. One of these temples is located in Ziviyeh on high hills. So far, this structure has been considered to be a castle by researchers. Based on new researches, considering the structure of the enclosure, its location on the hilltop and the variety of cemeteries surrounding it, this study is an attempt to suggest that the structure is a temple.

Problem Statement
 The ancient hill of Ziviyeh has been introduced as a castle for seven decades. The important point is the believability of this structure functioning as a castle. Researchers may have considered it to be a castle because it was located on the way of invading bordering governments or because it was on the hilltop. This study tries to suggest another probability; regarding the centrality of the Ziviyeh structure and close studying of the surrounding sites within a particular radius of 10 kilometers with due regard to the excavated cemeteries surrounding the hill, the structure is probably a religious temple. 
  
Goals and Objectives
The Mannaeans were frequently invaded by neighboring governments which like other governments it resulted in construction of strongholds. Constructing other structures such as temples alongside governmental castles was a governmental obligation. Regarding the remaining of its structures and various golden artifacts found there, Ziviyeh hill’s structure has more characteristics of a temple than those of a castle. If we could prove that Ziviyeh’s structure was a temple, we might be able to change the attitudes and the approaches of Iranian archeological investigations on religious beliefs of those people.
    
Methodology
Historical descriptive-analytical approach has been used for this study; and by using field and library studies the structure and its function are introduced and the data has been analyzed and its relations to the structure has been discussed.  

Argument
The Ziviyeh structure is built on an uneven area which its natural slope rocks helped its architects. The remains consist of a stone stairway entrance surrounded by pillars, chambers, warehouses, a pillared hall, stone benches, and a paved yard. The achieved divisions can be categorically compared with those of Nush-i jan. With due regard to lack of any battlements being found, primarily we may deduce that it has only an adoptive structural likeness of a castle. It has to be mentioned that one of the most important characteristics of a castle is the existence of battlements, which is absent in Ziviyeh structure.   
In case of considering Ziviyeh a temple, regarding where it is located on highlands, it should have been an important temple in Mannaean era. The entrance stairway has three pillars which are redundant in a military castle because they have decorative purpose. Moreover, the existence of numerous chambers used to store grains and provisions, also could have been places to store gifts presented to the temple by people. The existence of a pillared hall is another redundant element in a castle because a castle is a military structure which is invaded frequently and may sustain huge damage.  Based on my hypothesis the hall was used as a place for congregations.        
The variety and quantity of graves including familial, individual, shared, and in some case buried collected bones and skulls (similar to Changbar graves) indicate the respectability of this structure circa mid-9^th century to mid-7^th century B.C.
 
Conclusion
Ziviyeh was on the way of frequent invasions of the Assyrian and Urartian and as it could be considered a castle to defend, it also could be considered a temple for performing religious rituals, being placed on hilltop to prevent plunder age. This hypothesis is worthy of attention due to the found artistic and decorative artifacts, probably offered to the honored resident of the structure. It may be deduced that Ziviyeh structure was a sacred temple, where people offered gifts to in order to worship their God(s) and honor the resident person. They buried their loved ones near this sacred place. Changbar and Malamacha cemeteries are of these types of cemeteries which the variety of burial methods indicate ritualistic burials. 

Abstract
The motifs in Iranian art carry the concepts and themes that represent the worldview of human societies; the motifs that embody the seals reflect the legacy in which the context was created. The present study studies and analyzes animal motifs on lattice seals in southeastern Iran; one of the most interesting phenomena of the Bronze Age cultures in Iran is the prevalence of lattice seals in the southeast of Iran. These types of seals are generally made of bronze as well as silver in rare cases, and various alloys made with the missing wax method. The purpose of the present study is to identify their concepts and themes and to identify the factors that were involved in creation of the motifs of this period. It should be noted that these seals are made in the form of squares, circles and triangles and include geometric, plant, human and animal motifs. No substantiated theory has been put forward regarding the importance of substances on metal lattice seals. Obviously, information extracted from specimens used in the lattice seals of the southeast Iran during the Bronze Age can greatly shed lights on many of the ambiguities in this area. From this point on, we attempt to document the various conceptual and content dimensions of the design, based on a descriptive-analytical research method, relying on a library study method and assuming that the design of these designs is based on the surrounding nature and Indicates the importance of animals in the live hood of the people in this area, we discuss and analyze. The findings of the study indicate that these animals depicted on the seals have a significant influence on the lifestyle and status of these animals in the religious and intellectual beliefs that overwhelm in this area.. 
Keywords: Iran, South East, Seal, Compartmented Seal, Animal Motifs.

Introduction
Since the emergence of man on the scene, his attention has been focused on animals. animals have become an integral part of his life. This attention in the Paleolithic times was in the form of paintings on the caves wall, which somehow created a sense of power and superiority over these creatures, and somehow reflected his mastery over hunting. In this way, archaic man, without writing, only made the future known to his imagination and beliefs, instead of just visual arts. However, today’s human beings cannot experience their ancient culture and discover their mystery. Because some of the elements that today seem trivial and are part of human biological practices were once sacred and divine to them. Scientists and anthropologists have different views on the emergence, evolution, transformation, and diversity of the gods. But we can still draw a weak line from this. It may be somewhat plausible that it has a direct relationship with the production system and the environmental characteristics of humans in the emergence and development of gods. From the logic of practical philosophy, man has created gods at the shepherd stage that are different from the gods at the agricultural stage (Darwish, 65: 1355). During the Neolithic period, this dependence was inseparable from the extent to which humans were interested in domesticating animals and using them in their daily life (agriculture and animal husbandry). He also designed and used animal bones on his artifacts, including pottery. And it has benefited from agriculture and commerce. During the Bronze Age, the interest in animals was not only diminished, but also had a special place in the way that the role of animals was performed on reticular seals specific to southeastern Iran. Important questions that are addressed in this study are: What is the role of the applied seals and for what purpose? The purpose of this study is to determine the status and importance of these animals in the life cycle of these populations, and the hypothesis is that the function of animals is essential in the economic and livelihoods of these populations.

Animal Motifs
Thousands of years have passed, and humans have continued to ambush, trap, or hunt for their own livelihoods and for the survival of their generation. The hunter-gatherer thus established a long, intimate, unbroken bond with the animals through hunting, and owed his long life to them. It is not clear to us what kind of animal that human was feeding at that time, or what beliefs, beliefs, and beliefs they had. Our scant information only includes the remains of bones and the kind of tools that come from ancient sites and give a very clear picture of those communities. However, this little information suggests that from a Paleolithic perspective, everything was sacred. “Everything that human beings have used, felt, seen and loved, has become a holiness magazine,” says Mircha Eliade. Therefore, even the animal, which was all human, could not be sacred (Eliad, 32: 1372). The first evidence that we can find in the hunter-gatherer beliefs and ideas is the paintings they left in the dark caves. And. Perhaps these paintings “were a means of human control of the animal and of the animal being called to the hunt. In this way, the man was supposed to first capture the prey in the depths of the cave and to take his carcass out of the cave easily” (Asadian Khorramabadi, 58: 1358). Animals such as eagles, scorpions, cows, goats and fish are found in the lattice of southeastern Iran. It seems that due to the presence of such animals in this region, they have been engraved on the seals.

Conclusion
Thousands of years have passed and humans have been lurking for animals to feed themselves and their offspring, trapping them or hunting them with very simple and basic hand tools. The most important manifestation is the role of animals in their beliefs. Totem and totem worship. According to them, their great soul has become an animal or a bird after death, as a result of which all of them have been created from an animal or a bird. Therefore, this animal or bird was sanctified by them, and in all aspects of their lives, such as religion, magic, ordinary and everyday currents, especially artistic creations, it was manifested and found a significant presence. By examining the animal motifs used on the south-eastern lattice seals, their importance in the life of the people of this period can be achieved. This importance has been so highlighted and valuable that they have illustrated their artifacts. It is also possible to understand the existence of this type of animal in its bed and environment and its functional role in providing livelihood and subsistence economy of the people of this period. Animals whose importance and position are rooted in the thoughts, ideas, beliefs of these people.

Abstract
The present paper is about the result of two seasons of archaeological exploration in the southwest of Kaleibar Township in the Arasbaran Area of the East Azerbaijan Province. The first season of archaeological exploration was conducted in 2014 and the second season was conducted in 2016. The purpose of the first season of exploration was salvage exploration to identify ancient sites in the area within the Peiqam- Chay Dam. Regarding the Tumulus that were discovered in the area of this dam, and considering their incomparability in the northwest of Iran, the second season of the exploration was carried out and in 2016, the area was re-examined. In this survey, the role of geographical factors such as altitude, distance and proximity to the river and the springs, the percentage of slope and access to pastures in the creation of ancient rural settlements were analyzed. concerning the distance and proximity to the river, it was found out that almost 95% of the ancient settlements were located 500 meters or less far from the rivers and most of them were located at altitudes of 1400 to 1500 meters, considered a suitable altitude for residence. In terms of slope, the settlements were created at a slope of less than 10%. With the Geo-Reference of the map, the nowadays nomadic roads were estimated on the map of the study area, which the sites identified on that, the human has used the path to migrate three thousand years ago, as today’s tribes also traverse. Therefore, it can be proven that the migration pattern has continued here for three thousand years, and the chosen human model has been a nomadic or semi-permanent life style. 
Keywords: Kaleibar, The Analysis of Settlement Patterns, Spatial Distribution, Peiqamchay River.

Introduction
In archeology, reconstructing the natural environment is trivial in order to understand how ancient settlements taking advantage of geography science, since the influence of human and environment throughout the life of the planet has been unequivocal.
In this study, the factors affecting the formation and distribution of human settlements and the spatial distribution were considered. A total of 72 ancient sites were identified in two seasons with two types of settlement patterns, permanent settlement and pastoral nomadic settlements. The method of exploration in this study was pedestrian survey and stepwise scrolling. The whole study area of 306 square kilometers was surveyed and scrolled. The relationship between the identified sites with the river and its distance, height from the sea level, the proper slope of the land for settlement and its overall environmental status were carefully analyzed. 
The exploration was carried out based on maps of 1.25000, site visits and surface sampling. Finally, the findings were analyzed in the Global Mapper program. The study area was morphologically taken intoconsideration from the past, by the livestock communities due to its high mountains, deep valleys and mid-mountain plains and its placement in the nomadic tract. Because of its proximity to the valley of the Aras River, the small Caucasus Mountains (South) and the Qara Baq of Azerbaijan, as well as the Kaleibar Chay River, and suitable annual rainfall, it has a humid climate, the existence of the Arasbaran forests was its most important feature. All of these factors have made the climate suitable for a settlement of at least 3,000 years ago for the communities in which it resides. 

Field Work
The method of this study was field survey and almost all the study area was surveyed. the majority of the sited restricted into the historic Kurgans and sites of the first millennium BC which were obtained in the southern regions. The study of sea level elevation indicated that almost all of ancient settlements were formed at altitudes of 1400 and 1500 meters above sea level. Slope percentages showed 5 Kurgans (first millennium BC) less than 5% slope, 18 slope effects between 5 to 10% slope, 20 slope effects between 10 to 20% slope effect, and slope between 20 and 30 slope effects. And 1 effect on the slope between 40 and 50%. There is a direct correlation between the river and the number of sites. As we move away from the riverbank, the number of yards’ decreases, and the closer we get to the river, the greater the number of yards. But in the southwestern part of the region the volume of sediments is higher and probably part of the buried archeological findings. The item of Resilient lands indicates that the topography of the river bank in the southern part due to the mahogany collision was not necessary for settlement.
The adaptation of the modern nomadic tribes showed with the map of the identified ancient sites. The route of the ancient nomadic nomads is somewhat in line with the present-day route, and of course there is some change in direction.

Conclusion
In general, this paper seeks to examine the role of environmental factors on shaping the human ecological spaces of the first millennium in the city of Kaleibar, and finally, the ecological factors have been survived three thousand years ago in the life of the modern nomad tribed, are being analyzed.
Referring to the types of landscape, it should be noted that those areas which are located closest to the Peiqamchay River and its main valley, due to their location on agricultural land, are within the average height of 1500 m. suitable climate, proximity to the river, easy access to exchange routes, the richness of alluvial soils, forest cover and the rich rangelands of its peripheral parts make it possible to establish permanent habitats. The best example of these areas is in the southern half of the Peiqamchay Valley. The type of landscapes in the northern part of the city can be very difficult to identify, but given the high altitude of this part of the city and its cool climate for half a year, the existence of mounds, river avoidance and proximity to many springs, the rich rangelands, along with the slight scattering and excessive corrosion of the pottery, may be attributed to the settlers in this area. The relative results in both the north and south sections of the study area of the valley indicate the dominance of the nomadic or semi-permanent settlement patterns.

Abstract
Pottery as one of the major handcrafts of human societies plays an important role in rebuilding past culture and civilization. Classification, typology and chronology of pottery are of great importance in archaeological studies. The abundance and variety of pottery in situ has made it possible for the archaeologist to obtain the best cultural evidence for the recognition of ethnicities and communities. Pottery documentation and species identification is one of the technical principles in archaeological studies. One of the less well-known areas in the archaeology of Iran’s historical period, especially in the Sassanid period, is the present-day area of Isfahan Province in the Central Iranian Plateau. Introduction and study of Shirkouh Naein area previously carried out by Alamdar hajiAlian was selected for the research since it was evaluated in terms of statistical population and type of cultural materials of the Sassanian era from both architectural and cultural point of view. 
Keywords: Classification, Typology, Chronology, Sassanian Islamic Pottery, Epistemology, Shirkooh Naein.

Introduction
The research method is descriptive-comparative and the results have been analyzed based on comparative studies. In fact, this article focuses on documentary studies, especially and studying written documents and field studies. Also, using the results of archaeological field survey, the obtained pottery was classified, classified and finally compared with the key archaeological sites of this period, and their results were compared.
 
Describe the Area of Shirkooh Naein
Naein, in Isfahan province, is a town located in the desert margin. Pakooh region is one of the villages of Naein located in the northwest. The ancient site of Shirkooh is in the vicinity of Separo Village located 6 kilometers away from the west of it. Due to its strategic location, this region has always been suitable for human settlements. Among the evidence which represents a Sassanian settlement in Shirkooh, one can mention a fortress, a Čahārṭāq (four arches), and Soffeh (Terrace platform). Before briefly discussing the main topic of the article, each will be briefly mentioned.

Čahārṭāq (Four arches)
The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh, located in the central part of Naein, can also be placed in this category. In 2002 (1381) the monument was listed as a national property of Iran with the registration No. 7222 and after that, it was restored by Shah-Hosseini. The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh is a square-shaped structure with approximate dimensions of 10 meters. Its current height is 12/40 meters, dome height is 6/10, and the internal height is 6/59.

Shirkooh Fortress 
The position of this fortress is in such a way that on top of it the Čahārṭāq is visible and on the other hand, the fortress is pretty obvious from the center of Čahārṭāq. Thus, these two structures are not far from each other. The plan of the fortress is almost irregular and a steep slope makes it hard to reach. The materials used in the construction of the fortress are cobblestones for the walls, mud-brick in towers and plaster as the main mortar of the entire building. At the interior of the fortress there is a rectangular structure which its directions are north-east south-west and somehow overlooking the low level of the plain and the village. Due to unauthorized excavations inside the fortress, a piece of plasterwork was found; this piece is 16 cm long and 9.5 cm wide and its surface is engraved.

Terrace Platform of Shirkooh (Soffeh)
Terrace platform is located at 38 7.33 N, 52 59 24 E. It is constructed at the farthest end of the site which connects it to the mountain. The main construction material of this Soffeh consists of cobblestones of the river. Since this terrace platform is flat and elevated, from the top of it the fortress and Čahārṭāq are remarkably visible.

Classification and Typology of Shirkooh Naein Pottery Found
The Sassanian Islamic pottery of the Shirkooh area of Nain County is varied in form Data were obtained from three Čahārṭāq sections, Shirkooh fortress and Soffeh. A total of 760 pieces of pottery (Sassanian and Islamic) were collected in the study of Alamdar haji Alian. Then, during field re-examination by the authors, 80 pieces of pottery (Sassanian and Islamic) were collected from the surface of the site; The present study was classified 63 stratigraphic fragments, typology and finally chronology. From a comparative study of 63 pieces of pottery obtained from surface examination, the number of fragments is as follows: edge 52, body 3 and floor 8; From the above-mentioned pottery, 42 pieces from the Sassanid era and 21 pieces from the Islamic era were identified. The color of the pottery is one of the most prominent features of pottery considered in the classification of pottery. This color is divided into three main groups of brown, pea, and red in the Sassanian Shirkooh pottery.
In addition to the aforementioned cases, the classification of the studied pottery of Shirkooh Naein into its fragments has also been considered. Accordingly, the rim components can be classified into eight distinct groups. Based on the typology of the pottery, five types were identified: Bowls, jars, earthenware, dish and bottles that make up the largest number of bowls and jars in the earthenware collection.

Suggested Chronology of Sassanian Shirkooh Pottery
One common way to identify the presence or absence of communication between cultural communities in neighboring areas is to compare their cultural artifacts with each other. To relate these potteries to relative chronology, to match the samples to Sassanian sites excavated and to have chronologies and sites found from archaeological excavations in Iran: Hajiabad, Mellian, Abou Nasser Fars Palace, Yazdgerd Castle, Oltan Ghalasi Dasht Moghan, Torang Tapeh Gorgan, Defensive Wall, Bandan Darges, Siraf and ete, and out of Iran archaeological excavations of Tal Aboushrifa, Kish and Bergotiat in Iraq, Kusad United Arab Emirates. Accordingly, it was found that the type of pottery studied in Shirkouh was most similar to the set of pottery obtained from surface surveys of Farsan plain, Torang Tapeh excavations in northeast of Iran, Yazdgerd castle and Tall Abusharifah in northwestern Iraq. Given this, Shirkooh is one of the Sassanian sites in the Naein region that has pottery traditions of this period.

Conclusion
Specifications of Shirkooh pottery and their comparison with different Sassanid zones indicate the taste of Sassanian pottery in this region and similar shapes in different periodic zones Sasanian is recognizable. Therefore, Shirkooh pottery is a local and indigenous species that can be seen in other areas. In general, the Shirkooh region is culturally influenced by western evidence such as Yazdgerd castle area and central Iranian plateau, especially east of Isfahan province, Chaharmahal Bakhtiari province and Farsan plain. In fact, based on the typological studies and comparisons of pottery with other Sassanian and Islamic sites, it seems that the settlement is located in Sassanian and early Islamic periods. As we know, the pottery at the end of each period is usually early or even later in the period and does not disappear all at once, such as the area where the Sassanian pottery of the early Islamic Times There has also been a continuing trend and it is difficult to identify.

Abstract
Lowdaricheh is a neighborhood in the town of Burkhar 9 km north of Isfahan. This monument is adjacent to the ancient cemetery, which has become a receational spot today. The northwest-southeast direction of the momument and its plan is a quadrilateral that later interferes. Due to its location 4 kilometers east of the historic city of Gaz (with settlements from the Parthian and Sassanid periods), the study of this building is important in its historical-cultural context. In this regard, while taking advantage of the archaeological survey of the Lowdaricheh quadrangle, it provided a relative understanding of the history of its construction and it’s use and as a basis for future comparative and comparative studies in the area, as one of the first studies of archaeological activity in the city. The most important research questions are the time of construction and the use of the building since its construction. According to preliminary assumptions and with a description of the plan of the building, the Lowdaricheh building of the Sassanid Period and the early Islamic centuries was considered to be religious. This research has been done by examining the history of the building in historical texts, evaluating the materials and decorative elements of the building, analyzing the architectural plan and comparing it with other neighboring and simultaneous buildings. The results of the research indicate that the chartaqi-e- Lowdaricheh building of the Sassanid Period or Early Islamic centuries was used by the (Zarvan-Ardashir) Fire-Temple, which was built by Ardeshir Babakan after the capture of Isfahan at noon in (Khar) village. The entrance of the Islam into the area has changed it from a Fire-Temple to a Hoseiniyeh and to this day its inhabitants use it as a religious building. 
Keywords: Chartaghi, Sasanid, Early Islamic Centuries, Lowdaricheh, Burkhar County in Isfahan.

Introduction
Burkhart city is located in the central areas of Isfahan province. The Mountains Karkas of Height 3000 meters north and northeast and the rest of the area forms a relatively flat plain. The Lowdaricheh quadrangle was visited by the authors in the summer of 2014, during the enlargement of its adjacent bypass. Upon visiting the building, the four-story plan was built and immediately mapped by experts on the site and its contemporary adjacent spaces and with the permission of the Isfahan Province’s Cultural Heritage Office, some of the interior areas were peeled to identify the materials. The historical identity of the building remains unknown to this day.
Aims and Necessity of Research: To understand the identity of the building, it was attempted to provide a relative understanding of the history of construction and use of the building concerning historical texts and archaeological evidence. 
Questions and assumptions: The most important research questions are the time of construction of the building and if the evidence is found and discovered and the know- how of it’s restoration. One of the most important research questions regarding the use of the building since its construction. According to preliminary assumptions and with the outline of the building plan, the chartaqi building of the Lowdaricheh of the Sasanian period and the early Islamic centuries was considered religious. This hypothesis was confirmed by conducting research.
Method: Fortunately, with the permission of the officials of the Isfahan Cultural Heritage Bureau, supervised by the Cultural Heritage Representation of Burkhar, the plasterboard was exfoliated in some parts of the internal body. 3 phases of architecture with different techniques and materials were identified, the first phase having two different sub-phases. Finally, it is attempted to introduce the Chartaqi of Lowdaricheh with a descriptive-analytical approach, in its historical-cultural context and its spatial range, and then to perform comparative studies with a relative land-use approach and dating. 

Description and Introduction of the Building
The monument is Situated 60 meters west of the ruined aqueduct, which is one of the most important water resources in the area. The floor of the building is street well-nigh 122 cm high and all Building wall 466 cm high from level to below the dome. Is Dome height 333 cm. The dome of the Shengeh is 122 cm high. The sides of the building vary from 470 to 480 cm. The width of the current porch is 179 cm and the base of the base is 114 cm. According to the trustee of the building, the entrance to the southeast of the building was blocked by him in 1358 Hijri Shamsi, which shows the entrance to the exterior of the building. The date of blocking the northeast entrance was unclear during the layering and visibility of the materials was found to be of the second phase of the building’s architecture (mid-Islamic period - Seljuk period) and indicates that The rebuilding time is blocked due to the near and unnecessary passage, and only the opening and arch of this entrance can be seen in the interior of the building.
Exfoliation revealed that the building has three phases and several phases of architecture: 1- The first phase consists of a primary building with local materials that has a base of crushed mud and extensions of walls with 32 cm adobe and 8 Cm 2- The second period, which features with interior tile decoration, dome shingle, and shingle tile decoration. This architectural course was created due to the demolition of the original dome and with the aim of rebuilding it by a comparative study with other monuments in the Seljuk period. The materials used in this architectural, 23 × 23×5 cm mud brick, which were common materials during the renovation of the building and were used only in the dome to strengthen the mortar. In the second period of architecture, two rows of the niche have been built in the interior of the building 3- The third phase belongs to the contemporary era with materials of brick and cement to consolidate the main building created in 1358 by the trustee and other residents.

Conclusion
In this article, Lowdaricheh chartaqi is introduced with a descriptive-analytical approach in its historical-cultural context and spatial limits and then the function and history of this structure are explained using a comparative approach. Research results and evidences ranging from similarity of local building materials and plan of Lowdaricheh chartaqi with the pattern of Sasanian fire temples and Chartaqis throughout Iran as well as Marbin and Ardestān fire temples in Isfahan, orientation of Lowdaricheh Chartaqi opposite to Mecca, the absence of signs of Mihrab (the main element of religious buildings of the Islamic era), The use of local materials in construction, lack of tomb signs and the difference with rectangular vaulted tombs of Islamic period, limited interior space of chartaqi and its isolation similar to other chartaqis of Sassanid period, presence of porches and hallways around the structure before the changes made in 1358 Hijri Shamsi and its current religious use, proximity to water resource (a Qanāt is located 60 meters West of the structure), all suggest that Lowdaricheh Chartaghi was a construction from  Sassanid period or early Islamic centuries with religious usage. Upon the advent and spread of Islamic religion in this area, this structure has been preserved like many other monuments because of its religious importance and status as well as clairvoyance of Muslims relative Lowdaricheh to other religions and has changed application as a liturgical-religious structure for newly convert Muslims and is now a Hoseiniyeh. Muslims and is now a Hoseiniyeh.

Abstract
The invention of writing is considered one of the hallmarks in the human eveloution. Writing has not been invented all at once. Indeed, it had a gradual process from the Neolithic period to the end of the fourth millennium BC. In its early stages, it was similar among the Middle Eastern cultures, but at the end of the fourth millennium BC and the formation of the states in Uruk, Khuzestan, and Fars, two writing systems (Proto-Elamite and cuneiform) were invented at a same time. Both scribes are rooted in a common communication system. Some words with exactly the same iconography are obtained in the scribes of two lands which have been translated with different semantic uses thank to the progress of decipherment. The purpose of this study is to investigate the phonetic structure between the common early scribes in the second half of the fourth millennium BC in West Asia, which paves the way for the emergence of literature in the coming centuries. By using a descriptive-analytical methodology, the authors try to deduce that the reason for the similarities in the writing systems of the both areas is becuause of their identical roots by finding the roots of writing in two lands and examining the reasons for the formation of the first differences arising from understanding the environment and archaeological data. Also, the reason for the semantic differences of the words with the same iconography is due to the diversity of social and subsistance changes between the Iranian plateau and southern Mesopotamia, as well as the linguistic differences between the two regions. 
Keywords: Proto-Writing, Cuneform, Proto-Elamite, Susa, Phonetic Value.

Introduction
There are various theories about the origin of writing in Iran and the Middle East. Some argue that with the advancement of agriculture, rapid economic growth and lack of confidence in memory, the loss of many business and accounting information, and over-complexity of computing and business communications, the need to preserve information had increased. It was necessary to invent a way to maintain them. The invention of writing was not revolutionary nor suddenly is taken by an individual at a certain time; rather, it has evolved over several thousand years, and the period of Susa II and the emergence of complex societies and the specialization have greatly contributed to its growth. In the second half of the fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, tokens became more advanced, and were made in various forms with economic themes and were used in trade, then, the clay envelopes, also called bullae, became frequent. This clay envelopes date back to the mid-fourth millennium BC. Following the develepomental procees of the administrative system, the numerical tablets were invented.  

Disscussion 
The stages of writing up to the Susa II (Uruk) period were exactly the same, and from this period onwards the difference between the two scribes becomes apparent. The only major change of this period is the formation of a dense community in southern Mesopotamia. Since many ideograms were taken from the symbols around the environemnt, to better understand the roots of these differences, we need to fully understand the climate, environment and archaeological data of the two regions to comprehend these differences by taking the the environmental variety into account.
A) Mesopotamian climate in the fourth millennium BC: Mesopotamian communities due to alluvial soil and rich in minerals and nutrients that river water was washed from the surrounding mountains, in the field of agriculture and grain collection had access to surplus. On the other hand, the existence of large gardens near the permanent and water-rich rivers of the Tigris and Euphrates, vast pastures for sheep, goats and cattle, as well as abundant fish, poultry and wild animals for hunting, etc., led to extensive progress compared to other areas. In the fourth millennium BC, the population in these areas increased enormously, while the city of Uruk reached an area of about 2.5 square kilometers. Of course, there is no direct evidence of the exact number of inhabitants of Uruk, but with the help of anthropological data from the pre-modern Middle East, 100 to 200 inhabitants per hectare has been accepted for the residential sector. Apart from the the central monumental area of Uruk, It has reached approximately 230 hectares in the residential sector, which refers to the population of 25,000 to 50,000 people in Uruk in the late fourth millennium BC. Over 90 percent of the tablets were found in the garbages of the Temple of Eanna (the largest religious monuments of Uruk) presenting that this scribe was only used by a gropu of elites of the Mesopotamian society.
B) Climate of Iran in the fourth millennium BC: Iran is a clear example of the impact of natural structures on the cultural development. Iran is one of the arid lands of the ancient world and this determines the climatic relations of this land and the climate of its different regions. The summer heat in the lowlands forces people to migrate to the highlands with their herds. Due to the climatic conditions in these areas, a large part of the inhabitants of valleys and foothills are forced to live in their tents. Among the most important nomadic areas, we can mention Dar Khazineh, Tal-e Bakun and some settlements of Ramhormoz in the fifth to third millennium BC.

Conslusion
Management system has been one of the needs of human social development since the Neolithic period onwards which in the fourth millennium BC this need was felt quite clearly and at a high level, which led to a significant development of management in West Asia. At this time, the formation of different systems of government between the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia probably led to the formation of different management systems, but since for more than four thousand years, both regions had used a completely identical writing system, it is not far-fetched that the two different types of scribes are affected by common roots and have evolved according to the management needs of their environment.
As was said before, In Mesopotamia the scribe was only used by a group of elites. Hence, the ideogram and pictogram were enough to respond the needs of conveying a message. But in Iran, due to the special climate in the past, it was devoid of the centralized populations; instead the main populations were scattered in different parts of the Iranian plateau and the use of this scribe was over an area of one million square kilometers from the Shahr-e Sokhte in Sistan, Tepe Yahya in Kerman, Tepe Ozbaki in Qazvin plain and Tepe Sofalin in Tehran to Tal-e Malyan and Susa in southwestern Iran which probably there were different ethnicities and dialects in these areas. Due to the scatterness of proto-writing caly tablets in different part of Susa, one can conclude that this scribe became common in the society to respond to the needs of such a large society. Consequently, a scribe with the use of pictograms and ideograms was invented. We believe, according to the percentage of repetitions, the phonetic use of this scribe is probably high, and since this scribe was common among the different tribes of the Iranian plateau, perhaps with the phonetic use, it was effecient to convey meaning from different languages on the Iranian plateau in the second half of the fourth millennium BC.

Abstract
Spindle Whorls are among the main cultural materials and needs of animal husbandry and semi-”frozen” societies and are among the works that are directly related to the pattern of livelihood and production in the clothing family and fibers of early societies. to be. Which are interpreted in the analysis of the findings of ancient sites. The area behind Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe is no exception to this feature, and the number of 123 Spindle Whorls found among its archaeological excavation findings has a significant presence in terms of type and f. The main stones of this area can be divided into two groups: convex and conical, each of which is divided into two sub-branches: painted and simple, and in terms of quality of construction, they can be divided into two groups: medium and Roughly divided. All Spindle Whorls are made of baked clay with a mixture of herbs and in different sizes. The purpose of this research is in the first stage, typology and study of saddles and in the second stage, analysis of livelihood model related to the production of textiles in the hills posht forodgah. A significant number of Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and its application in the production of yarn by analyzing it on the produced fibers and how to organize this production can help a lot. The method of the present research, based on comparative studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer these questions: What kind and forms of hymns discovered Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and what threads are used in its production? Given the Semi-Unilateral of the Tepe communities Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and the abundance of Sardok, the production of textiles in this area has been for local and domestic use and trans-regional trade? Considering the Semi-Unilateral and nomadic settlement and the method of economic production based on animal husbandry in the early communities of the Central Zagros and the hills Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, it seems that based on the variety of mounds in type of material, quality of species, shape and size, these wool fibers They are mainly used for local use and trade outside the region to meet basic needs.
Keywords: Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, Typology, Spindle Whorl.

Introduction
Spindle Whorl is a cultural object and cultural material that is mainly made of stone, bone, wood, etc., which provides the first manifestations and old evidence from different stages of fabric production.
Analysis and typology of Spindle Whorls provide good information on how ancient tissues rotate, but it is necessary to establish a methodological typology of this type of ancient cultural finds. Type and packaging in type, shape and size provide an effective way to determine how yarns work. The shape, type and appearance of each yarn is directly related to the type of production, spinning. Therefore, the appearance and functional typologies of saddles are other ways of knowing the type of spinning and other stages of textile production. For example, the typology, shape and function of a highly effective method of the characteristics of the fibers produced and used and the final product produced from yarn or fibers (such as: wool, silk, fabric, etc.) are presented through rotation in the production of clothing. Gives. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Finally, sawdust should be placed in significant categories that determine spinning and textile production, and these categories are based on the characteristics that determine the use of sawdust. Spindle Whorls discovered from the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe The most abundant cultural finds in the hills behind the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe after pottery are all kinds of Spindle Whorls. These chestnuts come in a variety of shapes and sizes, from circular and semi-circular to conical, all made of fine-grained clay and then heated. The Spindle Whorls of the hills behind the polished Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, in terms of simple appearance, is less decorated and less decorated. Alone and on some of them, a linear and crescent-shaped dimple (or a kind of sign and symbol) can be seen, which is apparently created with nails. The Spindle Whorl have a hole in the middle for the passage and the wooden handle to rotate. The central hole of the Spindle Whorl is usually made in such a way that it is narrower at one end to prevent the movement of the wooden rod that was placed in this hole. And the thread was twisted around it; However, some cases of Spindle Whorls have been obtained from this area that did not have holes. It seems that the process of making these Spindle Whorls is incomplete and due to the similarity of Spindle Whorls, they can not be classified as Token or counting objects. It should be noted that no stones were found on the slopes of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe From all the new Neolithic stages to the Old Copper Age and the Stone Age of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, three main types of oval, pyramidal and conical shapes have been obtained. These Spindle Whorls do not have the desired construction quality in the lower layers (new Neolithic of phase c). Because it is deformed and rough in appearance, and in terms of cooking, it gets a little hot and a kind of raw hand can be seen in making them. With the development of higher stages and the age of copper and old stone, Spindle Whorls have advanced in terms of variety and quality in terms of construction and have gained high resistance.
These heads vary in weight. The lightest Spindle Whorls weigh about 5 grams and the heaviest Spindle Whorls discovered from this hill weigh about 160 grams. From this point of view, it can be said that the production of yarn and the use of fibers in this region also have a diameter. Produced from the thinnest yarn to the thickest. As mentioned, the weight and diameter of the saddle circle is the most important determining factor in the process of spinning and yarn production, which is one of the important features among Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe saddles. What can be said about the diameter and size of Spindle Whorls in this area? In order to increase the diameter of the rotating shaft with the light weight of the saddle, the hollow feature of the saddle has been used so that the weight of the saddle does not increase. This feature (in the emptiness of the saddles) is one of the examples of the ridges of Qalangap hill (Abdollahi and Sardari Zarchi Figure 14, 130: 1392) and Chaghamish... and Tal Bakun (Alizadeh 1382: 349, (Figure 9) is also considered and large and hollow Spindle Whorls are produced to produce the weight of thin fibers with high flexibility and elasticity.
Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe headboards are made in the simplest possible way in terms of decoration, and the least amount of decoration is seen in terms of design compared to other areas, and only a few examples of designs are created compactly (Figure 7). The simple-edged conical saddle, which is also one of the most common types of saddles, is similar to the conical specimens of the Tel Bakun, which in some cases have compact linear or circular shapes (Alizadeh 2004: 146 and 349)

Conclusion
Using a comprehensive comparative method, 123 Spindle Whorls obtained from a season of excavation at the Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe were discussed in response to questions:
In response to the first question, in addition to a coherent typology, this type of cultural findings (based on compatibility with Spindle Whorl of Charo, Chaghamish, Tal Bakun and Qalagap regions) were identified in 6 species.
The heads of this region are divided into two main groups: convex (oval and two-sided pyramid) and conical (one-sided and cylindrical pyramid).
Each group is divided into two subgroups, carved and simple, and in terms of construction quality, they are in two groups, medium and rough.
All chests are made of clay with vegetable chamotte and in different sizes (2 to 5 cm and weighing 5 to 160 grams). Some heads have pressure patterns created by a sharp tool. Depending on the type of semi-resident settlement and the method of economic production based on herding (sheep and goats) in the early communities of Central Zagros and also the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe area due to the high volume of goat bones (due to jaws and horns) based on the variety of Spindle Whorls in this area In terms of shape, size and weight of the species, these Spindle Whorls are mostly used in fleece fibers.
Accordingly, heavy and long Spindle Whorls with high rotation axis are used to twist thick and long fibers (goat hair) and small short Spindle Whorls with low rotation axis are used to twist thin and short fibers (fleece) with different thicknesses. In this study, Spindle Whorls weight was considered as test variables on yarn diameter, yarn rupture and elasticity and yarn warp.
In response to the second question, considering the semi-monolithic location of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe based on various ash deposits to a depth of about 160 cm and the vertical migration approach of the communities present in it, it seems that most textile products are for endogenous use and sometimes for trade. It has been trans-regional in meeting basic needs.

Abstract
Arrajan had been one of the important xoras of the Fars state in the Sasanian and Islamic eras. Regarding the toponym of Arrajan, there is numerous differences both in written sources and among researchers. One of the main reasons for these differences is the different information of written sources and the inconsistency of archaeological evidence with these sources, which has slightly led to various points of view as to this issue. Here, the author tries to reach an obvious understanding of the subject matter by mentioning different views and combining them with archaeological evidence. Among other things that will be noted in this article is the issue of geographical changes that have undergone Arrajan in a span of different periods. Arrajan has gone through many border and administrative changes in different times, as in the early centuries of Islam, it had the same structure and scope as the Sasanian epoch, but in later eras it saw a shift from one state to another, renaming and diminishing its boundaries. This article is an attempt to address two important questions: The first, how have administrative changes been in Arrajan up to the present? And the second, what are the main reasons for existing discrepancies among scholars over the real name of Arrajan? It is obvious that researchers have made many references and explanations in order to recognize the picture of Arrajan and its administrative and border changes; however, the combination of historical and archaeological data is less common in the studies of these researchers. Therefore, the author tries to combine both historical and archaeological approaches to the subject of toponym and administrative and border changes of Arrajan during the Sasanian and Islamic eras. The article under study is conducted by examining and comparing archaeological evidence and materials with information extracted from written sources.
Keywords: Arrajan, Qobad-Xora, Behbahan, Sasanian Era, Islamic Epoch.

Introduction
The connection between archaeology and historical geography can be traced back to both time and place. Today, in the field of archaeology, there is the identical attention to time and place, and in order to understand and recognize the past with all its features, both elements of time and place must be considered together. There are various definitions and approaches regarding historical geography and its field of study, and no clear consensus exists over it. Historical events do not occur in a vacuum, but come under the influence of temporal-spatial conditions. In space, no phenomenon - whether natural or man-made - is stationary and evolves over time. Research in the field of historical geography is valuable because it can provide a clear picture of the historical geography of events in a place and its surroundings. In the present article, in addition to studying the process of administrative and border changes of Arrajan during these periods, an attempt is made to examine the written and archaeological evidence such as seals and coins and to put together prominent experts’ points of view to a new understanding of the toponym of Arrajan and resultant changes in its historical geography.

Archaeological Backgrounds
The Behbahan Plain is archaeologically known as a part of “Greater Susiana” (Darabi et al. 2017). The existence of numerous pre-historic sites, Elamite ones, the historic period manuments and the Islamic city of Arrajan have led to field studies in the area. Field studies of Nissen and Redman (1971) are the first ones conducted in Arrajan. At the meantime, Hans Nissen carried out an excavation in the area in 1973 (Nissen 1973). The greatest archaeological discovery on the plain was the Neo-Elamite tomb which was haphazardly found in Arrajan in the early 1980s (see Alizadeh 1985; Majidzadeh 1992; Potts 1999; Alvarez-Mon 2006). Since 2000 on, surveys and excavations have carried out in Behbahan area. One of the studies specifically dedicated to the hydraulic structures and facilities of this region is Esmaeili Jelodar’s (2004) one. Since 2005, excavation team of Behbahan Plain headed by Kamyar Abdi commenced the survey in the region. Of the most important studies done in Behbahan after 2010 may be mentioned Abbas Moghaddam’s (2016) excavation and Hojjat Darabi’s (2017) one. A few researchers have investigated the historical geography of Arrajan. Among them, it can be refered to Heinz Gaube (1980) who, in a detailed and specialized manner, using historical, geographical and archaeological findings, has been focusing on the evaluation and analysis of Arrajan since the time of the conquest of the Arab by the end of the Safavid era. Ahmad Eqtedari (1996) is one of the other important researcher who worked on the region. Although the aforementioned has benefited from the Gaube’s valuable studies as to Arrajan and its areas, there are some positive points in the Eqtedari’s studies. Eqtedari was able to see the parts of the northwest of Behbahan, where today they are located in Bahmai County and its dependent areas (those parts that Gaube could not see due to insecurity in that areas) and published his valuable results. Ebrahim Rayegani and colleagues also discussed reasons behind the decline and recession of Arrajan in the Sasanian and Islamic eras (Rayegani et al 2015).

Conclusion
In the present article, an attempt was made to study and analyze written sources, both historical and geographical ones, archaeological evidence and researchers’ opinions, for better understanding the toponym of Arrajan, as well as historical geography and developments in its political borders from Sassanid era to the present. As mentioned above, there is a consensus about the creation of Arrajan by Qobad I and its location between Fars and Khuzestan, but no agreement on its exact name has been reached. Tabari’s reference to two names, Ram Qobad and Barm Qobad, led researchers to believe that the two names were for the same area. Researchers such as John Walker believes that Barm Qobad was the name of a large area that Arrajan was the name of its ruling part; H. Gaube considers Bram Qobad the official name of the region and Arrajan the unofficial one. However, numismatic evidence does not support these claims and shows that Arrajan and Barm Qobad are two separate places. Ardashir Babakan points to Arrajan as he crossed the area, prompting other scholars to believe that the region were probably inhabited before establishment of Qobad-xora near the Tab River. Regarding the geographical and administrative changes in this region, it seems that from the beginning of the sixth century A.D. to the Seljuk period, Arrajan was part of the Fars state. During the Buyid dynasty period, Arrajan not only preserved borders of the Sasanian epoch, but also expanded from the north and northeast, and the ports of Siniz and Janabah were joined to it. During this period, we are witnessing the prosperity of this region, as Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami says: “I want Iraq because of its name and Arrajan for its income.” However, during the Seljuk period, the region witnessed changes; all northern parts of Arrajan were attached to Shapur-xora and Arrajan itself was joined to Khuzestan. There is no mention of Arrajan in the historical books of the Ilkhanid period, but other areas of xora are mentioned. It is possible that Arrajan was nothing more than a ruin during this period.

Abstract
One of the main types of rock monuments is hand-carved ritual-religious spaces. These handmade spaces have long been considered, sanctified and respected by religious social groups who were committed to religious practices. From this perspective, it can be stated that Maragheh region has been one of the most important, rich and long-lasting centers of ritual-religious architecture in the history and culture of Iran. In an era, in which ritual manmade spaces have lost their influence in many areas of ritual prosperity and sacred power, some ritual-religious manmade spaces in Maragheh still have an active and prominent presence. Accordingly, the present study, while identifying, introducing and explaining the special features of the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces of this region, has also addressed the formation factor of these ritual spaces; and seeks to answer the following question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh divided? Therefore, along with the field study method applied for recording and explaining the current situation, library studies were also used to identify the factors influencing the formation of ritual-religious architecture in Maragheh. The results of the studies indicate that 8 religious-religious rock monuments have been identified in the county of Maragheh. Typologically, the above-mentioned rock architecture can be classified into surface and subsurface forms. Also, in terms of typology and classification of the application nature, these works have had different uses, such as: a) mosques, b) monasteries, c) churches, d) Buddhist temples, e) open temples, f) crypts, and h) rock graves. Many of these sites are now ruined, however, some spaces have retained their sacred position and are being used with some modifications.  
Keywords: Maragheh, Rock Architecture, Typology, Ritual-Religious Use.

Introduction
The county of Maragheh is located in the northwestern part of Iran in the province of East Azerbaijan, on the southern slopes of Sahand Mountain. According to national divisions, the county of Maragheh has two districts (central and Sarajo) and six villages. The county of Maragheh consists of two separate parts: the northern areas of the county that are mountainous and the central and southern areas which consist of plains and flatlands (Khamachi, 1991: 459). Sahand mountainous mass is one of the most important topographic features of the county, and the southern slopes of this mountain form the configuration of the main part of the county. The general slope of the land in this county is from north to south and the three rivers of Leylan Chay, Mordagh Chay, and Sufi Chay are the important rivers that supply the water needed by the region (Morvarid, 1981: 12).
In the county of Maragheh, numerous historical monuments are remained from different periods, some of which are used as ritual-religious hand-carved spaces. Ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh, in particular and other areas in general, have long been considered, sanctified and respected by social groups, according to the existing evidence; Therefore, in this paper, it has been attempted to explain the formation factor, analyze the use nature of spaces and the period in which they have been applied using the a spatial archeological approach and archeological surveys after introducing the ritual hand-carved spaces. The current research has been conducted in order to answer this fundamental question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Maragheh divided? Moreover, the purpose of this study is to investigate and analyze the typology of the mentioned hand-carved spaces. 
Methods: The present study has been conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and data collection has been performed using library methods and field visits from a large number of hand-carved spaces in different parts of the county of Maragheh.
The Significance and Necessity of Research: The rocky and cave nature of worship places and the study limitations of the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in Iran have caused any religious hand-carved spaces to be associated with Mithraism; however, little evidence of Mithraism has been identified in these sacred spaces. Accordingly, by conducting studies on the ritual-religious hand-carved architecture in the county of Maragheh, it is possible to provide a comprehensive classification of this type of architecture and determine the general appearance and nature of their spaces in this region. 
Research Question and Hypotheses: The current research has been conducted in order to answer this fundamental question: to how many types are the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces in the county of Maragheh divided? One of the hypotheses that can be proposed in the present study is that the ritual-religious spaces of Maragheh have been formed in two periods: the first period is related to the pre-Islamic period, which was influenced by the Urartian culture. The second period is related to the Islamic period. In the Islamic period, the greatest influence in shaping these spaces has been the influence of beliefs from eastern cultures, especially Buddhists and Christians.

Conclusion 
Hand-carved architecture is a special type of architecture that has been created by humans in order to adapt themselves to their environment. In the extensive territory of Iran, due to climatic, ritual and cultural diversity, remnants of this type of architecture can be seen in its different regions. One of the important reasons for the tendency of human beings in different schools towards the rock architecture was the ritual and religious structure of the society, which required turning to rocks and mountains. In the meantime, the ritual-religious hand-carved spaces of the county of Maragheh have been a manifestation of the spiritual life and cultural knowledge of the residents of this region. These spaces have a special place in the whole beliefs of the residents of the region; this has made the decorative elements, architecture and special location of these spaces to be different from other rock works. Following what has been discussed in the text of the paper, the results of library and field studies of hand-carved spaces have demonstrated the influence of ritual and religious structures of Maragheh society in the formation of some of these spaces. Due to the special geographical location of Maragheh region throughout history, the region has witnessed different ethnic groups and special religious beliefs. According to this view, the ritual-religious spaces of the region in the pre-Islamic ages have been created in the form of hand-carved burial spaces (crypts); and in the Islamic period, these spaces have been mostly carved into rock contexts in the form of hand-carved worship temples. 
In the mid-Islamic eras, especially during the Ilkhanid period, Maragheh was the center of various beliefs and this factor has formed the basis for the formation of ritual-religious spaces of Buddhist, Christian and Islamic followers. From this perspective, the county of Maragheh, especially on the banks of Sufi-Chay River, is one of the lively, active, and rich centers of tradition and ritual hand-carved heritage. Accordingly, most of the investigated worship spaces are concrete, objective and real manifestations of the cultural-religious continuity and spiritual life of the people of this region from the Ilkhanid period, and even today some of these places have retained their sacred and ritual status.
 

Abstract
The city of Ghorveh is located in the south east of Kurdistan province and in the east of central Zagros. This city is a part of the Qezal Owzan River Basin. This region has an archaic history from prehistoric periods to the Islamic ones due to favorable geographical conditions. According to the surveys, in the Ghorveh City, 35 sites dating to the Parthian period have been identified. This paper studies the Settlement Pattern of Parthian sites and their relationship to the geographical environment. The settlement pattern initially divided into four clusters based on the area of the premises and then five factors were considered based on the maps drawn from the GIS. These factors include: Altitude from sea level, The distance from the river, The slope, steep direction and Land use. In addition, taking advantage of Spss software, the settlement clusters have been statistically studied and their correlation and relevance using factors were discussed. Based on the results, there is a significant relationship between clusters and some factors. In general, most of the sites are located in clusters one and two that are less than two hectares. In terms of settlement pattern, some of these sites were temporary settlements that were grazing and a number of others are not known exactly, but probably there were fixed settlements that were small villages of agriculture and livestock. But clusters three and four were all permanent settlements that were engaged in agriculture, horticulture, and animal husbandry. In general, two types of temporary and permanent settlement patterns observed in the Parthian period in the city Qorveh.     
Keywords: Ghorveh, Parthian, Settlement Patterns, GIS Software, SPSS.

Introduction
The Parthian dynasty is one of the most important Iranian historical kingdom who entered the arena in extremely difficult political and social conditions and revived some of the ancient Iranian features (Mohammadi, 2010: 4). This dynasty ruled Iran for nearly five centuries from 248 BC to 224 AD (Mohammadi, 1391: 13) they were able to establish cities and government centers (Kiani, 1374: 240). And their territory expands from the eastern parts of Iran to the Tigris and Euphrates. During this period, in addition to Sedentary and urban settlements, there are nomadic settlements. Examples of this type of nomadic settlement during this period can be found in the Central Zagros (Niknami & Mohammadi, 1394; Mohamadifar & Niknami, 2013; Niknami et al., 2013).
In Qorveh city 35 sites have been identified related to Parthian period (Behnia, 2008). Most sites of this city are small settlements (Mafi et al., 2009. 85). Parthian pottery is simple, glazed, imprinted, and clinched in Qorveh. But the most prominent Parthian pottery is in western Iran as well as in the Qorveh city of Klineik pottery. The pottery has been scattered from Kermanshah to the northern parts of Zanjan in terms of its geographical extension. Also from Chamchamal plain (Mohammadifar, 2007). Kangavar Plain (Young, 1975) and in historic sites of Bistoon, Jogar Malayer Tape, Noshijan, Ray, Shush, West Islamabad and Boroujerd have also been reported (Hernik, 1997: 117). 
In this area, there have been Sedentary and nomadic settlements since the pre-historic time. It is necessary to study the continuity of these settlements in historical periods. It is necessary to study the continuity of these settlements and types of Sedentary and nomadic settlements in historical periods. This research is based on data obtained from the field survey. In this research is used a descriptive-analytical method, and for accurate analysis of Parthian period settlement pattern in Qorveh city has been used the Gis software and Spss statistical software. Based on the available data, 6 factors are considered. Including: 1. Altitude above sea level 2. Distance from river 3. Distance from road 4. Slope 5. Slope direction 6. Land use. To analyze the settlement patterns, it is divided into four clusters based on size of the sites. Then, to analyze these clusters using factors and according to data type and purpose of research were used one-dimensional, regression and R-pearson tests of Spss software.

Identified Traces
In order to analyze the settlement patterns, the sites are divided into four clusters based on by size. According to the type of data which are nominal and scaled and the purpose of the research were used One-Dimensional, Regression and Rpirson tests of the Spss software. This analysis consists of two descriptive and inferential stages.  
The cluster one is the largest in the series. sites of this cluster are less than 1 hectare. According to the data, %57/1 of the sites belongs into this cluster. Cluster two consists of sites between 1 and 2 hectares. The third cluster is sites ranging from 2 to 3 hectares and the fourth cluster consist of sites of more than 5 hectares.
The size of the sites was considered as an independent variable and the six factors mentioned as dependent variable. According to the results of multivariate regression test, there is a significant relationship between the size of the sites factor with other factors. This relationship was strongly inverse between The size of the sites and the distance from the river was Relatively Severe Reverse.  Briefly, Larger sites are closer to the river and as the sites are smaller, they appear farther from the river. But there is no relationship between the size of the sites with the factors of altitude and slope. In addition, to understand the test results, the Cluster diagrams need to be studied. By studying the cluster diagram it can be seen that clusters one and two are in all factor categories. For this reason, there is no correlation between all factors. 

Conclusion
Based on the results of the analysis on four clusters. Cluster One is the largest cluster, There are two types of settlements. The first type of settlements is far from the river so they are located at higher altitudes. The second type located on the lower elevations and slopes near to the river. In the second cluster, the settlements are closer to the river. these sites are located at higher altitudes and different slopes. In the third cluster, the sites are closer to the river. These sites are located at low slope and low altitude. The fourth cluster settlements approach the water source. But in terms of slope and altitude are at different altitudes. In clusters one and two, there is Sedentary and nomadic settlement, But clusters three and four are Sedentary settlement that constituted a small percentage.
In general, the settlements of Qorveh city in Parthian period are in two forms: Sedentary and nomadic. Sedentary settlements have agricultural and Husbandry economies due to their geographical Charactristics, But seasonal settlements used to grazing. In fact, most of the sites include seasonal settlements. This type of settlement in this region have been prehistoric times of chalcolithic and Bronze Ages (Kura-Araxes) and in this period we also see the continuation of this type of settlements.

Abstract
According to the common chronology of the Bronze Age and Iron Age of Iran, the period (2000) 1900 to 1500 BC is known as the introduction of the new Bronze Age and about 1500 BC is known as the beginning of the Iron Age. Archaeological evidence does not provide a clear picture of the chronological and cultural sequence in most of the sites of this period in the northern half of Iran. This limitation is mostly due to the nature of the materials and documents of this period, which are often the result of excavations in cemeteries, and the information available about the exact sequence of stratigraphy in the settlements of this period is scarce. At the same time, the available evidence shows that most of the main centers of this period, especially in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, southern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to the Indus and Punjab valleys, between 1700 to 1500 BC. They are abandoned and there is an obvious cultural and chronological rupture in the settlement sequence of these areas. Hypotheses have been made regarding the causes of the abandonment of the sites of this period and the rupture created in the middle of the second millennium BC. Most of these hypotheses, with an archaeological approach to cultural materials, especially the study of changes in pottery traditions, have justified the causes of the rupture and factors such as migration and invasions of new peoples and cultures, environmental changes, and suggested a change in the way of subsistence economics as the reasons for the rupture. In this article, based on the results of linguistic studies of religious texts attributed to Vedic-Gahani Indo Iranian, a hypothesis has been proposed that the changes resulting from the religious reforms of Zoroaster in the period from about 1700 (1800) to 1500 BC. In the east of the Iranian plateau, alone or in combination with other factors can be the main driver or factor influencing and accelerating the process of abandonment of centers and areas of the end of the Bronze Age of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau and one of the main factors in the transition Communities from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Transition, Northern Half of Iran, Northeast and East of Iran.

Introduction
One of the archaeological questions of the second millennium BC in the northern half of the Iranian plateau is how (and causes) societies transitioned from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Mousavi, 2008: 105). In this regard, some hypotheses have been proposed (Mousavi, 2001: 15). These hypotheses generally justify and interpret the trend of cultural developments at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age in the northern half of the Iranian plateau, and the nature and reasons for the phenomenon in the societies of this period have not been addressed.
The invasion hypothesis is one of these hypotheses that was based on changes in pottery traditions and other cultural materials between the Gian II (Bronze Age) and Gian I (Iron Age) periods (Contenau and Ghirshman, 1939: 76, Mousavi, 2001: 15). These studies led to the assumption that migratory cultures from the second half of the second millennium to the beginning of the first millennium BC entered the Iranian plateau from the northwestern regions (Caucasus crossing) and settled in the Kashan plain (Mousavi, 2005; 94, Ghirshman, 1939: 62). In general, the hypotheses based on displacement, invasion and cultural substitution are based on the results of “Indo-European linguistics” studies (Bahar, 1996: 135, Sankalia, 1963: 312, Weidengren, 1998: 10, Muscarella, 1966: 121).
Another hypothesis presented in this regard is the hypothesis of “gradual evolution” (Medvedeskaya, 1982: 96), which is based on the results of the excavations of Yaniq Tappeh (Burney, 1994: 50, Dyson, 1969: 15,). Based on this hypothesis, a special type of gray, black, and black pottery indicates the presence of new (Iranian) tribes from the beginning of the third millennium BC. In the northwestern regions of Iran and its gradual expansion through the Caucasus Pass (Burney and Lang, 1972: 116) or the northeastern routes into the Iranian plateau (Burney, 1994: 47 and Derakhshani, 1998: 33, Schmidt, 1937: 112).
The hypothesis of “cultural movement and substitution” is another hypothesis in this regard (Young, 1965: 59, Mousavi, 2001: 17). This hypothesis formed the basis of the theory of “cultural dynamism at the beginning of the Iron Age” (Young, 1967: 34, Dyson, 1989: 125). Based on this hypothesis, some researchers have suggested routes for ethnic and cultural migration at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Deshayes, 1969: 16, Muscarella, 1974: 140).
Hypotheses have also been made regarding the causes of chronological rupture at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age of the northern half of Iran. The theory of “urban crisis” is one of these hypotheses. According to this hypothesis, the imbalance between population growth and environmental capacities and increased utilization of natural resources led to population displacement and the resulting cultural disintegration (Young, 1985: 372).
Another hypothesis, emphasizing “change in the Method of economic production”, considers the extinction of Bronze Age cultures in northeastern Iran as a result of changes in the livelihood system of these cultures (Mousavi, 2005; 94 Ghirshman, 1977: 25 Ghirshman, 1939: 104). 
Zoroastrian Religious Reforms and Its effect on the Abandonment of the Bronze Age Areas of Northeast and East of the Iranian Plateau
According to the theory of linguistics, the religious reforms of Zoroaster took place in the eastern regions of Iran between the 18th and 15th centuries BC. In line with this hypothesis, the time and Locality of the emergence of Zoroaster and the social conditions of this period are examined as the basis for the formation of developments.
In relation to the time and Locality of Zoroaster, there are a total of three theories (Christiansan, 1997: 17) including the traditional theory of Zoroastrians, the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, and the theory of linguistics and history (Ashtiani, 1987: 78).
In traditional theory, the time of Zarathustra is mentioned around the 6th century BC (late Median, early Achaemenid) and its Locality is in western Iran (Aria, 1997: 87, Khodadadian, 2000: 63, Vermazen, 1993: 21). According to the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, the time of Zoroaster is mentioned 6000 years before Xerxes’s invasion of Greece (480 BC) (Razi, 1993: 3, Rajaei, 1993: 69). Linguistic and historical theory is also based on comparative studies of the remaining religious texts attributed to the Aryan tribes. The oldest of these texts is the Indian Rig Veda which most scholars believe belongs to the Vedic era (Khodadadian, 2000: 43, Abazari et al, 1993: 155, Aria, 1997: 86, Boyce, 1998: 43, Shaygan, 1966: 4, Ashtiani, 1987: 87). On the other hand, the Gathas are the oldest part of the Iranian Avesta (Celns, 2007: 12), which is attributed to the poems of Zoroaster himself (Dushan Gimen, 1984: 42, Pourdavoud, 2006: 63, Christiansan, 1997: 20, Binas, 1993: 450). From the point of view of comparative linguistic studies, the lexical connection and common linguistic roots between the Rig Vedas and the Gatas are very close (Widengeren, 1998: 95, Jalali Naeini, 1993: 4, Boyce, 1998: 93, Ashtiani, 1987: 83). However, Gataha and Rig Veda are almost simultaneous in terms of linguistic features and belong to the Vedic era, ie between 1700 and 1500 BC, and consequently the time of Zarathustra also belongs to the Vedic era. At the same time, linguists believe that the language of the Gataha is not Western Iranians, but Eastern Iranians (Moule, 1998: 112, Christiansan, 1997: 21, Vermazen, 1993: 16; Weidengren, 1998: 95) and consequently Zoroaster. He has lived and appeared in eastern Iran.
The social context of Zoroaster’s message, based on the ancient texts of the Avesta (especially the poems of the Gatha) shows that his teachings and message, especially in the beginning, were strongly opposed by important sections of society, especially the nomadic warrior tribes, affluent classes and followers of the clergy. The ancient Indo-Iranian religion (Kavis-Usigs and Karpans) was the result of civil wars and conflicts and social disintegration (Weidengeren, 1998: 99 and 102).

Conclusion
According to the Collection of documents presented, if we accept Zarathustra and his religious reforms belong to the Gataha or Vedic era (ie between 1800 and 1500 BC) and consequently accept the environment and social context in which Zarathustra appeared and religion It is the eastern regions of Iran. According to the image presented in the Avesta religious texts regarding the social, political and religious situation of this period, it is possible that Zoroastrian society in the Gataha era is a reflection of a society in transition. Imagined Basically, the emergence of social reformers is the product and result of a society whose stability and social system has lost its effectiveness and requires a new plan to create new social stability and get out of the current stalemate. According to religious texts, Zarathustra’s message inevitably went beyond social reform and approached a fundamental reform of the social, economic, and religious structure of society. However, it can be said that the society of the time of Zoroaster is really a society that has been at the peak of tension and has reached a dead end, and such a society evokes the characteristics of a society in transition in social, political and economic. A society that has lost its primary stability (Vedic-Gahan system) and is transitioning to secondary stability (Mazd-e Yasna system). Such a situation (willingly or unwillingly) puts society on a path called the “transition path.” The end of this path is either the achievement of re-stabilization (secondary stability) or chaos and collapse. From an archeological point of view, it may be possible to find an important part of the materials and documents of cemeteries such as Qeytariyeh, Khorvin, Sialk (period V), Sarm, etc. They have the Bronze Age of the Northeast, the product of such developments, and as cultures in transition in the period from about 1700 to 1500 BC. Cultures that are changing by keeping in touch with the previous period. Changes that develop over the next century or two (beginning of the Iron Age) as characteristics of a stable culture in large parts of the northern half of Iran. The culture that in the process of its evolution in the first half of the first millennium BC, was consolidated, stabilized, gained strength and finally was able to change the socio-political equations of the ancient East by presenting a new plan, after about a millennium of Semitic culture.