Abstract
Previous archaeological research in the Māhidasht region is more focused on the prehistoric period despite the importance of this large and important plain, almost no information is available about its historic period. The whole of the Māhidasht plain and especially its northern part is full of large and small sites of prehistoric and historical periods. Among these ancient settlements, Quwākh Tapeh deserves special attention due to its size, settlement sequence, and surface findings. Therefore, in this article, with a descriptive-analytical method and historical approach, we try to study the site and its surface findings, and finally answer the following questions: What periods does the site have and what was the process of its expanding? What do the findings of the Quwākh Tapeh tell us about the function of sites? The results of the study of surface findings show that the site is an important settlement that was inhabited at least from the Bronze Age and probably before that and developed in the Iron Age III and Parthian periods. Among the surface findings, the Door socket from Assyrian indicates the existence of a Neo-Assyrian-style building in the site, which according to cuneiform texts related to the political situation of the Central Zagros in this period, is probably a clue to the existence of a Neo-Assyrian building. The discovery of coins Howard from the site, show the importance of the site in the Seleucid period, is probably a clue to the long-distance trade relations of the inhabitants of this site as one of the most important ancient settlements along the Greater Khorasan Road in Māhidasht- Kouzarān plain.
Keywords: Māhidasht - Kouzarān Plain, Quwākh Tapeh, Neo-Assyrian Period, Door Socket, Bes, Alexander, Mazaeus.

Introduction
The Great Māhidasht Plain is the largest, best watered, and most fertile plain in the Zagros area. These features, along with its mild climate and, most importantly, its location on the Silk Road, have been a constant draw for human groups and important settlements have been established there. In the Great Māhidasht region, numerous studies by several scholars have identified 550 archaeological sites from Paleolithic to historical times, some of which are registered on the Iran National Heritage List owing to their importance. 
One of the major settlements of the Great Māhidasht Plain is Quwākh Tapeh in the north of Māhidasht and southeast of Kouzarān, which has been studied and visited several times by archaeologists. However, little is known about this site and, despite the occasional discovery of a small treasure trove of ancient coins, it remains less-known due to the lack of archaeological excavations. 
Quwākh Tapeh is a relatively large mound located 43 km west of Kermānshāh and a little more than 4 km southeast of the small town of Kouzarān. The site comprises a large prominence 330 m long, 220 m wide, and 17 m taller than the surrounding lands (Great Central Mound). There are numerous small or large prominences both near to and far from the mound, indicating a large archaeological site measuring 500 m2, with a current area of approximately 25 ha. 
The mound was first identified in Schmidt’s 1934 surveys, locating Quwākh Tapeh on a map published in 1940 in the book, Flights Over Ancient Cities of Iran. Some years later, in the 1940s, the site was surveyed and visited by Stein. Ali Akbar Sarfarāz and colleagues reexamined the site in the surveys of the Great Māhidasht Plain in 1968. In 1998, during the investigations of Abbas Motarjem in Kouzarān plain, Quwākh Tapeh was revisited. In his report, Motarjem described Quwākh Tapeh as a site dating back to the Parthian period.

Findings
Nearly 30 years ago, a student accidentally found a small ceramic vessel containing a highly important treasure 205 m east of the central high mound of Quwākh Tapeh. Shortly thereafter, the incident was reported to the Kouzarān police and the Cultural Heritage Office of Kermānshāh then became aware of the discovery. This is how the treasure was kept safe from plunder and all of its contents were collected and made available to the government.
According to locals, this small treasure was found about 1 m deep at 205 m east of the Great Central Mound of Quwākh Tapeh and was revealed by floods after digging a canal in the mounds. The ceramic vessel contained 141 silver coins featuring Alexander the Great, Mazaeus the Achaemenid/Macedonian Satrap of Babylon and imitating Athenian Owl type. 
This treasure has a total weight of roughly 2 kg and the very small amount of green oxide on the coins shows they were minted with high-grade silver. It seems likely that the treasure was deposited during the Early Seleucid period, given the time span of the discovered coins and the lack of specimens more recent than the Antiochus I or II period. 

Stone Door Socket
On our first visit to the eastern slope of Quwākh Tapeh in 2014, we found four pieces of white limestone, one of which was used as a staircase, in the courtyard of a deserted and half-ruined house. Near another house to the south of the site were several other carved stones, one of which, if not an obelisk base, is probably a small stone casket. Our recent visit revealed that the owner of the abandoned house had removed the stone staircase to the edge of his farmland. Examination showed that this carved and ornamented stone was not an ordinary stone fragment, but a very large door socket in the style of the Neo-Assyrian period. Similar door sockets were uncovered in Neo-Assyrian palaces or temples of the Mesopotamia, including the temple of Nebo in Khorsabad, Neo-Assyrian palaces at Nimrud and Khorsabad, and Neo-Assyrian provincial capitals such as Arsalanatash, Till-Barsib, and Ziyaret Tepe. This monumental door socket indicates that Quwākh Tapeh was not an ordinary village, but rather a place with important constructions, the most important of which was likely a complex dating back to the Neo-Assyrian period.

Conclusion 
The results of our investigation into Quwākh Tapeh-especially the extent of archaeological deposits and the existence of numerous and varied pottery collections and stone objects—indicate that Quwākh Tapeh was an important center in the Neo-Assyrian period and that it contains significant archeological remnants. The discovery of the door socket in the Neo-Assyrian period is particularly interesting. If this door socket belongs to the Assyrian period, it is in fact the second Zagros site, after Tapeh Giyan in Nahavand, to reveal remnants of the Neo-Assyrian Empire of the 8th century BCE. Given that the Assyrian cuneiform texts speak of the conquest of the region and its annexation to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the discovery of this finding may be important to tracing the Assyrian settlement in Iran, which is frequently mentioned in the texts, but missing from archaeological remnants.
The discovery at Quwākh Tapeh of a small treasure trove of ancient coins dating back to the 4th through 3rd centuries BCE is also significant. The finding of the Athenian Owl-type coins in the heart of central Zagros, far from their minting location, is important in itself, and will bring forth various topics for further study. The most recent coin in the collection dates back to the four Century BCE. This suggests that the treasure found at Quwākh Tapeh was likely deposited in the early Seleucid period (before 320 BCE).

Abstract
The city of Damavand, the center of county, is located on a hill in the middle of a fertile valley. It has a historical texture that is located as the downtown in its central part and has four main neighborhoods. The research problem is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and county for the name of Damavand, as well as the core of the damavand region. The published brief writings considered Shlenbeh or Vimeh and Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand region which is not consistent with the sources.  The purpose of this study is to clarify the concept of city and county for Damavand, as well as to better understand the city of Damavand and identify the center of Damavand region and its possible structures. This study has been done in a historical and analytical method based on research and identification by collecting library information and field survey. Questions: 1- What was the concept of city and county for the name Damavand? 2- What is the name of the center of Damavand region and how is it different from Shlenbeh? 3- What is the history of this center and what were its possible structures? Result:  The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period was as a region and on the other hand it represents the city. Although it has a mythical foundation, it is older than the Sassanid and the center of region   the was in the Sassanid period. The important spaces of Kohandej were the middle town   with   bazaars, squares, neighborhoods, and outer town. Kohandej was located in the place of Sar Qaleh. The acceptance of Islam, and the restoration of security, which lasted until the construction of the mosque in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 
Keywords: Damavand, Damavand City, Sassanian City, Kohandej, Shlenbeh.

Introduction
The city of Damavand, which has a historical texture, has four neighborhoods. The main issue of the research is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and city for the name of Damavand, as well as of the city. The published writings have considered the city of Damavand as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, and also the city of Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand district, which is not consistent with the sources. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to clarify the concept of city and city of the Sassanid period for the name of Damavand and to identify the center of Damavand district and its possible structures. It is also different or similar to the Shlenbeh and the knowledge of the foundation and antiquity of the city of Damavand.
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
The research method is historical-analytical and has been analyzed through library studies and the collection of the necessary historical information, and then with the data obtained from the field study and matching with the historical data.
So far, no detailed studies have been done about the city of Damavand and the published articles about the city of Damavand have been briefly mentioned, so this article tries to provide a more accurate understanding from this perspective.

Discussion
In the Pahlavi geography, the city was used to mean land, territory, province and city. In the sources, the names of Damavand province and Damavand city are mentioned. The sources of the foundation of the city of Damavand have been attributed to Ermail and kiumars. Whenever the Sassanid kings founded or developed a city, they gave it their name. The city of Damavand as the center represents Kohandej in the center of the city. The artifacts obtained from the city of Damavand as well as the history of Damavand have shed light on the history of Damavand. Damavand consists mostly of the two cities of Vimeh and Shlenbeh and the center of Damavand is considered as Shlenbeh and the current city of Damavand is the same as the old Shlenbeh or Vimeh. In the sources, the name of Damavand is first in the position of “district” and then represents “Damavand city” as the title of the center of the district. 
The city of Damavand has had the following spaces: Kohandej, middle and outer flow. Kohandej was the most prominent feature of the natural features of the land, at the highest point on the edge of the natural terrace of the earth, and the texture of the city was formed based on this central core of the government. Four neighborhoods in the vicinity of this center, it started with the Upper Farama neighborhood in the south, and ended with the Lower Farama neighborhood in the east, and the Jewish and Darvish neighborhood in the north, and then with the bazaar in the northwest. The main entrance of the city, which was the entrance to the bazaar, reached Kohandej and Meydan. Aerial map of 1956 In that place, the castle and its boundaries are independent and separate from the internal flux. The irregular wall of the mosque, which has changed the shape of the map, and the qibla of this mosque is the error of the mihrab in the direction of the south towards Mecca, not the west. But the first Muslims of Iran were inclined بwere built in the west, so the justification for the fact that the wall of the mosque was built on the remains that had a different function.1 The use of the word “Dokhtar Castle” and the name “Sar Qaleh is one of the terminology of the Sassanid period, may be another evidence. 

Conclusion
The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period, on the one hand, as a province, included numerous cities and villages, and on the other hand, it represented the city as the center of the Damavand region. Although this city has a mythical foundation and its creator is not known, it has an older foundation than the Sassanid one.
The historical and geographical sources that mentioned Stoneavand and Mandan as the center of the rule of the Mamoghans, have no correspondence with the city of Damavand. According to the sources and also according to the structures, this city as the center of the district started at least from the Sassanid period and was managed with important spaces until 141AH during the time of the Abbasid Caliph Mansur. It continued as the center in the Islamic period and is still the center of the city to this day, and of course this city was different from Shlnebeh and the two cities were separate. Therefore, the city was called the center of the city. It is not correct to consider Damavand or the current city of Damavand as the same as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, or to consider the Damavand region to include only the villages or only the two cities of Shlenbeh and Vimeh. Now a village called Shlenbeh is located outside the core of the city in the southern part, whether this Shlenbeh is the same as the old Shlenbeh or not, needs to be investigated. The structures of the city of Damavand in the Sassanid period included the important spaces of Kohandej, then the inner flux with the bazaar, the square, and the neighborhoods, and then the outer flux included the villages in the northern and southern parts. The most important part of it was the Kohandej, which was located in the center and the highest point overlooking the city in the place of Sar Qaleh and Dokhtar Castle in the current location of the Jameh Mosque. The complete acceptance of the religion of Islam, and the return of security and tranquility that lasted until the construction of the mosque of the third century AH in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 

Abstract
The picture of various animals is among the themes we see on bullae in Tape Bardnakoon. During the two seasons of exploration in Tape Bardnakoon, a large number of bullae were found, of which 150 bullae have animal motifs, and only quadruped was studied in this research.  Many of the animals are real and many others can be categorized as transcendental, mythical, or unreal animals in general. These animals are embossed on the bullae according to taste or function The aim of the research was to investigate and analyze animal motifs of these bullae. We separate them and investigate the concepts of each of these pictures and find out the various functions of each of these motifs. The general question of the research is the investigation into and analysis of animals’ motifs, whether which animals’ motifs exist on the bullae and which concepts with. The motifs created on them had different functions not to mention the bullae actual function. Aesthetics application or talisman can be considered for example. Many of the motifs have different concepts and foundations. Animals’ motif associated various symbols of goddess of Sasanian period for then people. bullae played a very important role in revision of official and trade ties and the motifs engraved on the bullae had a significant relation to mythical, astronomical, and religious concepts according to the research results. Therefore, they provide important information such as mythical and religious beliefs and thoughts of then people with us.
Keywords: Bllae, Motifs, Tape Bardnakon, Sasanian, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari.

Introduction
The images engraved on the bullae were used to store and transmit information, many of them are concave and a string trace can be seen in the form of a cross behind them, and this feature was used in the process of administrative management. They were considered to be one of the main lines of Sasanian Iranian art. Seals also served other symbolic purposes and acted as talismans as well as votive objects and suitable objects as burial goods. Recent studies on textual and archeological evidence indicate the widespread use of Sasanian seals in both private and official sectors. bullae, which meant the act of sealing, and the seal itself, indicated executive privileges in the Sasanian bureaucracy. Official seals, which are used in commercial and legal procedures, often show more delicate and complex designs and inscriptions than private seals. Be and considering the animal motifs on the bullae, what function can be imagined for them, and what was the relationship of the quadrupeds on the Sasanian bullae of Tape Bardenkoon with the religious beliefs and mythology of the Sasanian period? The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern contains a meaning. The function of these motifs, in addition to the aesthetic aspect, other aspects such as talismans, religious function, and personalization for each person can be imagined for them. The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankon had a religious and religious aspect and were influenced by the beliefs of the Sassanid period. Every god has a symbol and the manifestation of gods in the form of animals, so every animal’s image can be a sign of a religious concept.

Discussion
The Tape Ber Bardnakoon bullae are a collection of 150 bullae featuring both real and imaginary animals. So far, of these, about 32 real and fake animals have been identified. Next to the animal motifs, inscriptions can be seen in the Sassanid Pahlavi script. The bullae are made of clay and consist of quartz and mica particles. Some of them have been baked, while others have been naturally dried after stamping. The motifs on the bullae are actually the impression of the common flat seal motif in this period. In this article, the motifs of the bulla of Tepe Bardnakoon are sometimes compared with the motifs of the bullae of this period. 
The quadruped motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon bullae include a variety of animals, such as lions, cows, goats, rams, tigers, wolves, dogs, deer, bears, rabbits, elephants, and camels. The stamps also feature images of winged horses and winged lions. In many of the Bullae, animal motifs appear in both primary and secondary forms. For example, the lion image is typically the main image on the bullae, but it also appears as a secondary image on several stamps. Some stamps even depict two animals as the main characters together. The bullae found at Tape Bardnakoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern carries a symbolic meaning. These motifs serve not only an aesthetic purpose, but also function as talismans, religious symbols, and personalized marks. Seals were commonly used during this period across various social levels, both in official administrative settings and in personal contexts.

Conclusion
The images of animals on Sassanid bullae are numerous, depending on their political, social, and religious environment, these motifs are mainly composed of animals and mythological creatures. We can assume that many bullae motifs had a religious function because the role of these animals proves this hypothesis due to their religious meanings and foundations. Some motifs have a clear connection with Sassanid period rituals such as Zoroastrianism and Mithraism. Naturally, symbolism has played a fundamental role in recognizing these features and imagining that they evoke the protection of gods and goddesses. Bahram, who is one of the gods of Mazdaism, can be well seen in his incarnations (horse, cow, camel, male goat, ram...) on the stamps. This is derived from the religious beliefs of the people and the Sasanian government. Several other animals, as they did not have a place in religious matters, were considered purely based on visual or aesthetic issues (for example: elephant, duck, pheasant, peacock). While other animals probably have a meaningful connection with the religious and folklore aspects of the Sasanian period. In a way, it can be said that a bullae has all the functions at the same time. A bullae has three main purposes, including Suhail in exchanges (the owner and the place of production of goods were specified), identifying the owner of the work or his beliefs, and asking for the protection of a god. Tape Bardnakoon is located on the main road of communication between the central plateau and the lowlands of Khuzestan. The location and extent of Tape Bardnakoon probably indicate its important role in the internal communication between the highlands of Bakhtiari and the lowlands of Khuzestan, Isfahan, and Fars in the Sassanid period. This issue can be cited due to the large number of bullae obtained from this area. The reason for this can be considered the great value of Golmehr in the administrative system, in a centralized system with the growth of the Sassanid bureaucracy. With the expansion of cities, the economy of the urban and rural society also underwent changes and transformations, and as a result, the use of bullae in exchanges increased. Animal motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon stamps are influenced by the culture and beliefs of the time. These motifs evoke ideology, which is consistent with its political and social structure.

Abstract
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.

Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.

Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.

Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.

Abstract
The ancient city of Ghazni was one of the important cities of the Islamic period and served as the capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. It is located six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni. The strategic significance of this city in the historical and civilizational developments of the Islamic era attracted the attention of archaeologists after World War II, leading to periodic excavations at its ancient sites. Most studies conducted on Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have been based on historical sources, while archaeological investigations have primarily focused on the elite sections of the city and findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The main aim of this study is to illuminate aspects of everyday urban life in this part of the city during the Ghaznavid era, as the authors believe that understanding this area is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that period. Despite the relative preservation of Ghazni’s historical fabric and architectural monuments, no comprehensive study has yet determined the city’s spatial structure. Therefore, a thorough research project was undertaken to answer the question of how Ghazni’s spatial development evolved and to reconstruct the form of the city’s spaces during its peak. To achieve this, investigations were carried out within the historical context of the city, and the results of field studies were compared with written sources. The study revealed that the underlying layers of the neighborhood around the Masʿud III Minaret date back to pre-Islamic periods.
Keywords: Ghazni City, Capital of Ghaznavids, Masoud III Palace, Bahram Shah Minaret, Lashkari Bazar.

Introduction
Today, the city of Ghazni is located approximately 135 kilometers southwest of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, along the Kabul–Kandahar highway. The ancient city of Ghazni, or Ghaznin, situated six kilometers north of the modern city of Ghazni (Fig. 1), lies at an elevation of 2,183 meters above sea level in an intermontane plain, with its water resources primarily supplied by the Gul Koh Mountain range to the north of the plain (Farahmand, 2020). According to the results of the joint Indo-Afghan archaeological mission in 1967, evidence indicates that humans inhabited this region as far back as the Paleolithic period (Alshin & Hammond, 2021: 88). The Avesta, the oldest sacred text of Zoroastrianism, is the earliest source to mention the Ghazni region, referring to it as “Kakhra.” In Ptolemy’s Geography of the 2nd century CE, Ghazni is referred to as “Gazos” (Yamin, 2001: 170). Archaeological evidence uncovered from excavations at the Tepe Sardar sanctuary suggests that the city dates back at least to the 2nd century CE, during the Kushan Empire (Tedi, 1983). Nevertheless, until the Ghaznavid period, Ghazni remained a small town governed by local rulers (Faizi, 2002).
In the 3rd century AH, the Saffarids, the first Muslim Iranian dynasty, launched campaigns into this region, and the local rulers (the Lawik dynasty) became their tributaries, turning Ghazni into a military base for their operations (Mojahed, 2003: 102–107). After the Saffarids’ defeat, the Lawik family became vassals of the Samanids until 351 AH, when Alp-Tegin, a Turkic slave of the Samanids who had risen to the rank of military commander, succeeded in defeating the last ruler of the Lawik dynasty (Habibi, 2011: 40–41). Following this, the city became the capital of the Ghaznavid state. Ghazni reached its peak prosperity during the Ghaznavid period but gradually declined due to internal conflicts and the Ghurid invasions in the 6th century AH. The city was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions and never regained its former prominence (Mousavi-Haji et al., 2019).
Most studies conducted on the city of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period have relied primarily on historical sources, while archaeological research has largely focused on the elite sections of the city and the findings from the palaces of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this context, the recent excavations by the Afghan team in the area between the two minarets—which form the basis of the present article—are particularly significant because they examine the commoner neighborhoods of the city. The primary aim of this study is to shed light on aspects of everyday urban life in this part of Ghazni during the Ghaznavid period, as the authors believe that understanding this section is crucial for a comprehensive knowledge of the city in that era.
Research Questions: The present study seeks to answer fundamental questions regarding the urban fabric, especially the densely built central area of the city during the Ghaznavid period. Specifically, it addresses two major questions about the urban space and its development during this period: First, can the transition from the pre-Islamic to the Islamic era be identified in Ghazni based on archaeological evidence and in a stratified sequence? Second, when was the central part of Ghazni formed, and what types of urban transformations did this section undergo during the Ghaznavid period?
Research Methodology: The research presented in this article is fundamental in nature, aimed at addressing the above questions. It was conducted based on field studies, archaeological excavation reports, and documentary (library-based) research.

Spatial Structure of the City of Ghazni in the Ghaznavid Era
Archaeological evidence indicates that the main pre-Islamic part of the city was limited to the citadel (Fig. 2) and the sanctuary known as Tepe Sardar and its surrounding area (Sherato, 1959). Alp-Tegin, a Turkic emir in the Samanid army, was defeated in an internal succession struggle in Bukhara but managed in 351 AH to defeat the army sent by the new Samanid ruler near Balkh. He then captured the city of Ghazni, which was under the rule of Abubakr Lawik, a local vassal of the Samanids (Kargar, 2004: 5–6). Upon Alp-Tegin’s death in 352 AH, his son and successor, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, could not withstand the army of Abubakr Lawik’s son and successor, Abu Ali Lawik, and fled to Bukhara. Only a year later, with the support of the forces of Amir Mansur Samanid, he reclaimed Ghazni, and he passed away shortly afterward in 355 AH (Heidari, 2011: 55–57). From this date onward, Ghazni became part of the Islamic territories.
After a decade of rule by Bilgatgin (355–365 AH), Ghazni witnessed further conflicts among Sebuktigin, Yirigtigin, and Abu Ali Lawik and his ally Hindushah of Kabul. As a result, Sebuktigin (365–387 AH) rose to power, marking the beginning of the city’s first major constructions in the Islamic period. It is reported that he built a palace called Sahlabad, which remained unfinished and whose location is now unknown. The only surviving monument from this period is the tomb of Sebuktigin, located in the Afghan Chāl neighborhood of Ghazni (Jalali, 1972: 1–7).

Conclusion
Field studies in the city of Ghazni have revealed that the core of the city was centered around the “Shiyar Qara-Bagh neighborhood” in the southern part of the city, near the Hind and Gardiz gates. Since the archaeological site known as “Tepe Sardar” dates back to the Kushan period, it can be confidently argued that the origins of Ghazni extend to the Kushan Empire (30–350 CE). Archaeological evidence indicates that during the Ghaznavid period, the city expanded toward the west and north, extending toward the Sefid Koh highlands.
Archaeological findings also show that significant transformations occurred in the neighborhood today known as “Afghan Chāl,” which likely existed even before the Ghaznavid period. This area became a royal and administrative district, as evidenced by key structures such as the Masʿud III Palace, the tomb of Sebuktigin, and the Bahram Shah and Masʿud III Minarets. Based on archaeological evidence, in the 5th century AH this part of the city, particularly the central area between the two minarets, experienced significant prosperity and likely hosted the jeweler’s market. With the establishment of the market in this neighborhood, residents of the city appear to have settled in surrounding districts such as Shuleh, contributing to the city’s westward expansion.
However, with the decline of Ghaznavid power, the city suffered extensive damage during the conflicts between the Ghaznavids and the Ghurids and was ultimately destroyed by the Mongol invasions. Nevertheless, the city was not entirely lost and, over the centuries, managed to sustain its existence.

The site of Velem is located approximately 500m from the village of Velem, about 36km from Behshahr in the east of Mazandaran province. In 2020 during the construction of a road near the village, this cemetery site was accidentally discovered. In the following year, the rescue excavations were conducted, and burials from pre-Parthian and Parthian period were uncovered. In the first season of excavations twenty-six shaft burials from Parthian period were revealed. This study focuses on the Parthian burials. Since there is limited knowledge about the historical era of northern Iran, especially Mazandaran, the results of excavation at Velem are particularly significant. Furthermore, only a few Parthian sites have been identified in Mazandaran, and the historical knowledge of northern Iran during this period is also limited. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, we try to study the findings from Velem in the first season of excavations to answer the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the graves and the burial methods at Velem? 2) Considering the prevalence of shaft burials in northern Iran, what is the origin and cause of the spread of this burial practice in this region? The field study results show that the Parthian funerary type identified at this site is shaft burial including a corridor, entrance, and burial space. Additionally, a comparative analysis of the graves at this site with similar examples in northern Iran and beyond suggests that this type of burial was common among nomadic peoples. Given the geographical location of northern Iran, it is very likely that this funerary tradition was penetrated to region by north-eastern nomadic population as the movement of a group of nomadic people of Dahae, or it was appeared as a result of the close interactions between nomadic and settled peoples. 

Among the most significant historical and ancient sources in Iran are local handwritten deeds and manuscripts. Through their examination and study, valuable historical information can be obtained. These documents contain detailed accounts of geographical, economic, social, cultural heritage elements, customary laws, and traditional customs. Today, they serve as valuable and primary historical resources. In this context, the province of Isfahan stands out as one of the richest regions in terms of historical depth and the tradition of deed writing in Iran’s local and traditional history. Notably, the handwritten deeds related to the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan (Eastern Jay) have not yet been studied from historical, archaeological, or codicological perspectives. This research aims to present the writing style, structure, and valuable historical content of these documents, introduce them by their original and traditional names, and highlight their importance as precise historical and archaeological sources. It also seeks to showcase the artistic features used in their illustration and decoration as part of the region’s art history. The central question of this study is: How can we extract historical and artistic information from handwritten deeds and evaluate them as credible historical sources? To achieve this goal, three historical manuscripts from the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan have been scientifically and analytically examined: Deed of the Dove Tower at Darb Deh (Aziz Tower), Deed of the Dove Tower of Agha Hossein, (New Tower) Deed of the Gourt Farm Qanat. These manuscripts belong to a private local collection, preserved as family heritage, and have all been registered as movable historical artifacts by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Isfahan.

Among the finest artistic productions of the Safavid period is lusterware, which continued the tradition that flourished during the Middle Islamic era. Despite brief references in some sources to the distinctive nature and form of Safavid lusterware, no independent and focused study has been conducted to date. Therefore, given the formal characteristics of existing lusterware, this study aims to classify them in detail to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of their forms and then to conduct a comparative analysis with blue-and-white ceramics. To achieve this goal, the following questions have been raised: “Into what formal categories can the lusterware of the Safavid period be classified?” and “In terms of form, how do Safavid lusterware correspond to, or compare with, their contemporary blue-and-white counterparts?” In this research, data collection has been carried out through library and field methods, and the study has proceeded with a descriptive-comparative-analytical approach. The statistical population comprises 69 Safavid lusterware pieces and 40 blue-and-white vessels, which, in turn, represent 486 lusterwares and 106 blue-and-white ceramics selected as representative samples of each type based on their formal characteristics. The results of the typological study of these vessels indicate that the lusterware comprises 17 groups, which fall into two main categories: Open forms, such as dishes, bowls, and cups (Piyaleh); and closed forms, such as ewers, bottles, and pitchers. Moreover, although the two pottery types exhibit considerable typological similarity, the lusterware demonstrates greater formal diversity, whereas the blue-and-white ceramics are relatively finer in execution and somewhat larger in scale.

The archaeological site of Tell-e Geser has long suffered from the absence of a comprehensive final excavation report and the fragmented publication of its materials. This problem is particularly evident in the interpretation of five burials discovered in the Fort Mound, which have been inconsistently dated and stratigraphically positioned in successive publications. Previous studies have attributed these burials broadly to the Neo-Elamite period, often assigning a single burial assemblage to multiple and widely separated chronological phases. This paper presents a critical reassessment of the burial data from the Fort Mound through a systematic re-examination of published excavation plans, stratigraphic sections, elevation records, and associated grave goods. Using a historical-archaeological methodology that combines stratigraphic reasoning with comparative typological analysis, each burial is evaluated independently rather than as part of a presumed homogeneous group. The results demonstrate that several inconsistencies in earlier interpretations stem from errors in plan orientation, misreading of elevation data, and the cumulative misinterpretation of archival materials. When these issues are corrected, the burials can be placed within a coherent stratigraphic sequence, revealing that they do not belong to a single chronological horizon. Instead, the evidence indicates multiple phases of burial activity spanning from the Middle Elamite to the late Neo-Elamite period, allowing the identification of six separate burials in a relatively regular chronological sequence that were previously conflated and misidentified as five. This reassessment not only clarifies the burial sequence at Tell-e Geser but also highlights the broader methodological risks of relying uncritically on legacy excavation data.

The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.

In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.

The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks.  The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.

A fragment of a votive slab dedicated to the god Apollo was found during the 2023 season of the archaeological excavations at Kız Island in Apollonia a.R. The depiction of Apollo on the stele bears a close resemblance to the votive tablets found in 1991 at the site called Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhood on the south-eastern shore of Uluabat Lake, south of the city of Apollonia a.R. The inscriptions on the fully preserved Akçapınar votive plaques indicate that the offering was made for Apollo Daphnousios. The honouring stele among the finds points to a settlement named Daphnous Katoikia. The article discusses the location of the cult site of Apollo Daphnousios and the Daphnous Katoikia according to the finds from Kız Island. According to the similarity between the Akçapınar and Kız Island votive reliefs, the sanctuary of Apollo should be localized to Kız Island, whereas the Daphnous Katoikia should be located to the Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhoods. It is emphasized that the Seleucids were interested in the city of Apollonia a.R. because of Apollo’s cult, while the Daphnous Katoikia was a garrison settlement established against the Kingdom of Bithynia not far from the cult area.

The earliest evidence of human exploitation of the wild date palm in the Middle East dates back to the sixth and fifth millennia BCE. Despite the scarcity of archaeological data, it is commonly assumed that by the end of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3300–3100 BCE), the Sumerians founded the earliest date palm orchards. However, this hypothesis has thus far not been substantiated by scientifically verified and documented evidence, rendering the matter a subject of scholarly controversy. To date, since the Proto-Elamite script has not yet been fully deciphered, our knowledge of agricultural activities within Proto-Elamite society remains considerably limited. What has been learned so far regarding the structure of this society’s economic system is derived mainly from comparisons between signs found on Proto-Elamite clay tablets and comparable examples in Late Uruk Mesopotamian Proto-cuneiform tablets from the late fourth millennium BCE; signs that primarily pertain to labor activities, animal husbandry, and livestock products. This study outlines the phenotypic characteristics of the date palm that can be identified, and examines their similarities to known Proto-Elamite examples. The authors suggest signs representing date palms in the Proto-Elamite script and consider them as key resources for a better understanding of the subsistence economy of the Proto-Elamite period, an issue previously absent from the scholarly literature on this era. Employing a comparative approach, the article correlates the signs for palms in Proto-Elamite texts with contemporaneous and later Iranian, as well as Mesopotamian, visual motifs. By introducing these signs into the archaeological discourse of the Proto-Elamite period, the research enables a more accurate reconstruction of the economic system and assessment of the level of date-palm horticultural knowledge in southwestern Iran during the late fourth millennium BCE.

The city of Sahneh, located 54 kilometers northeast of Kermanshah in the central Zagros passage, plays a crucial role as a strategic crossroads, linking the Iranian central plateau to Mesopotamia and connecting the internal plains of Kermanshah to Hamadan. Archaeological surveys in Sahneh County, conducted in 2003, employed the site survey method, whereby all ancient sites were studied in terms of their geographical location and settlement sequence. This approach provides the necessary data for interpreting the settlement history of the region. As a result of this field research, for the first time, two archaeological sites containing cultural materials from the Middle Elamite period were identified in this area. This discovery significantly extends the cultural domain of the Middle Elamite period in the Zagros toward the east and northeast, indicating that the influence of this civilization extended beyond its known centers in the southwestern provinces of Iran (such as Khuzestan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, Fars, and Bushehr) as far as Kermanshah Province. Given the importance of these findings, further surveys were carried out in 2024 and 2025 to identify Middle Elamite sites in Sahneh. Following this research, two additional sites with Middle Elamite cultural materials were discovered. These findings not only confirm the existence of an active cultural-commercial corridor in this region but also highlight the necessity of revising cultural-geographical maps and historical developments of the Middle Elamite period in the central Zagros. Continued studies and targeted excavations at these sites can clarify the role of this region in the network of cultural interactions between the Iranian Plateau and Mesopotamia and are expected to lead to a fundamental reassessment of current perspectives on the history of this era.

Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.

Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.

Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.

Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.

Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.

Abstract
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.

Abstract
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.

Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.

Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.

Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.

Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).

Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.

Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.

Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.

Abstract
The Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods are the important periods of human life. The why and how of the transition process from the Paleolithic to the Neolithic in different regions is considered an important archaeological issue. Therefore, it is important to understand and study the sites related to this period to explain this process. Ghela Zeka Tape is located in Khorramabad, in the central Zagros region. Valuable information about the Neolithisation process, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods has been published from this area. Based on the results of the boundary determination, Ghela Zeka has an area of nearly three hectares. In this research, with the aim of introducing and explaining the data, the author has reviewed, studied, and compared the findings obtained from the Ghela Zeka, including stone tools, pottery sherds, and a sample of an animal figurine from the Neolithic and early Chalcolithic period. As a result of this research, was confirmed the possibility of the existence of layers from the Neolithisation period was raised and the presence of evidence from the pre-pottery and pottery Neolithic periods. These results were obtained from examining and comparing chipped stone materials such as various flake, mixed, pyramidal, and bullet-shaped cores, and tools such as notched, retouched blades/bladelets, and sickle blades, as well as pottery samples of the Roahel type. From the Chalcolithic period, evidence of pottery of the Bagh-e No and Giyan V types indicated a continuation of settlement from the Neolithic to the early Chalcolithic period. Based on radio carbon dating of the Bagh-e No culture and comparison with the Sialk I-III cultures on the Central Plateau, the Bagh-e No and Giyan V pottery cultures have been dated to the late 6th to late 5th millennium BC. As a result of this research, questions about the periods of the site and its role in the studies of this period are answered. The importance of this research is that by analyzing the materials of these important periods in Central Lorestan, it highlights the importance of future excavations to study the transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic.
Keywords: Lorestan, Khorramabad, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Qela Zeka.

Introduction
The beginning of agriculture and domestication, the creation of architecture and building houses with simple and primitive materials, and the increase in population are some of the prominent features of the Neolithic period. Referring to these changes and developments, Bar-yosef refers to it as the most vital human revolution after 2.5 million years of cultural growth and evolution (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 117). The first studies on the Neolithic in western Iran were carried out by Robert Braidwood in Kermanshah (Braidwood et al., 1961). After a hiatus of about 30 years, research on this period resumed with the excavation of the Chogha Golan (Zeidi & Conard, 2013), Sheikhi Abad (Matthews et al., 2013), and Eastern Chia Sbez (Darabi et al., 2011), which continues to the present (Darabi et al., 2024). During this period, the formation and expansion of early villages took place, which reflects a multifaceted development in the societies of the region in various economic, social, and ritual fields, which is divided into the following sub-periods: Transitional Neolithic (9700-8000 BC), Pre-Pottery Neolithic (8000-7000 BC), and Pottery Neolithic (7000-6000 BC) (Darabi, 2024: 8). The Central Zagros Chalcolithic period covers a period of two thousand years from 5500 to 3300 (Henrickson, 1991: 278). Until the 1970s, the Central Zagros Chalcolithic period chronology of western Iran was based on the Giyan sequence, which both McCan and Dyson published based on the typology of Giyan V pottery (Henrickson, 1985: 63). This period has been divided by Elizabeth Henrickson into three phases: Lower, Middle, and Upper (Henrickson, 1985:66). This period in Lorestan had its own unique characteristics, so that its Lower period was different from other areas of the Central Zagros and had its own culture with local characteristics, which is known as the “Bagh-e No culture”. After the Bagh-e No, it was replaced by a pottery culture known as the Se-Gabi (SGP) and the Giyan Vc, which was related to the Ubaid culture in Mesopotamia and which Hole called the “Daurai phase” in the Khorram Abad valley (Hole, 2007:72). The Upper Chalcolithic, like the previous period, had its own characteristics, which were more closely related to and more strongly influenced by the growing Uruk culture in Mesopotamia and Susa II in the Suziana Plain, which in the Central Zagros is comparable and recognizable with the Godin VI period (Young, 1969). 
Since the Ghela Zeka Tape, with an area of nearly 3 hectares, has reliable and strong evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Khorram Abad, analyzing its cultural findings with the aim of introducing and explaining the importance of this work is an undeniable necessity. The evidence studied in this research shows that Ghela Zeka can have a prominent position as one of the key Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Central Zagros. Given the extensive settlement and diversity of material finds, questions about the periods of settlement of the Tape, cultural interactions with surrounding areas, and its importance in studies of the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic arise, which are addressed in this study. It seems that Ghela Zeka had settlements from different stages of the Neolithic period, which played an important role in the transition to the Early Chalcolithic and the Bagh-e No in Central Lorestan.


Identified Traces
Ghela Zeka is located in Dehpir district of the Khorram Abad county, 10 km northeast of Khorramabad city. This monument has a geographical location of 48° 46’ 67”, 33° 55’ 15” and 1475 masl (Fig. 1). The most important material findings from the Tape included chipped stones, pottery, and a clay figurine resembling boars. 
The stone tools belonging to the Neolithic period were obtained from the excavated layers of the boundary determination pits, which included; various amorphous cores, pyramidal blades and blade lets and bullet cores, various types of simple and retouched blades, blade lets, chisels, scrapers, ridges and sickle blades (Figs. 3,4). The Ghela Zeka community mainly used chart in different colors and sometimes flint and obsidian to make and produce tools. The conglomerate outcrop 7 km west and southwest could have been the main source of this stone, which is distributed up to 3 km from the Tape (Fig. 2). Small fragments of obsidian in the layers of Ghela Zeka are an indication of trans-regional relations of the people of the site. Based on experimental studies in various sites in western Iran, this stone was probably supplied from the sources of Nimrud Dagh in southeastern Anatolia (Renfrew, 1969: 430; Darabi & Glascock, 2013; Pullar, 1990: 12).
A total of 16 source samples were obtained from the exploration of boreholes located in the field, including 5 blade and blade let, 7 amorphous cores, and 5 mixed cores. During the excavation, 32 stone tool samples were obtained. The Neolithic pottery of Lorestan is known as the Roahol phase (Bahrami & Fazeli Nashli, 2016: 32). This pottery was first identified from the Neolithic Roahol site in the Khorramabad valley (Bahrami et al., 2012), which can be compared with the pottery of Mohammad Jafar in the Alikosh of Dehloran (Bahrami & Mohammadian, 2025: 61). Several pottery sherds similar to Roahol pottery were found from the Ghela Zeka, two of which were painted (Figs. 5-6: No: 5,6). Also, a clay figurine resembling a boar was found in the Neolithic layers of borehole number 10, measuring about 5 cm in length and 4 cm in height (Fig. 7).
As mentioned earlier, the Early Chalcolithic in Lorestan is known as the Bagh-e No culture. Most of the pottery from this period was found from the surface survey (Fig. 6), and only 3 samples were obtained from the determine the boundary (Fig. 8). The pottery of this period has straight and elongated edges and due to insufficient and incomplete firing has a gray paste and a mixture of straw. Their outer surface coating is buff or orange, decorated mainly with geometric and rarely human and possibly plant decorations in black and red (Figs. 5,6, Table. 1). Young has classified the pottery of this period into two groups IA and IB. Young’s type IA pottery is a type of pottery with a mixture of straw and buff, which usually has thick walls, which Young has introduced as early pottery with a mixture of straw, and group IB he considers with the same characteristics but of the embossed type (Young, 1966:230). Goff has mentioned these potteries as early pottery (Goff, 1971:134). This type of pottery has also been reported in Chia Siah and Chia Zargaran of Tarhan (Schmidt et al., 1989; Goff, 1971), the upper layers of Abdul Hussein Tepe (Pullar 1990), and many sites in different cities of Lorestan.

Conclusion
Based on what has been said above, Ghela Zeka Tape encompasses a long settlement from the pre-pottery Neolithic period before the 7th millennium BC to the end of the 5th millennium BC. The presence of amorphous, pyramidal and mixed cores in this complex, along with ridges and dentils, indicates the possibility of settlement in the transitional Neolithic period before the 8th millennium BC. The presence and abundance of tools made on blades and blade lets, including sickle blades and bullet cores, reflects the existence of a possible agricultural community at Ghela Zeka in the 8th millennium BC. Ghela Zeka, like many Neolithic sites in western Iran, entered into trans-regional interactions during this period and received and produced obsidian chipped stones Given the area of the site, which is more than 3 hectares, this agricultural community was probably a settlement. No settlement of this period has been identified in Lorestan so far, and Ghela Zeka may be considered one of the most extensive Neolithic sites in western Iran. The discovery of an animal figurine could be a sign of a society with ritual and symbolic dimensions. Another important feature of Ghela Zeka is the presence of the Pre-pottery Neolithic following the Pottery Neolithic, which could help explain the transition between these two periods in the 7th millennium BC in the region and the differences in tool industries and livelihoods of its people. The continuity of settlement from the Neolithic to the Lower Chalcolithic is important, as reliable pottery evidence from the Bagh-e No and possibly Giyan V has been found. Perhaps one of the most important questions in the archaeology of Lorestan and western Iran, namely when, why and how the transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and its biological aspects, can be answered in scientific excavations. Based on available data, Ghela Zeka was inhabited until the late 5th millennium BC and then abandoned. Ultimately, an accurate understanding of the time and various aspects of life at Ghela Zeka requires scientific exploration and providing an absolute dating of it.