Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.

Abstract
In recent decades, our knowledge about the Parthian period has increased significantly thanks to the valuable field researches mainly in the form of archaeological surveys. The target area of this research, Abbar and Darram districts, in Tarom Olia of Zanjan province, is also one of the areas where no information was available about its condition in the Parthian period. This research study 12 Parthian sites of the area, in order to answer questions such as the quality and quantity of settlements, The influence of climatic and environmental factors on the formation of sites, the characteristics of cultural materials and especially the typology of pottery, the differences and commonalities with the surrounding areas and the reconstruction of the historical and cultural image of the region in the Parthian period. The Parthian sites of the region were studied based on factors such as height, land slope, soil quality, and access to water sources and communication routes. Studying of Parthian potteries, including three groups of decorated, common and fillide, indicate that the pottery tradition of the region, in addition to having local characteristics, was influenced by the pottery traditions of the north, northwest and West of Iran, which indicates inter-regional connections and the role of Tarom region as a bridge between different parts of North-West Iran. The Parthian settlements were mainly formed near permanent water sources such as Ghezel-Ozan River and in low-slope, low-altitude and fertile lands. Due to the hydrological condition of the Tarom Valley and the abundance of water resources, all the Parthian sites access to sufficient water. According to the settlement pattern, it seems that the majority of the population of the area had a livelihood based on agriculture and gardening, in which the Darram Castle with an area of about 20 hectares played a key role in the area.
Keywords: Tarom Olia, Abbar, Darram, Archaeological Survey, Parthian Settlements.

Introduction
Zanjan province has long been one of the important areas for the formation of human sites in the northwestern part of Iran’s plateau due to its climatic conditions and geographical location as a communication corridor between the central plateau and the northwest of Iran. Tarom County, located in the northernmost part of Zanjan province, has the potential for the formation and relative development of human settlements. A season of archaeological survey in the area of Abbar and Darram in Upper Tarom County identified 12 Parthian sites based mainly on the typology of pottery, including Pavehrud, Dam, Foqlake 1, Foqlake 2, Emamzadeh, Vaznehsar, Darram, Oghlanqalasi, Govarqale 1, Govarqale 2, Govarqale 3, and Kuhkan Olya. This research, conducted through field and library studies, aims to investigate the Parthian sites in the region, exploring questions about the quantity and quality of Parthian sites, the influence of climatic and environmental factors on their formation, the typology of cultural materials (mainly pottery), and their differences and commonalities with surrounding areas. The Parthian pottery from the studied sites can be classified into three groups: decorated pottery, plain pottery, and Fillide pottery.

Environmental effects on formation of the Tarom Parthian sites
1. Water sources: In the Tarom region, along with the permanent flow of the Qezel-Uzan River, there are rich underground water sources, such as wells, canals, springs, tributaries, seasonal rivers, and channels, providing favorable conditions for the formation of human societies. In the studied area, nine sites are located less than 500 meters from rivers like Sherfan-Rud, Abbar, Nokian, Qeshlaq-Rud, and Vaznehsar, while two sites are situated less than 10 meters from Qezel-Uzan itself. Due to the hydrological conditions of the valley and the abundance of water sources, all sites in Abbar and Darram had access to sufficient water and were located near permanent water sources.
2. Hypsometry: The Parthian settlements in this area are located at different heights above sea level. Oghlanqalasi, at an altitude of 408 meters, and Dam, at an altitude of 1288 meters, are the lowest and highest Parthian sites in the study area, respectively. Overall, the Parthian sites in the region can be categorized into two groups based on altitude: those below 700 meters and those above 900 meters. There are 9 Parthian sites (75%) below 700 meters and only three sites (25%) above 900 meters. The first group is situated in valleys between mountains near rivers, while the second group is located on highland slopes.
3. Land slope: There appears to be a direct correlation between the elevation of Parthian sites in Abbar and Darram and the slope of the land. All nine Parthian sites in Abbar and Darram below 700 meters have slopes of less than 10 degrees, indicating that 75% of the sites are on low slopes and altitudes. Among the sites in Abbar and Darram, only 3 sites (25%) between 900 and 1300 meters have relatively steep slopes of 20 to 30 degrees. The slopes of the sites vary in direction, mainly north to south and west to east, highlighting the importance of sunlight in the formation of Parthian settlements in Abbar and Darram.
4. Land use: All Parthian sites below 700 meters with slopes less than 10% have fertile soil suitable for agriculture. The largest lowland and alluvial lands in the survey area are located on the northern edge of Qezel-Uzan, in the eastern and northwestern parts of Darram Castle. These lands have good access to water from the Siah Rud River to the north and the Ghezel Uzan River to the west.
5. Communication ways: Due to the topography of the area, communication routes have remained relatively unchanged over different periods, limited to inter-mountain valleys along rivers. The Parthian sites in this region are mainly aligned in a northwest-southeast direction along Qezel-Uzan or in valleys of sub-rivers perpendicular to the Qezel-Uzan River valley. The main modern communication road in the region follows a similar route along Qezl-Ozen. The proximity of Parthian sites to modern roads suggests that ancient roads likely followed a similar path.

Conclusion
In total, the sites located at an altitude of less than 700 meters, with an average size of 3.3 hectares, have good conditions for agricultural and horticultural activities due to easy access to water sources, good soil, and suitable slope. Additionally, sites located at a height of more than 900 meters above sea level, with an average area of 0.79 hectares, are situated in the middle of valleys and on sloping surfaces near tributary rivers, with rich pastures and water resources, making them favorable for animal husbandry activities. Moreover, the size and density of Parthian sites in the lower areas are much greater than in the higher areas. Considering that the size and density of the sites indicate the population living in the region, it appears from the results of our study that the dominant population of Abbar and Darram in the Parthian period had a subsistence economy based on agriculture and horticulture.
Among the identified Parthian sites, the site of Darram Castle, with an area of about 20 hectares, is a massive fortification structure on the northern bank of Qezel-Uzan. Given some features of Darram Castle such as its large size, fortification, easy access to permanent water sources, and access to agricultural land, it seems that Darram Castle played a key role throughout the study region in the last centuries of the Parthian period. The results of the study indicate that the pottery tradition in the region, in addition to being influenced by internal and local factors, was influenced by neighboring regions in the north, northwest, and west of Iran.

Abstract
The Zagros region and its hilly flanks, particularly its central parts in the provinces such as Kermanshah, Lorestan and Ilam have provided most evidences related to the Neolithic period and the transition from hunting and gathering to farming and herding. However, our understanding of the Neolithization process in the southern part of the Zagros mountains remains limited and poorly understood to this day. The excavation of Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei is the first Neolithic excavated site in the Kohgilouyeh region, providing new archaeological data. The primary objective of our research was to explore various aspects of the Neolithic way of life at the site, including recovering animal and plant remains to reconstruct economic practices and ancient ecology in the early Holocene period. Another important aim was to obtain samples for C14 dating to establish a reliable chronology for the site. To address these goals, we sought answers to significant research questions include: is the settlement of Bibizolikhaei exclusively a pre-pottery Neolithic settlement? What is the type of the settlement and how long did it last?? To what extent was the economic practices of Bibizolaikhaei people based on hunting and gathering and how much was it based on farming and herding? Based on the stone tools assemblage and the absence of contemporaneous pottery, we infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. Regarding the ecological features of the site, we documented that the subsistence practices of its settlers involved a combination of gathering plant seeds and wild grains, as well as hunting small mammals and engaging in small-scale fishing. This article employs a descriptive-analytical research method wherein we describe and analyze the excavated findings within their context. Additionally, the C14 results confirm that the site was occupied during the first half of 8th millennium BC.  
Keywords: Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei, Pre-Pottery Neolithic, Neolithization, Kohgilouyeh.

Introduction
In the Iranian plateau, the most important evidence regarding transition from hunting and gathering to farming and herding comes from the Central Zagros and its hilly flanks, i.e.in the regions such as Kermanshah, Lorestan and Ilam provinces (e.g. Braidwood et al., 1961; Smith 1976; 1990; Mortensen, 1972; Meldegaard et al., 1963; Matthews et al., 2013; Riehl et al., 2015; Darabi et al., 2011). Our understanding of the Neolithic period in the southwestern parts of the Zagros region has been significantly enhanced through excavations at various sites, including of Ali Kosh (Hole et al., 1969), Choghsefied (Hole, 1977) and Chogha Bonout (Alizadeh, 2003). Except for few sites with possible finding from this period, excavations at Seyedeh Khtoun Cave in Arsanjan (Tsuneki and Mirzaye, 2012) and joint Iranian/Japanese project in framework of Tang-e Bolaghi recue excavations, have reveled evidence of this period in the southern Zagros. Moreover, excavations at Tap-e Rahmatabad (Azizi et al., 2014), Ghasre Ahmad (Kamjan et al., 2018) and Tol-e Sangi (Alizadeh, 2021: 4) are recent research in the region. Several reported sites from Chehar Mohal and Bakhtyari (Zagarell, 1982; Daujat et al., 2016) including Ghale Rostam provide information about this period. In addition to sites of other periods, archaeological survey of the Kohgilouyeh region led to identification of a number of Neolithic period sites that shows the importance of the region for the studies on the Neolithic. The primary objective of our research was to explore various aspects of the Neolithic way of life at the site, including recovering animal and plant remains to reconstruct economic practices and ancient ecology in the early Holocene period. Another important aim was to obtain samples for C14 dating to establish a reliable chronology for the site. To address these goals, we sought answers to significant research questions include: is the settlement of Bibizolikhaei exclusively a pre-pottery Neolithic settlement? What is the type of the settlement and how long did it last? To what extent was the economic practices of Bibizolaikhaei people based on hunting and gathering and how much was it based on farming and herding? Based on the stone tools assemblage and the absence of contemporaneous pottery, we infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. Regarding the ecological features of the site, we documented that the subsistence practices of its settlers involved a combination of gathering plant seeds and wild grains, as well as hunting small mammals and engaging in small-scale fishing. This article employs a descriptive-analytical research method wherein we describe and analyze the excavated findings within their context. Additionally, the C14 results confirm that the site was occupied during the first half of 8th millennium BC. Considering the geological landscape features of the region and its ecological potentials, it is plausible to hypothesize that the occupation of the site at Tap-e Bibizolaikhaei may have been seasonal in nature. 

Discussion
The excavation of Bibizolaikhaei revealed three layers and a number of features. Although we could not reach to the virgin soil, remains of pebble floor, stone oven, a possible wall, animal and botanical remains and lithics were the important finds of our excavation. Among them, remains of a pebble floor is the most significant. Apparently, the use of pebble floors was common in the mountainous landscape of Zagros during the Neolithic period (e.g., Darabi et al., 2011: 256; Braidwood et al., 1983: fig 66). Lithics recovered from the excavation are based on production of bladelets which are the same Zagros Mlefatian tradition. All deposits were floated, however, there is no clear evidence of domesticated plants; this might be due to the revealed space and small scale of the excavation. However, the presence of stone mortars, pestles, grinding slabs and pounders that were recovered during the excavation and on the surface of the site shows that processing of plant seeds had an important role for the subsistence of the settlers of the site. Remains of animal bones such as domesticated goats and wild sheep indicates the presence of these animals in the diet of the settlers of the site. Due to the absence of Neolithic pottery in the excavation and on surface of the site, it is possible to infer that the site belongs to the pre- pottery Neolithic period. According to the results of C14 samples, it is certain that the site has been inhabited during the first half of the 8th millennium BC. For environmental reasons, Kohgilouyeh was the region where, until two decades ago, a significant portion of its residents relied on a semi-sedentary lifestyle. Therefore, until further studies are conducted, we can presume that this subsistence strategy has a longstanding history and should be taken into account when considering the Neolithic settlers of Bibizolaikhaei.

Conclusion 
Bibizolaikhaei is a pre-pottery Neolithic site and representative of the Neolithic sites of the Kohgilouyeh region. The C14 results indicate that the site was inhabited at least since the first half of 8th millennium BC. Considering the importance of the Neolithic period in the evolution process of the human societies, the need of continuing research at Bibizolaikhaei to find out various aspects of probably the oldest settlement of this part of Zagros appear obvious. By continuing investigations at this site, we expect to be able to understand the evolutionary trajectories of this part of Zagros is relation to the other parts of this mountainous range. 
Now with increased awareness from central Zagros (i.e. the site of Shaikhiabad), southern Zagros (including the sites of Tange Bolaghi and Rahmatabad) and western borders of the Zagros (i.e. the site of Choghagolan), it is necessary to explore and understand the Neolithic societies and human adaptations that existed in the regions such as Kohgilouyeh with its diverse landscape during the Holocene period. Bibizolaikhaei provides relevant information regarding this less understood region.  

Abstract
Kamaliyeh Collection is one of the most significant remnants dating back to the first half of the 8th century AD in the city of Yazd. Despite its historical and archaeological importance, no studies have been conducted on this collection. Through systematic efforts carried out in the 1970s, 24 intact or broken tiles with luster patterns depicting plants, birds, and inscriptions in the form of star-shaped (kokabi) motifs were discovered. Since there have been no published studies or reports on these tiles, the present research aims to examine their visual, content, and probable origin characteristics based on historical and architectural evidence through a comparative analysis with existing samples. Therefore, the following research questions are addressed: 1. What information can be obtained from the patterns and inscriptions on luster tiles of Kamaliyeh School in Yazd? 2. Based on the visual features of the patterns, which centers of luster tile production do the identified tiles belong to? The current study employs a documentary and descriptive-historical approach, along with analytical and comparative methods, to logically address the research questions. The results indicate that the patterns on the tiles include floral designs (three pattern models with a lotus flower motif and Shah Abbasid buds around the center of the tile), birds (a flying eagle with spread wings among floral patterns), and inscriptions (Quranic verses with themes of victory, admonition, sustenance, and Persian literature derived from Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and Shams Tabrizi). These designs on the tiles serve specific religious, belief, and burial functions within the collection. Moreover, considering the significant similarity in pattern models, designs, and inscriptions among the studied samples, it is likely that Kashan was the major center for tile production. This is plausible considering the strategic communication route from Rey to Kerman passing through Kashan to Yazd for the distribution of luster tiles.
Keywords: Kamaliyeh School, Yazd, luster tiles, floral patterns and inscriptions, Kashan.

Introduction
The Al-Muzaffar era is one of the significant historical periods in the city of Yazd, ruling over the southern and central regions of Iran in the 8th century AD. The flourishing construction and development in Yazd during this period were substantial enough to lead to the expansion of its citadel and wall in several stages, particularly the relocation of some city districts outside its fortifications (Kateb, 1966: 69).
Luster tiles were crucial architectural elements used in both religious and non-religious structures during this period, adorning interior or exterior facades and mihrabs. In the Ilkhanid era, some religious buildings in cities, including the mausoleums of Shiites, were adorned with luster artworks. It seems that Yazd was one such city, gaining increased significance during the Middle Islamic centuries with the rise of the Al-Muzaffar dynasty. The Al-Muzaffar rule in Yazd, due to their support for the arts and culture of the Yazdi people, contributed significantly to the prosperity and development of the city. This support was to such an extent that one of the shining cultural periods in Yazd’s history is attributed to the reign of the Al-Muzaffar dynasty (Kateb, 1966: 89).
One notable feature of this era was the establishment of numerous Dar al-’Ilms (houses of knowledge), with Yazd earning the title of Dar al-’Ilm. Various sciences were taught in schools, mosques, Dar al-Siyadehs, and Khanqahs (Mirhosseini, 1993: 58). Another characteristic of this period was the flourishing of Sufism and the creation of various khaneqahs in Yazd and its surrounding regions, including the Rastaq Khanqah (Ibid: 265). These institutions made utmost efforts to create robust architecture and embellish it with the finest elements. One of the historical buildings of great value, adorned with remarkable luster tiles, is the Kamaliyeh Collection or Shah Kamal in Yazd. This structure was constructed in the year 720 AH by Khwaja Kamal al-Din Abu al-Ma’ali.
In the early 1970s, during organizational efforts, a number of luster tiles were discovered installed above a wall and are currently preserved in the secure storage of the Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts, and Tourism Organization of Yazd Province (Afshar, Vol. 2, 1996: 613). Although these objects have been organized and cataloged in recent years, a comprehensive scientific study on these tiles and their origin has not been conducted so far. Therefore, the present research aims to provide logical answers to existing ambiguities regarding the origin and nature of these tiles by studying their patterns and inscriptions and comparing them with contemporary and similar samples.

Discussion and Analysis
Tile Shape: The identified luster tiles in this structure are octagonal, a model commonly used in combination with cross-shaped (Chelipa) tiles with turquoise single-glaze enamel in the decoration of religious Shia buildings, such as the shrines of Imam Reza (AS) and Hazrat Masoumeh (SA) or Takht-e-Soleiman, dating back to the 7th century AD. In their decoration, plant, animal, and inscription motifs have been employed.
Patterns: The bird pattern of a flying eagle is one of the common motifs in the decoration of these tiles, appearing in the midst of floral patterns with outspread wings. Comparable examples can be identified among luster vessels produced in the city of Kashan. Among the comparable examples, luster star-shaped tiles in the Museum of Islamic Art in Istanbul, a sample from Takht-e-Soleiman in the British Museum, samples from the Sackler collection, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and the Freer Gallery of Art, all date back to the Ilkhanid period and were produced in the city of Kashan.

Floral Patterns
Most of the studied tiles depict a blue lotus flower with dense branches and leaves covering the entire central area of the tile. The spaces between the branches and leaves are filled with small circular motifs arranged in a band. While the floral patterns show overall similarity, careful examination reveals at least three design patterns among them: 1) a floral design with a Shah Abbasid flower at the top with branches and leaves on both sides (examples 16-1), 2) a Shah Abbasid flower in the center with dense branches and leaves around it (example 17), and 3) a small hexagonal flower at the top with two Shah Abbasid flowers on either side (example 20). Among these three patterns, the similarities between patterns 1 and 2 with samples from the Cambi Auction House in Genoa, Italy, a specimen from Sultanabad, and a sample preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum are noteworthy.

Inscriptions
All the studied tiles include outer margins adorned with inscriptions. Among the 24 studied tiles, 18 are adorned with Quranic verses, 6 with Persian verses, 5 with verses from the Shahnameh, and one of the samples features verses from Shams Tabrizi.
The detailed analysis of the identified luster tiles in the Kamaliyeh Collection provides valuable insights into the patterns, shapes, and inscriptions used during the Al-Muzaffar era in Yazd. Comparisons with contemporary examples from Kashan and other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural and artistic context of this historical period.

Conclusion
The Kamaliyeh School is one of the significant educational institutions of the Ilkhanid period in the city of Yazd, expanding its influence in subsequent eras. It appears that luster tiles were utilized in adorning certain sections of the building, though the exact purpose of their use remains unclear. In the explorations conducted in Yazd, few traces of luster tiles have been discovered, and the collected samples from the Kamaliyeh School are the most important luster artifacts found to date. A crucial point is the function of these tiles, as research suggests that they are generally associated with religious beliefs or identity burial practices and have been predominantly used in shrines or burial sites. In the Kamaliyeh Collection, it is probable that they were used in the burial chamber, similar to examples found in the Seyyed Shams al-Din and Seyyed Rokn al-Din shrines in Yazd. While the samples from Takht-e-Soleiman primarily depict a royal structure (palace), the presence of religious color throughout the entire collection justifies the usage of such ceramics. Moreover, considering the Kamaliyeh Collection’s diverse functions, including a khanqah, school, and dome, and its educational-religious approach, the use of these types of tiles was likely a common practice during its time. The results also indicate the use of three categories of patterns: floral, animal, and inscription motifs. The floral patterns mostly depict a blue lotus flower, which has a long history in Iranian culture and has been used in various arts, including carpet weaving, under different names like “Shah-Abbasi flower.” With regards to the better-preserved examples, at least three design patterns emphasizing the Shah Abbasid flower are conceivable. The bird pattern of a flying eagle, present in the midst of floral patterns and on the central area of octagonal tiles, is surrounded by inscriptions in though script on the outer margin. The inscriptions draw inspiration from two different sources, the Holy Quran and Persian literature. Quranic inscriptions are categorized into several groups based on content, and the presented concepts can be considered relevant to the building’s function. Persian verses are mostly related to the Shahnameh, with only one case influenced by the poetry of Shams Tabrizi. Through a comparison of form, design patterns of motifs and inscriptions, and even the colors used, with examples preserved in museums such as the British Museum, the Museum of Islamic Art in Istanbul, the Sackler Collection, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and the Cambi Auction House in Genoa, it can be asserted that the probable place of production for the luster tiles of the Kamaliyeh School was the city of Kashan.

 Abstract
During the Safavid period, innovations were created in Stucco decorations. the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration is one of the most attractive and unique architectural decorations of the Safavid period, which was implemented with various motifs in some of the buildings of that period and has a special creativity and innovation that is different from the implementation of other types of Stucco decorations. Knowing the methods and implementation steps of Stucco decorations in restoration projects and studying them is considered as one of the essential elements and an inseparable part of the protection of historical Stucco decorations. The purpose of this research is to identify the similarities and differences, the variety of methods and the stages of implementation of Koshtehbori Stucco decoration with other Stucco decorations in the architecture of the Safavid period. The questions of this research are: What are the similarities and differences of Koshtehbori Stucco decoration with other Stucco decorations in Safavid period architecture in terms of the method and stages of construction and execution? What is the appropriate classification for technical types of Stucco decorations in Safavid architecture? The research method is descriptive-analytical and comparative, and the collection of findings is in the form of library studies and field observations. The results of the studies showed that, unlike other Stucco decorations of the Safavid period, in the execution of the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, Finishing, polishing, Convex or concavity was not done on the surface of the motifs, and only the background of the design or some carving motifs. In terms of the method, stages and sequence of execution, the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, is the most similar to the Stucco decoration with carved colored layers. These similarities are in terms of the thickness of each layer of one millimeter and the method of cutting at an angle of 90 degrees to the surface of the motifs and polishing and smoothing the carved parts. Is. Also, in terms of the method, steps and sequence of execution, the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, is the most different from the carved decoration filled with colored gypsum.
Keywords: Koshtehbori, The Technique of Implementing Stucco Decorations, Classification of Stucco Decorations, Safavid Period Architecture.

Introduction
Stucco decorations in Iran’s architecture have been implemented with different techniques and methods, one of which is the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration. The method and technique of execution of the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration in the Safavid period architecture is different from the Stucco decorations before it and required less time and economic cost per unit area than the relief Stucco decorations of the previous periods. This ornament has a special beauty, it has a variety of colors or different motifs. Previous research by experts in Iranian architecture and art history has focused mostly on Stucco decoration motifs and less on stucco types, comparative analysis of construction methods and techniques. A special classification and understanding of the execution method of Safavid period Stucco decorations can draw more attention to documentation and practical aspects in their basic maintenance and restoration. This research aims to identify the similarities and differences, variety of methods and stages, and execution order of the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration in comparison with other Stucco decorations of the Safavid period, as well as classify the Stucco decorations of this period.
The research questions are: What is the appropriate classification for technical implementation types of Stucco decorations of Safavid period architecture? What are the similarities and differences between the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration and other Stucco decorations of the Safavid period in terms of construction methods and stages? Research method: This research used a descriptive-analytical method to investigate some architectural Stucco decorations in Iran through library studies and field observations. The statistical population of this research includes 6 types of common Stucco decorations in Safavid architecture. The common features and differences between the Koshtehbori decoration and other Stucco decorations of the Safavid period were presented in a descriptive-analytical and adaptive-comparative method in terms of execution methods and stages. For this purpose, common Stucco decorations were examined in terms of the order of executive layers, such as support, scratch coat(arriccio) and fine coat (intonaco) layers, type of background, design drawing and stabilization, plastered layer, and finishing steps. The findings of this research were collected through written and documented sources, as well as field investigations by the authors, including pictures of examples of common Stucco decorations of the Safavid period architecture. In addition to proposing a new classification and naming of some decorations, the research analyzed different types of Stucco decorations by comparing samples to identify similarities and differences between Safavid period Stucco decorations.
 
Discussion
- Presenting a suitable classification of Stucco decoration of Safavid period architecture
This research proposes a new classification system for Stucco decorations in Safavid period architecture based on seven specific criteria. These criteria include the method of shaping, the kind of materials used in the background, the appearance of the surfaces on the motifs, the size and amount of relief, finishing works, in terms of the background and shape of the motifs. Each criterion has a different category, which allows for a more precise identification and recognition of different Stucco decorations. This classification system is crucial for the conservation and restoration of these decorations, as it helps to avoid unprincipled interferences in restoration interventions.
 
- A comparative study of the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori with other Stucco decorations in Safavid period architecture
In this regard, six different Stucco decorations that were commonly used and innovative during the Safavid period were selected and compared with the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori in terms of execution method and order. These are:
A: Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori: This decoration, with different techniques and motifs, has been implemented in some buildings of the Safavid period. These decoration are often prepared, designed and implemented with various geometrical, Khataei and Slimy motifs on a background of plaster mortar, which is different from other plaster ornament methods.
B: Stucco decoration with carved colored layers: Among other Stucco decorations in the architecture of the Safavid period, this decoration is the most similar to the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori.
C: Stucco decoration on Simgel: This decoration is different from the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori in terms of grouting with mud in the background (empty space between the motifs), the curvature around the motifs, the relief of the motifs, and the shape of the motifs.
D: Stucco decoration on a flat mirror: In this Stucco decoration, flat mirrors are used as a Stucco substrate. In terms of the mirror background between the patterns, the curvature around the patterns, the relief of the patterns, and the shape of the patterns, this Stucco is different from the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori.
E: Stucco decoration on the Koj mirror (Kopbori): This Stucco decoration is made using the combination of Koj mirror and Stucco parts. This decoration, in an additional stage of initial drawing and transfer of the design, adhesive plaster mortar behind the mirror, in terms of the mirror background of Koj between the motifs, the curvature around the motifs, the relief of the motifs and in the shape of the motifs with the Stucco decoration of Koshtehbori is different.
F: The Naghri Stucco decoration filled with colored gypsum mortar: the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration is the most different from the carved Stucco decoration filled with colored gypsum mortar compared to other Stucco decorations in Safavid period architecture
In the end, the six Stucco decorations of the Safavid period are compared with their sub-groups in the seven classifications in the architecture of the Safavid period. Based on this comparison, we can observe their similarities and differences in the subgroups. For example, the shaping technique of the six types is done in situ, and the type of material used in the background of the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, the Stucco decoration with carved colored layers, and the Naghri decoration filled with colored plaster is gypsum. However, in the other three decorations with different materials, it is Simgel, flat mirror, and koj mirror.

Conclusion
Through the study and research conducted, a more comprehensive classification and suitable division for Stucco decorations in Iranian architecture has been presented. In this research, Safavid period gypsum decorations are classified based on a specific seven criterion, which includes shaping technique, material used in the background, surface appearance of patterns, size and amount of relief, and complementary works, in terms of both background and pattern shape. Each of these criteria has its own subgroups. 
Stucco decorations in Safavid architecture have similarities and differences in terms of their technical aspects and design. In the execution of the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, unlike other Safavid Stucco decorations, carving, polishing, convex or concaving on the surface of patterns was not performed, and only the background or some parts of the pattern were carved and polished. In terms of the method, stages and sequence of execution, the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, is the most similar to the Stucco decoration with carved colored layers. These similarities are in terms of the thickness of each layer of one millimeter and the method of cutting at an angle of 90 degrees to the surface of the motifs and polishing and smoothing the carved parts. Is. Also, in terms of the method, steps and sequence of execution, the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration, is the most different from the carved decoration filled with colored gypsum. Stucco decorations on Simgel, on flat mirrors, on Koj mirrors, in terms of the surface of the motifs, which may be Koj or a combination of Koj and Kav, and also, the type and appearance of the motifs, are different from the Koshtehbori Stucco decoration.

Abstract
The historical city of Esfarayen is one of the most important and glorious cities of the Islamic period, which was one of the important provinces of Neishapur until the Mongol invasion, and shortly after the Mongol invasion and the destruction of Neishapur, it was revived and flourished more than before when the Ilkhanids came to power. At the beginning of Timur’s rule, this city was severely destroyed, and from the end of Timur’s period to the end of Shah Abbas Safaviy’s rule, it grew relatively slowly with political ups and downs, and it was abandoned due to the attack of Afghans and population changes. One of the most important valuable goods that was exported from China to other regions from the third to the twelfth century A.H. is Celadon pottery and the other is blue-white pottery. According to the 9 seasons of archaeological exploration in Shahr-e Belqays, 5 pieces of celadon and 2 pieces of blue-white pottery have been found, which have not been studied so far, and for this reason, research was necessary. The main questions of this research are, first of all, what period do these celadons and blue-and-white porcelain belong to? Secondly, according to the technical structure and typological comparison, are the pottery produced locally or extra-regionally, and how did it enter the city of Esfarayen? The third question is the reason for the presence of this type of pottery in the historical city of Esfarayen based on the archaeological context and historical documents. The descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is based on field and library studies. The results showed that the celadons belong to the 2nd to the 8th century A.H. and the blue-and-white pottery are dated to the beginning of the 8th to the 11th century. The celadons and blue-whites studied are completely non-native and entered the city of Esfarayen by sea and land. Due to the quality and rarity, the type of motifs and the type of lines and writing themes are related to the noble and wealthy classes of the city.
Keywords: Shahr-e Belqays, Esfarayen, Islamic Period, Chinese Pottery, Ming Dynasty.

Introduction
Due to the strategic position of the land of Iran, which has always been on the path of important East-West communication routes from the past to the present, with a branch of the Silk Road passing through its soil as an intermediary between the civilizations of the Far East, especially China and Its western neighbors were like Iraq and Syria. Among the goods exported from China are the famous Celadon pottery and blue-and-white pottery. Due to the importance of Celadon and blue-and-white pottery, many countries were competing with each other based on their geographical region at that time to take over the market for the products of this art and industry. China was the main manufacturer of this product and Iran was the main highway for the commercial connection of this product to Europe and Africa. The city of Esfarayen is one of the important cities of the Islamic period, which was located on the commercial route of the Silk Road (Moghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222). Due to the presence of powerful rulers and politicians such as Abu al-Abbas Esfarayeni in the Samanid and Ghaznavid periods, in the Seljuq and Ilkhanid periods such as Saeed Malik Bahauddin Juvini and in the Safavid period, Abu Muslim Khan enjoyed special growth and development and is one of the most prosperous and prosperous cities. Khorasan was considered that the commercial highways passed through this city (Aubin, 1971:121). In addition to crossing the trade route, the existence of thriving markets (Idrisi, 1409 AH, Vol. 2: 690-693)، (Hamiri, 1984: 56), and the production of important goods such as: cloth, metal containers, pottery, makes merchants and In addition to supplying goods imported from far away to this city, merchants should distribute the goods produced in this city to nearby cities and distant places, especially the Iranian plateau, Shamat, Anatolian Peninsula, North Africa, etc. One of the most important imported goods and popular among the governors and residents of this city is the dishes known as Celadon and Blue White, of which 5 pieces of such dishes have been discovered in archaeological excavations (Nikgoftar, 2014). Considering the discovery of this pottery from the archaeological context and the lack of introduction and study of it, and from the mention of writing marks on their surface, the upcoming article tries to analyze them in the context of history and archeology in addition to introducing and reading the lines.
. 
Discussion and reasoning
 In the archaeological excavations of the city of Esfarayen, a total of 4 pieces of celadon pottery were found, one of which is of the Yue type (3rd-4th century) and the rest is of the Lank Chuan type (6th and 7th century). By examining and comparing these types of pottery, it can be said that in addition to neighboring areas and extra-regional areas, there has been direct or indirect trade with China since the 3rd century, considering the increase in the number of Lankchuan pottery related to the 6th century. And seventhly, from the reference of historical documents about the rule of the Jovini family over this city, their good relations with the Genghis family and the handing over of the government of the western part of Khorasan to this family (Jovini, 2012, vol.2, 222) and the political-economic journey of this family to Mongolia (ibid.: 222) and from the discovery of coins from this period in neighboring regions (Nikgoftar & Behnamfar, 2008) and extra-regional (ТЮНИБЕКЯАН, 2003) it can be said that in this period, Lank Chuan pottery came through the trade route of the Silk Road. That Esfarayen was located in one of these important commercial branches (Maghdisi, 1982: 566); (Ibn-e Howqal, 1986: 188; Jihani, 1988: 149); (Ibn-e Khurdazbah, 1991: 222) entered this city. Among other pottery that can be seen in China and Islamic lands in a significant way after Celadon is blue-and-white pottery, the production of these vessels became common in the states of Jijiang, Jianshui, Yusi and Jiangshan from the Yuan Dynasty, but the best type In the Jindjin states in the city of Chin Khwa (Chin-Hwa), which was related to the imperial furnaces (Bahranipour, 2022: 8). In the archaeological excavations in Shahr-e Belqays, 2 pieces of blue-and-white  pottery were identified, which according to the decorations and technical structure belong to the late Timurid and Safavid periods and the Ming period in China. It has been stated that according to the reference of historical documents and archaeological data mentioned above about the importance, value and use of these vessels and from the motifs and lines used and the examination of the technical structure of the vessels which proves that they are non-native, in general, it can be He said that these dishes were made for the order or use of the rich class and nobles in this city.

Conclusion 
By studying the piece of Chinese pottery in the city of Esfarayen, so far, two prominent pottery types of Celadan and blue-and-white  have been obtained, the first group of Celadan; that by comparative comparison of this species in terms of technical structure such as; The type of paste, glaze and construction form with examples of ceramics obtained from the sites of the Islamic period such as; Siraf, Mehruban, Kish, Neishapur, and Bandar Najiram, it can be said that this type of celadan is imported and non-native, and in terms of chronology, it is similar to the Yue and Lank Chuan types at the same time as the Samanian period until the end of the Ilkhanate period. The increase in the number of Lankchuan type of celadan along with other archaeological evidence and historical documents prove the prosperity and prosperity of this city in the Ilkhanid period and a transregional and global trade connection. Among the other types of pottery that were mentioned are blue-and-white  pottery, according to the comparative studies and examination of their technical structure, this type is also imported, according to the references in the historical documents about the destruction of this city in the attack of Timur and its lack of prosperity. It can be said that the presence of this type of pottery in this city dates back to the late Timurid period and the early Safavid period, during which time this city prospered again. According to the taxonomic examination and comparison of the pottery, which is completely similar to the pottery discovered in Hormuz, Taiwan, and the samples obtained from North Africa, it can be said that probably these pottery were indirectly and transregionally and globally from China to the port of Hormuz. And through the south-north highway and through the Jerjan-Tos commercial road, which was restored and reconstructed by Amir Ali Shir Navai in this period, he entered the city of Safrayan. Due to the rarity, quality of construction, themes and motifs, and on the one hand, historical documents indicate that these dishes were used in royal banquets or royal tombs, and from the discovery of these pieces from the citadel and noble houses, it can be said that these dishes are unique to The privileged and prosperous classes belonged to the historical city of Esfarayen. In general, the Chinese writings in the blue-and-white earthenware of Esfarayen city are as follows: the text of container number 9, the writing on the bottom of the container is incomplete and illegible, and the text on the bottom of the container contains the Chinese word called (peace, comfort), (longevity), (happiness) and (health). The text of container number 13 is written with the comparison and typology of the Chinese word du-ming-nlen-zuo, meaning the construction of the Ming period.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.

Abstract
Reading ancient artifacts is the first step after the act of excavation. Therefore, dealing with ancient objects as a fundamental pillar of archaeological science, especially paying attention to methodological issues for the analysis of historical artifacts, is essential. In other words, the need to use new methodological capacities, with emphasis on the relationship between visual media and ancient artifacts as valuable sources of information, forms the focus of this discussion. In this regard, in the last three decades, visual narratology has also been considered as a newly emerging method in the history of contemporary art, along with other interdisciplinary fields, for analyzing the meanings of visual texts and for a deeper understanding of discovered ancient documents. Visual narratology emerged from the First Vienna School. Its theoretical foundations for the creation of art history, regardless of aesthetic judgment, also developed an analytical method by which All Kind of cultural creations can be read. The main goal of the present study is also to identify the Different methods through which the creators of these works have created narratives and transmitted meanings, through the three indicators of character, scene and movement. Therefore, using Franz Wickhoff`s typological system of visual narrative in the Vienna School, the basic types of narrative were examined on 6 study samples of the ancient Jiroft civilization. As a result, after examining the frequency or maximum of the most frequent types among the visual samples of the Jiroft civilization, it was shown that the visual narrative patterns in this ancient civilization still follow the scope of Wickhoff typological system. Finally, with the help of typological analyses, the studied samples are formatted into a table according to Wickhoff`s Isolated, continuous and Complementary.
Keywords:  Visual Narratology, Archaeological Artifact, Jiroft Civilization, Wickhoff’s Typological System of Narrative.

Introduction
Narratology is one of the most important methods of textual analysis, first applied in the study of verbal-linguistic media. From the perspective of linguistic narratologists, a narrative is defined as a story that follows a chronological order and consists of a sequence of interconnected events with a beginning, middle, and end.
The groundwork for the encounter between narratology and archaeology in the present era was laid with the help of Propp’s studies-recognized as the first modern narratological approaches-on Russian folktales, emphasizing recurring motifs within the literary genre. In other words, his formalist-structuralist method, by identifying repetitive and transformative patterns in narrative elements, was primarily developed in storytelling traditions and subsequently introduced archaeologists and anthropologists to this field. Moreover, in 1980, linguistic narratologists, recognizing the significance of non-verbal media, prioritized the study of visual texts as a rich source of knowledge. Consequently, although the historical background of visual narrative studies traces back to art history, archaeology, and the examination of various forms of narrative art in ancient Greece and Rome... (Horvath, 2010)
However, following the fields of archaeology and art history, narratologists began studying visual narratives. This marked the first time in the history of linguistic narratology that, beyond literature and cinema, narrative theory extended into the realm of visual arts, including sculpture, figurative representation, relief carvings, inscriptions, and more. Consequently, since the 1980s, visual narrative studies have become a common ground for various disciplines, particularly art history, narratology, archaeology, anthropology, epistemology, semiotics, and others.
The undeniable potential of visual narrative, alongside linguistic media and the communicative/cognitive nature of visual documents, led research in this field toward interdisciplinary approaches. Overall, it can be stated that contemporary studies on visual narratives widely agree that visual elements are essential for establishing a form of visual communication and constructing the meaning of an artwork. This consensus has contributed to the emergence of a new interdisciplinary branch known as visual narratology over the past two decades.
In this regard, archaeologists such as Landau (1991) and Terrell (1990) explored narratives related to human evolution and prehistoric stories from the Pacific region. As a result, they primarily examined the perspectives of key narrative roles in the form of protagonists who undergo arduous trials, overcome significant obstacles, or return to their homeland (Pluciennik, 1999: 654).

Discussion
In this research, an attempt is made to introduce a new approach to the study of visual narratives by drawing on recent methodological frameworks in the field of visual culture studies across different civilizations-with a particular focus on reading narratives or stories within images. In addition to presenting an innovative method for analyzing visual narratives, this study aims to establish more objective and precise criteria for interpreting visual texts and ultimately uncovering their themes, messages, or implicit meanings. This is achieved through the examination of three key narrative components: the actor (agent), the representational space, and all directional or movement-evoking elements within the image.
From this perspective, the proposed method significantly differs from other image and symbol analysis approaches, particularly iconography and semiotics. Overall, these components distinguish the present research methodologically from previous studies on the cultural heritage of Jiroft, which have primarily relied on semiotic and iconographic analyses of motifs-rather than exploring the narrativity of images. This distinction is considered one of the study’s key innovations.

Conclusion
Overall, the focus of this study was on the fundamental doctrine of the Vienna School, with a particular emphasis on Franz Wickhoff. In this regard, pictorial narration is inherently meaningful, generates cultural cognition, and is considered within a historical context. In other words, in line with Wickhoff’s teachings, an effort was made to examine seemingly indistinct events and ambiguous prehistoric incidents within overarching and universal metanarratives, which often reflect grand social transformations in various forms.
The case studies of this research (see: Table 1) exhibit characteristics that demonstrate how the examination of the typological diversity of pictorial narration goes beyond textual analysis and delves into deeper subtextual and interpretative layers. Thus, every representational narrative is situated within a macro-narrative framework, which may encompass an archaeological site, a cultural civilization, or an evolutionary process transitioning from one historical era to another. In other words, the semantic appeal among the narrative samples of this research results from the interplay of the powerful poles of myth, nature, and culture. Therefore, the narrative logic of these artworks emerges through a permutation-based relationship and continuous movement between the cycle of natural life, the mythological realm, and cultural existence, centered around the main character or actors of the scene.
In this ongoing struggle between the worlds of myth, nature, and culture, the dominant force within the scene is sometimes influenced by the mythological pole, manifesting in the figure of a king-hero (Figs. 4 & 6) such as Gilgamesh and Enkidu, who reflect the grand ideals of their culture and society. At other times, with nature prevailing over mythology, domesticated animals in the grasslands (Fig. s 5 and 7) are depicted as integral to their local ecosystem. In this way, pictorial narratives serve as tangible representations of the collective unconscious of these ancient civilizations, embodying their aspirations, desires, beliefs, and cultural and mythological needs through the artifacts and objects of their time. In this sense, beyond their decorative and aesthetic aspects, narrative motifs also reflect the worldview of their creators regarding ways of living, the geographical environment, and the prevalent cultural values and mythological concepts of that era.
As Plato described in Timaeus, referring to nature as “the womb of all change”, the encounter between humans and nature in Jiroft civilization represents an ongoing process of transformation resulting from the clash of opposing forces in nature and the stabilizing power of human reason. Accordingly, the case studies of this research illustrate how historical human interactions with nature are reflected in the uninterrupted transition of pictorial actors through the three essential stages of existence—imitation and assimilation (myth), contact and interaction (nature/ecosystem), and desire and confrontation (culture) through various cultural-narrative patterns of the time.
Thus, in their evolutionary and transformative journey (human-bull, human-lion, or human-scorpion), humans inevitably find themselves in a continuous struggle with the unknown and unstable forces of nature. Consistent with Frazer (1926), the urgent biological and existential necessity of direct contact with nature compelled ancient people to perceive themselves as defenseless against the uncontrollable forces of the natural world. In such a situation, they had to rely on collective intelligence to devise solutions for coping with the fragmented natural world and its creatures. On one hand, in response to existential questions and in facing the unknown forces of nature, as well as to alleviate their inner anxieties, they entered the mythological phase, passively and fearfully absorbing these uncontrollable forces into their collective unconscious. However, in the natural phase, in order to meet their biological and vital needs, they gradually became familiar with the enigmatic surrounding nature through constant contact, discovering its hidden forces. Finally, in the cultural phase-marked by the formation of urban societies and local states-they externalized the absorbed mythological forces and applied their accumulated experiential and cognitive knowledge of the surrounding nature to heroic actions aimed at establishing and defending their civilization and territorial boundaries against external threats. In other words, the passive and imitative human within the mythological realm transforms into a coexisting inhabitant of the natural order and ultimately into people with symbolic cultural identities, engaging in heroic acts. This heroic movement in ancient cultural and civilizational life frequently manifests in the figure of a king-hero.
Consequently, emphasizing the maximal narrative quality in images, six pictorial types were purposefully selected from 144 pictorial samples of the Jiroft civilization. Upon analyzing the sample volume, it was demonstrated that Wickhoff’s three fundamental narrative patterns comprehensively encompass the various pictorial narratives (related to Jiroft civilization’s chlorite stone artifacts) under three general categories: “human narratives”, “grassland narratives” and “confrontational animal narratives”. In this way, the endless cycle of substitutions and transformations in the biological, mythological, and cultural systems of humans was structured under Wickhoff’s visual narratology framework in the form of three models: continuous, isolated, and Complementary  narratives.
The isolated models in Figs. 8 & 9 revealed that by suspending movement, avoiding sequential framing, and focusing on the climax of the story in a single scene, they effectively captured the timeless and placeless mythological world in a tangible manner. In the continuous models, it was observed how, through the repetition of the hero figure within the scene (Fig. 5), the sequence of events could be followed until the hero’s fate was determined. The artist successfully arranged minor actions around the main actors (Figs. 6 & 7) to vividly depict the continuity of natural life in Jiroft civilization. Finally, by segmenting events into successive frames (Fig. 4), it was shown how an artist could convey the essence of a story in a cinematic manner.

The historical fortress of Aq-Qalih, a large and little-known structure in the Juvayn Plain of northern Khorasan, is tentatively attributed to the Mongol Ilkhanid period based on limited prior studies. However, extant Ilkhanid -period documents offer no confirmation of its existence. Therefore, the hypothesis of Ilkhanid construction relies solely on archaeological evidence and the dated inscription of the Aq-Qalih Mosque. This research seeks to establish the significance of Aq-Qalih as a midway settlement along Ilkhanid travel routes in northern Khorasan, utilizing historical documents and GIS analysis. Further, by comparing Aq-Qalih’s structure with contemporaneous structures in Mongol-influenced regions of China and Iran, this study assesses the hypothesis of Ilkhanid construction. The findings indicate Aq-Qalih’s strategic location along major Ilkhanid travel routes, with the Ilkhans’ and their successors’ annual visits increasing the likelihood of a midway settlement. Moreover, structural comparisons with Chinese examples like Shangdu, Daidu, and Yingchang, as well as Sultaniyya in Iran, reveal significant similarities, bolstering the hypothesis of Ilkhanid-era construction.

The depiction of camel fighting in rock art to express certain rituals of human can be traced back to the late Paleolithic period and is believed to have originated in present-day northwestern Kazakhstan. After the domestication of Bactrian camels, depictions of camel fighting developed a relatively standardized format, primarily presenting paired camels engaged in aggressive biting matches. This motif of camel fighting may have originated in the Karate and Baikonur regions of Kazakhstan during the Bronze Age. Due to geographical proximity, the custom of camel fighting was introduced to the Sarmatians in the Ural steppes early on, and through the Sarmatians, it spread to the Huns (Xiongnu) in the north and the Qiemo people in Xinjiang, China, and later to Kangju. The camel fighting depicted in the Sulaek petroglyphs in the Minusinsk Basin should be attributed to the Kyrgyz, and its origin is likely the Huns. The fighting camels in the Loulan mural tombs may have been inherited from Qiemo or originated from the Huns. The camel fighting motif in Persian miniature paintings first emerged during the Timurid period in the latter half of the 15th century CE. The Timurid Empire was founded by Timur, a noble from the Barlas tribe historically affiliated with Mongol aristocratic lineages. This Central Asian polity maintained profound Mongol cultural influences. Notably, camel fighting had already been practiced as courtly entertainment in the Yuan Dynasty (established by the Mongols) as early as the first half of the 14th century CE. This chronology demonstrates that the Mongols long upheld camel fighting rituals, and the motif in Persian miniatures was transmitted westward through Mongol cultural and political influence.

This article delves into the intricate evolution of swords and sabers in China and Iran, shedding light on the craftsmanship that shaped these formidable weapons. The article begins by exploring the genesis and progression of sword shapes in China, focusing on the distinct forms that emerged over time. It particularly highlights the stark differences between the straight-edged jian and the various types of dao, which are characterized by their single-edged design. The discourse then shifts to the Persian context, unraveling the true essence of the term ‘shamshir’. Contrary to the common misconception held by numerous scholars and collectors in the West, ‘shamshir’ is not confined to highly curved sabers. Instead, it is a broad term used in Persian to denote any kind of sword, irrespective of its shape. The article further delves into the historical period when curved swords began to gain prominence in both China and Iran. This exploration not only provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of these weapons but also offers insights into the cultural and historical contexts that influenced their development. 

The preserved 6-7th century portraits of royal supporters from the Kucha Caves in Xinjiang show a “patterned” costume and appearance, especially the “standing on tiptoe” posture and the pictorial structure of multiple figures standing side by side, which have a strong connection with Iranian and Central Asian art. The unique “standing on tiptoe” style of the Kucha Grottoes mural depicts a donor pattern that is neither found in the painting and sculpture of Dunhuang or other regions of China, nor seen in Gandhara reliefs, Parthian art, or Near Eastern art of the Parthian period. However, is frequently seen in painting and sculpture from Iran to Central Asia between the 3rd and 7th centuries AD. The origin of the art of Iran and Central Asia the forms of expression are related to the construction of royal identity, religious rituals, and the viewing habits and aesthetic concepts of the people of Kucha. The small number of inscriptions preserved in the Kucha Caves on the donor’s figures indicate that these Kucha kings were real people, and it is highly likely that the painters had met them. However, the way the feet of the figures are drawn is not realistic, but rather stylized, creating a perfect visual pattern that transcends ordinary reality, indicating that the painters were aiming to present all the Kucha kings as an “idealized” manner. The pictorial pattern of “standing on tiptoe” posture influenced by Iranian Sasanian and Central Asian Sogdian art is evident. 

Abstract
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.

Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages. 
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods. 

Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.

1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.

2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).

3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).

4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.

5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.

Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.

Abstract
Iranian architects often designed structures to serve multiple functions beyond their primary purpose, a practice heavily influenced by Iran’s hot, arid climate and long summers. This multi-functionality is most evident in water-associated architecture, particularly in Isfahan’s historical bridges. Despite extensive research on Isfahan’s architecture, this specific aspect of its bridges has been understudied. This research aims to re-examine the non-transportation functions of four Isfahan bridges: Pol-e Shahrestan/Ji, Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan/Si-o-se-pol, Pol-e Khaju/Shahi, and Pol-e Jubi/Sa’adat-Abad, highlighting their role in ceremonial and environmental landscape architecture. Main Research Question and Hypothesis: The study investigates how and why ceremonial functions were integrated into these bridges. It hypothesizes that this practice was inspired by Indian Jal Mahals (water palaces), introduced to Iran via extensive political and cultural exchanges during the Safavid era. Research Method: This study employs a historical-descriptive approach, with data gathered through documentary research and analysis of historical sources and travelogues. The findings indicate that while the concept of ceremonial water pavilions (Cheshmeh Emarat in Iran, Jal Mahal in India) pre-existed, its application on bridges was an innovation in Safavid Iran. The bridges served as ceremonial platforms for royal events like the Abrizan (Water Sprinkling Festival), receptions for ambassadors, and public spectacles. Furthermore, they played a crucial role in microclimate moderation by creating reservoirs that increased humidity and helped recharge underground aquifers, addressing critical environmental needs of the capital city.
Keywords: Historical Bridges, Cheshmeh Emarat, Safavid Isfahan, Jal Mahal, Ceremonial Architecture, Landscape Architecture.

Introduction 
This paper explores the multi-functional design of Safavid-era bridges in Isfahan, which extended beyond mere river crossings to incorporate significant ceremonial and environmental roles. This architectural ingenuity was a direct response to Iran’s challenging arid climate and the socio-political ambitions of the Safavid court. The study focuses on how the bridges Pol-e Shahrestan, Allah-Verdi Khan, Khaju, and Jubi were integrated into the urban and royal landscape. While the paradigm of the water pavilion (Cheshmeh Emarat) was known in Persian and Indian (Jal Mahal) architecture, its adaptation onto bridge structures represents a unique Safavid development. This research addresses a gap in the existing literature by systematically analyzing these bridges not just as feats of engineering, but as central elements of ceremonial life and environmental engineering in the capital.

Materials and Methods 
This research is based on a historical-interpretive methodology. Data was collected through meticulous documentary research, including analysis of primary sources like European travelogues (e.g., by Chardin, Tavernier) and Safavid chronicles. Secondary sources encompass modern scholarly works on Safavid architecture and urbanism. Architectural analysis was conducted by examining historical plans, photographs, and existing structures to understand the form and function of the pavilions. The comparative method is used to draw parallels between the Iranian Cheshmeh Emarat and the Indian Jal Mahal tradition, tracing potential routes of cultural and architectural influence during the 17th century.

Data and Findings 
The investigation reveals distinct evolutionary stages:
• Pol-e Shahrestan: An older bridge onto which an octagonal pavilion (Hasht Behesht plan) was added during the Safavid period, representing an architectural annexation rather than an original design.
• Pol-e Allah-Verdi Khan (Si-o-se-pol): Built by Shah Abbas I, its primary function was connectivity. Ceremonial activities were initially held in the vaulted spaces beneath the bridge deck due to structural constraints, serving as a royal loge for the Abrizan festival and receiving dignitaries.
• Pol-e Khaju: Constructed by Shah Abbas II, it represents the pinnacle of this integration. Two central pavilions (Beyglarbeygi), adapting the Hasht Behesht plan to the bridge’s axis, were purpose-built as ceremonial platforms. The bridge could be dammed to create a vast lake for boating, fireworks, and reflections of upstream palaces like Ayeneh-Khaneh.
• Pol-e Jubi: This bridge provided private access to royal gardens. It featured a central pavilion (now destroyed, but documented in European engravings) similar to the one on Pol-e Shahrestan, offering the royal family a secluded vantage point.

Discussion 
The findings confirm the hypothesis that the sophisticated development of bridge-pavilions in Safavid Isfahan was influenced by cultural and political exchanges with the Indian subcontinent, where the Jal Mahal tradition was well-established. The Safavids adeptly synthesized this influence with pre-existing Iranian concepts like the Cheshmeh Emarat and the ancient Abrizan festival. This discussion argues that these structures were not merely aesthetic additions but vital components of urban infrastructure. They served as instruments of royal propaganda, stages for displaying sovereign power to both the public and foreign emissaries. Furthermore, the creation of artificial lakes through damming was a brilliant hydrological strategy. It addressed Isfahan’s environmental needs by significantly moderating the microclimate through evaporative cooling and critically recharging the subterranean aquifers that supplied the city’s water via qanats.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the historical bridges of Safavid Isfahan exemplify a profound integration of multifunctional design. Iranian architects, responding to climatic necessities and royal ambition, masterfully extended the function of these structures from mere utilities to complex ceremonial platforms and environmental regulators. The practice of adding pavilions to older bridges or incorporating them into new designs was a strategic innovation in the landscape architecture of the era. While inspired by the Indian Jal Mahal, the Safavid implementation on bridges was an original contribution. These structures became iconic urban elements, central to the city’s public ceremonies and essential to its ecological balance. They stand as testament to a holistic architectural vision where utility, ceremony, and environmental technology were seamlessly woven together, defining the grandeur of Isfahan as a Safavid capital.

Abstract
Mausoleum buildings with ridged Dome, is one of the characteristics of religious architecture in the southern regions of Iran which was founded during the Ilkhanid to Safavid period. The main form of a ridged Dome is conical which the arrangement of its cubic components with different and varied shapes has a stepped mode. Studies that so far have been done on the structure of mausoleums with ridged Dome are more holistic. Therefore, the most important purpose of the present research is to explain and establish the architectural differences and similarities of four tombs which are located in different geographical areas in Southern Iran and belong to The Ilkhanid-Timurid era; and to study their susceptibility to various methods. The architecture of the mentioned historical periods under the title of Governmental (including the central sphere of governance of the Ilkhanid) and Local style (including special architectural and artistic features of the southern regions of Iran). The goal of the present research is to answer this question that what a meaningful form and decorative relationship is there between mausoleum buildings with non-governmental/indigenous ridged Dome and governmental structures? The result of the research clarifies that the architectural ornaments, which are used in the mausoleum of Mir Muhammad especially the high and deep vaults in the dome chamber and using the brick in the crown of its fluted Nar dome, represents the governmental style. The simplicity of the tomb form and usage of local material, building of conical Nar crown in the tombs of Baba Monir and Do-gonbadan and establishing symmetric ridged Dome in studied mausoleums is affected by local architecture of the mentioned regions. Also, it has been observed a kind of coexistence between local architecture and governmental style in some of the studied mausoleums. This research has been done with the approach of cultural history and descriptive-analytical method. The information has been gathered with the method of field investigation and library studies.
Keywords: Mausoleum Buildings, Ridged Dome, Ikhanid-Timurid Era, Architectural Style.

Introduction
The general shape of the ridged Dome is rock or conical; with the difference that its components, instead of a complete cone, has a scalariform (Zemorshidi, 2010: 349). This cover has been used in the late Seljuk era tomb buildings of Iran, especially in the south and southwest areas and its construction is significant throughout the Ilkhanid to Safavid eras (Sajjadi, 2017: 306). Most of the researchers believe that building of the ridged Dome follows specific geometric patterns. Its inner and outer cover represents that this structure comprises of several floors with similar geometric shapes and the geometric floors of the dome ascend rotationally from the Bashn of the dome chamber to its top. Moreover, meanwhile the floors of the dome go up, the dimensions of its ridged cubes become smaller and their height is reduced. Finally, they join together at the top of the dome (Zemorshidi,2017:350; Mashayekhi & Mahdavinejzad, 2012:297). Most of the conducted researches have a holistic framework and less attention has been paid to the structure of buildings with the ridged Dome and its changes in a certain period of time or a certain geographical area. The goal of the present research is to answer this question that what a meaningful form and decorative relationship is there between the non-governmental and governmental structures-at the intended political field-in the mausoleums with the ridged Dome. The importance of the present research and the necessity of doing it is also in identifying the tomb buildings with the ridged Dome that less researches have been done on it, and criticizing opinions which are provided by other researchers.

Materials and methods 
This research has been done with the approach of cultural history and descriptive-analytical method. The information has been gathered with the method of field investigation and library studies.

Data
Mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd: The two mausoleums of Do-gonbadan are located in Hormozgan province, Bastak county and Kookherd village. Both mausoleums are burial places of two members of the Bani Abbasid family of Bastak (Bani Abbasian Bastaki,1960:57 & 58). The plan of both mausoleums is similar and consists of a simple square dome chamber. Also, both tombs have a ridged Dome with a star base. The decorations of Do-gonbadan tombs are associated with stucco, one of which is stalactite work in the interior view of the dome.

The mausoleum of Mir Muhammad 
The mausoleum of Mir Muhammad Hanafi is built on Kharg island of Bushehr county. Based on the tomb inscriptions, the building is attributed to Mir Muhammad Hanafi and was built during the Ilkhanid period. This tomb consists of a cruciform shrine and a square mausoleum which is adjoined to the south side of the dome chamber. A ridged Dome is constructed on top of the shrine that has a star base. The decorations of the tomb include mosaic-faience tilework and lustre tiles of dado which have animal, geometric and vegetal motifs on their surface, Also, the interior surface of the dome is decorated with chalky muqarnas.

The mausoleum of Baba Monir
The mausoleum of Baba Monir is located in Fars province, Noorabad Mamasani county and in a village called Baba Monir. The plan of the tomb is square. Its interior view includes a central dome chamber and a vaulted corridor that surrounds the dome chamber. Deep piers have given a cruciform design to the dome chamber. The dome of the tomb is ridged and has a star base. Chalky muqarnas is used in the interior surface of the dome.

Discussion
The conducted researches indicate that all the studied mausoleums belong to religious personages. Also, all of them have been built on the commercial path or near the commercial path. Moreover, there are similarities and differences in the features of studied tombs; The most important similarities between studied tombs are the usage of cruciform plan in the dome chamber of Baba Monir and Mir Muhammad mausoleums, the usage of the ridged Dome with the star base on top of dome chambers of all mausoleums, and the application of chalky muqarnas in the interior view of the dome of these tombs. The differences include using the simple square plan in the mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd, and existence of the fluted Nar crown on top of the Mir Muhammad dome while there is a simple conical crown on top of the Baba Monir and Do-gonbadan dome. Besides, the only tilework decoration is in the Mir Muhammad tomb. In sum, the architectural features represent that Mir Muhammad tomb is more affected by the architecture of the governmental style. Because, it was built on the main trade route. But, the architectural features of Baba Monir and particularly Do-gonbadan are more non-governmental/local. Because these tombs were built on the side trade roads. Therefore, architects of these two tombs have not had much chance to become familiar with other architectural methods.

Conclusion
Studied mausoleums are the burial place of important religious personages and are built single, in an open space. These tombs were located on the trade routes. The location of Mir Muhammad tomb in Kharg island and on the transregional trade route of Islamic lands with East Asia has increased its importance. The architectural decorations of Mir Muhammad mausoleum have more variety in comparison with other mausoleums and it reveals the influence of various architectural styles, especially the Ilkhanid-Timurid architectural style. This effectiveness has been observed to a small extent in Baba Monir tomb compared with Mir Muhammad tomb. Whereas, mausoleums of Do-gonbadan in Kookherd have the least influence from the governmental buildings of the Ilkhanid-Timurid era. However, the method of constructing the ridged dome in all mausoleums has been executed skillfully in terms of structural and geometric form. In general, the constructing of the ridged symmetric domes in each four tombs signifies the powerful influence of the local architectural style in their structure. However, the influence of other architectural styles in these mausoleums is not the same. There is a kind of coexistence between the local and governmental architectural styles in the tomb of Mir Muhammad in Kharg. The influence of the local architecture is more obvious in the mausoleums of Baba Monir and particularly Do-gonbadan.

Abstract
Previous archaeological research in the Māhidasht region is more focused on the prehistoric period despite the importance of this large and important plain, almost no information is available about its historic period. The whole of the Māhidasht plain and especially its northern part is full of large and small sites of prehistoric and historical periods. Among these ancient settlements, Quwākh Tapeh deserves special attention due to its size, settlement sequence, and surface findings. Therefore, in this article, with a descriptive-analytical method and historical approach, we try to study the site and its surface findings, and finally answer the following questions: What periods does the site have and what was the process of its expanding? What do the findings of the Quwākh Tapeh tell us about the function of sites? The results of the study of surface findings show that the site is an important settlement that was inhabited at least from the Bronze Age and probably before that and developed in the Iron Age III and Parthian periods. Among the surface findings, the Door socket from Assyrian indicates the existence of a Neo-Assyrian-style building in the site, which according to cuneiform texts related to the political situation of the Central Zagros in this period, is probably a clue to the existence of a Neo-Assyrian building. The discovery of coins Howard from the site, show the importance of the site in the Seleucid period, is probably a clue to the long-distance trade relations of the inhabitants of this site as one of the most important ancient settlements along the Greater Khorasan Road in Māhidasht- Kouzarān plain.
Keywords: Māhidasht - Kouzarān Plain, Quwākh Tapeh, Neo-Assyrian Period, Door Socket, Bes, Alexander, Mazaeus.

Introduction
The Great Māhidasht Plain is the largest, best watered, and most fertile plain in the Zagros area. These features, along with its mild climate and, most importantly, its location on the Silk Road, have been a constant draw for human groups and important settlements have been established there. In the Great Māhidasht region, numerous studies by several scholars have identified 550 archaeological sites from Paleolithic to historical times, some of which are registered on the Iran National Heritage List owing to their importance. 
One of the major settlements of the Great Māhidasht Plain is Quwākh Tapeh in the north of Māhidasht and southeast of Kouzarān, which has been studied and visited several times by archaeologists. However, little is known about this site and, despite the occasional discovery of a small treasure trove of ancient coins, it remains less-known due to the lack of archaeological excavations. 
Quwākh Tapeh is a relatively large mound located 43 km west of Kermānshāh and a little more than 4 km southeast of the small town of Kouzarān. The site comprises a large prominence 330 m long, 220 m wide, and 17 m taller than the surrounding lands (Great Central Mound). There are numerous small or large prominences both near to and far from the mound, indicating a large archaeological site measuring 500 m2, with a current area of approximately 25 ha. 
The mound was first identified in Schmidt’s 1934 surveys, locating Quwākh Tapeh on a map published in 1940 in the book, Flights Over Ancient Cities of Iran. Some years later, in the 1940s, the site was surveyed and visited by Stein. Ali Akbar Sarfarāz and colleagues reexamined the site in the surveys of the Great Māhidasht Plain in 1968. In 1998, during the investigations of Abbas Motarjem in Kouzarān plain, Quwākh Tapeh was revisited. In his report, Motarjem described Quwākh Tapeh as a site dating back to the Parthian period.

Findings
Nearly 30 years ago, a student accidentally found a small ceramic vessel containing a highly important treasure 205 m east of the central high mound of Quwākh Tapeh. Shortly thereafter, the incident was reported to the Kouzarān police and the Cultural Heritage Office of Kermānshāh then became aware of the discovery. This is how the treasure was kept safe from plunder and all of its contents were collected and made available to the government.
According to locals, this small treasure was found about 1 m deep at 205 m east of the Great Central Mound of Quwākh Tapeh and was revealed by floods after digging a canal in the mounds. The ceramic vessel contained 141 silver coins featuring Alexander the Great, Mazaeus the Achaemenid/Macedonian Satrap of Babylon and imitating Athenian Owl type. 
This treasure has a total weight of roughly 2 kg and the very small amount of green oxide on the coins shows they were minted with high-grade silver. It seems likely that the treasure was deposited during the Early Seleucid period, given the time span of the discovered coins and the lack of specimens more recent than the Antiochus I or II period. 

Stone Door Socket
On our first visit to the eastern slope of Quwākh Tapeh in 2014, we found four pieces of white limestone, one of which was used as a staircase, in the courtyard of a deserted and half-ruined house. Near another house to the south of the site were several other carved stones, one of which, if not an obelisk base, is probably a small stone casket. Our recent visit revealed that the owner of the abandoned house had removed the stone staircase to the edge of his farmland. Examination showed that this carved and ornamented stone was not an ordinary stone fragment, but a very large door socket in the style of the Neo-Assyrian period. Similar door sockets were uncovered in Neo-Assyrian palaces or temples of the Mesopotamia, including the temple of Nebo in Khorsabad, Neo-Assyrian palaces at Nimrud and Khorsabad, and Neo-Assyrian provincial capitals such as Arsalanatash, Till-Barsib, and Ziyaret Tepe. This monumental door socket indicates that Quwākh Tapeh was not an ordinary village, but rather a place with important constructions, the most important of which was likely a complex dating back to the Neo-Assyrian period.

Conclusion 
The results of our investigation into Quwākh Tapeh-especially the extent of archaeological deposits and the existence of numerous and varied pottery collections and stone objects—indicate that Quwākh Tapeh was an important center in the Neo-Assyrian period and that it contains significant archeological remnants. The discovery of the door socket in the Neo-Assyrian period is particularly interesting. If this door socket belongs to the Assyrian period, it is in fact the second Zagros site, after Tapeh Giyan in Nahavand, to reveal remnants of the Neo-Assyrian Empire of the 8th century BCE. Given that the Assyrian cuneiform texts speak of the conquest of the region and its annexation to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the discovery of this finding may be important to tracing the Assyrian settlement in Iran, which is frequently mentioned in the texts, but missing from archaeological remnants.
The discovery at Quwākh Tapeh of a small treasure trove of ancient coins dating back to the 4th through 3rd centuries BCE is also significant. The finding of the Athenian Owl-type coins in the heart of central Zagros, far from their minting location, is important in itself, and will bring forth various topics for further study. The most recent coin in the collection dates back to the four Century BCE. This suggests that the treasure found at Quwākh Tapeh was likely deposited in the early Seleucid period (before 320 BCE).

Abstract
The city of Damavand, the center of county, is located on a hill in the middle of a fertile valley. It has a historical texture that is located as the downtown in its central part and has four main neighborhoods. The research problem is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and county for the name of Damavand, as well as the core of the damavand region. The published brief writings considered Shlenbeh or Vimeh and Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand region which is not consistent with the sources.  The purpose of this study is to clarify the concept of city and county for Damavand, as well as to better understand the city of Damavand and identify the center of Damavand region and its possible structures. This study has been done in a historical and analytical method based on research and identification by collecting library information and field survey. Questions: 1- What was the concept of city and county for the name Damavand? 2- What is the name of the center of Damavand region and how is it different from Shlenbeh? 3- What is the history of this center and what were its possible structures? Result:  The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period was as a region and on the other hand it represents the city. Although it has a mythical foundation, it is older than the Sassanid and the center of region   the was in the Sassanid period. The important spaces of Kohandej were the middle town   with   bazaars, squares, neighborhoods, and outer town. Kohandej was located in the place of Sar Qaleh. The acceptance of Islam, and the restoration of security, which lasted until the construction of the mosque in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 
Keywords: Damavand, Damavand City, Sassanian City, Kohandej, Shlenbeh.

Introduction
The city of Damavand, which has a historical texture, has four neighborhoods. The main issue of the research is that there is no accurate understanding of the concept of city and city for the name of Damavand, as well as of the city. The published writings have considered the city of Damavand as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, and also the city of Shlenbeh as the center of Damavand district, which is not consistent with the sources. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to clarify the concept of city and city of the Sassanid period for the name of Damavand and to identify the center of Damavand district and its possible structures. It is also different or similar to the Shlenbeh and the knowledge of the foundation and antiquity of the city of Damavand.
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
First, what was the concept of the city and city of the Sassanid period for the name Damavand? Assumptions: First, it seems that the name of Damavand is in the position of the district and also represents the city of Damavand as the center of the district. Second, Shlenbeh and Damavand were two independent cities and the city was located in the center of the city with structures from this period, the most important of which is Kohandej
The research method is historical-analytical and has been analyzed through library studies and the collection of the necessary historical information, and then with the data obtained from the field study and matching with the historical data.
So far, no detailed studies have been done about the city of Damavand and the published articles about the city of Damavand have been briefly mentioned, so this article tries to provide a more accurate understanding from this perspective.

Discussion
In the Pahlavi geography, the city was used to mean land, territory, province and city. In the sources, the names of Damavand province and Damavand city are mentioned. The sources of the foundation of the city of Damavand have been attributed to Ermail and kiumars. Whenever the Sassanid kings founded or developed a city, they gave it their name. The city of Damavand as the center represents Kohandej in the center of the city. The artifacts obtained from the city of Damavand as well as the history of Damavand have shed light on the history of Damavand. Damavand consists mostly of the two cities of Vimeh and Shlenbeh and the center of Damavand is considered as Shlenbeh and the current city of Damavand is the same as the old Shlenbeh or Vimeh. In the sources, the name of Damavand is first in the position of “district” and then represents “Damavand city” as the title of the center of the district. 
The city of Damavand has had the following spaces: Kohandej, middle and outer flow. Kohandej was the most prominent feature of the natural features of the land, at the highest point on the edge of the natural terrace of the earth, and the texture of the city was formed based on this central core of the government. Four neighborhoods in the vicinity of this center, it started with the Upper Farama neighborhood in the south, and ended with the Lower Farama neighborhood in the east, and the Jewish and Darvish neighborhood in the north, and then with the bazaar in the northwest. The main entrance of the city, which was the entrance to the bazaar, reached Kohandej and Meydan. Aerial map of 1956 In that place, the castle and its boundaries are independent and separate from the internal flux. The irregular wall of the mosque, which has changed the shape of the map, and the qibla of this mosque is the error of the mihrab in the direction of the south towards Mecca, not the west. But the first Muslims of Iran were inclined بwere built in the west, so the justification for the fact that the wall of the mosque was built on the remains that had a different function.1 The use of the word “Dokhtar Castle” and the name “Sar Qaleh is one of the terminology of the Sassanid period, may be another evidence. 

Conclusion
The name of Damavand in the Sassanid period, on the one hand, as a province, included numerous cities and villages, and on the other hand, it represented the city as the center of the Damavand region. Although this city has a mythical foundation and its creator is not known, it has an older foundation than the Sassanid one.
The historical and geographical sources that mentioned Stoneavand and Mandan as the center of the rule of the Mamoghans, have no correspondence with the city of Damavand. According to the sources and also according to the structures, this city as the center of the district started at least from the Sassanid period and was managed with important spaces until 141AH during the time of the Abbasid Caliph Mansur. It continued as the center in the Islamic period and is still the center of the city to this day, and of course this city was different from Shlnebeh and the two cities were separate. Therefore, the city was called the center of the city. It is not correct to consider Damavand or the current city of Damavand as the same as Shlenbeh or Vimeh, or to consider the Damavand region to include only the villages or only the two cities of Shlenbeh and Vimeh. Now a village called Shlenbeh is located outside the core of the city in the southern part, whether this Shlenbeh is the same as the old Shlenbeh or not, needs to be investigated. The structures of the city of Damavand in the Sassanid period included the important spaces of Kohandej, then the inner flux with the bazaar, the square, and the neighborhoods, and then the outer flux included the villages in the northern and southern parts. The most important part of it was the Kohandej, which was located in the center and the highest point overlooking the city in the place of Sar Qaleh and Dokhtar Castle in the current location of the Jameh Mosque. The complete acceptance of the religion of Islam, and the return of security and tranquility that lasted until the construction of the mosque of the third century AH in the place of Sar Qala, had preserved the structures of the city. 

Abstract
The picture of various animals is among the themes we see on bullae in Tape Bardnakoon. During the two seasons of exploration in Tape Bardnakoon, a large number of bullae were found, of which 150 bullae have animal motifs, and only quadruped was studied in this research.  Many of the animals are real and many others can be categorized as transcendental, mythical, or unreal animals in general. These animals are embossed on the bullae according to taste or function The aim of the research was to investigate and analyze animal motifs of these bullae. We separate them and investigate the concepts of each of these pictures and find out the various functions of each of these motifs. The general question of the research is the investigation into and analysis of animals’ motifs, whether which animals’ motifs exist on the bullae and which concepts with. The motifs created on them had different functions not to mention the bullae actual function. Aesthetics application or talisman can be considered for example. Many of the motifs have different concepts and foundations. Animals’ motif associated various symbols of goddess of Sasanian period for then people. bullae played a very important role in revision of official and trade ties and the motifs engraved on the bullae had a significant relation to mythical, astronomical, and religious concepts according to the research results. Therefore, they provide important information such as mythical and religious beliefs and thoughts of then people with us.
Keywords: Bllae, Motifs, Tape Bardnakon, Sasanian, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari.

Introduction
The images engraved on the bullae were used to store and transmit information, many of them are concave and a string trace can be seen in the form of a cross behind them, and this feature was used in the process of administrative management. They were considered to be one of the main lines of Sasanian Iranian art. Seals also served other symbolic purposes and acted as talismans as well as votive objects and suitable objects as burial goods. Recent studies on textual and archeological evidence indicate the widespread use of Sasanian seals in both private and official sectors. bullae, which meant the act of sealing, and the seal itself, indicated executive privileges in the Sasanian bureaucracy. Official seals, which are used in commercial and legal procedures, often show more delicate and complex designs and inscriptions than private seals. Be and considering the animal motifs on the bullae, what function can be imagined for them, and what was the relationship of the quadrupeds on the Sasanian bullae of Tape Bardenkoon with the religious beliefs and mythology of the Sasanian period? The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern contains a meaning. The function of these motifs, in addition to the aesthetic aspect, other aspects such as talismans, religious function, and personalization for each person can be imagined for them. The motifs of the bullae of Tape Berdankon had a religious and religious aspect and were influenced by the beliefs of the Sassanid period. Every god has a symbol and the manifestation of gods in the form of animals, so every animal’s image can be a sign of a religious concept.

Discussion
The Tape Ber Bardnakoon bullae are a collection of 150 bullae featuring both real and imaginary animals. So far, of these, about 32 real and fake animals have been identified. Next to the animal motifs, inscriptions can be seen in the Sassanid Pahlavi script. The bullae are made of clay and consist of quartz and mica particles. Some of them have been baked, while others have been naturally dried after stamping. The motifs on the bullae are actually the impression of the common flat seal motif in this period. In this article, the motifs of the bulla of Tepe Bardnakoon are sometimes compared with the motifs of the bullae of this period. 
The quadruped motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon bullae include a variety of animals, such as lions, cows, goats, rams, tigers, wolves, dogs, deer, bears, rabbits, elephants, and camels. The stamps also feature images of winged horses and winged lions. In many of the Bullae, animal motifs appear in both primary and secondary forms. For example, the lion image is typically the main image on the bullae, but it also appears as a secondary image on several stamps. Some stamps even depict two animals as the main characters together. The bullae found at Tape Bardnakoon are influenced by the art of the Sassanid period and each pattern carries a symbolic meaning. These motifs serve not only an aesthetic purpose, but also function as talismans, religious symbols, and personalized marks. Seals were commonly used during this period across various social levels, both in official administrative settings and in personal contexts.

Conclusion
The images of animals on Sassanid bullae are numerous, depending on their political, social, and religious environment, these motifs are mainly composed of animals and mythological creatures. We can assume that many bullae motifs had a religious function because the role of these animals proves this hypothesis due to their religious meanings and foundations. Some motifs have a clear connection with Sassanid period rituals such as Zoroastrianism and Mithraism. Naturally, symbolism has played a fundamental role in recognizing these features and imagining that they evoke the protection of gods and goddesses. Bahram, who is one of the gods of Mazdaism, can be well seen in his incarnations (horse, cow, camel, male goat, ram...) on the stamps. This is derived from the religious beliefs of the people and the Sasanian government. Several other animals, as they did not have a place in religious matters, were considered purely based on visual or aesthetic issues (for example: elephant, duck, pheasant, peacock). While other animals probably have a meaningful connection with the religious and folklore aspects of the Sasanian period. In a way, it can be said that a bullae has all the functions at the same time. A bullae has three main purposes, including Suhail in exchanges (the owner and the place of production of goods were specified), identifying the owner of the work or his beliefs, and asking for the protection of a god. Tape Bardnakoon is located on the main road of communication between the central plateau and the lowlands of Khuzestan. The location and extent of Tape Bardnakoon probably indicate its important role in the internal communication between the highlands of Bakhtiari and the lowlands of Khuzestan, Isfahan, and Fars in the Sassanid period. This issue can be cited due to the large number of bullae obtained from this area. The reason for this can be considered the great value of Golmehr in the administrative system, in a centralized system with the growth of the Sassanid bureaucracy. With the expansion of cities, the economy of the urban and rural society also underwent changes and transformations, and as a result, the use of bullae in exchanges increased. Animal motifs on the Tape Bardnakoon stamps are influenced by the culture and beliefs of the time. These motifs evoke ideology, which is consistent with its political and social structure.

Abstract
Undoubtedly, the southern area of Tehran province, which has been formed in the fourth region over time, especially in the late Islamic centuries, based on historical sources; It was always of great importance for the governments of this era from the point of view of geographical and political location. One of the reasons for the importance of this area was its location on three important communication routes that connected Tehran to Qom. The above research was carried out with the objectives of identifying and documenting as well as understanding the formation and function of related facilities in the ancient roads located in the south of Tehran to Qom province, in which two questions are also raised: 1) the most important communication roads located in the southern part of the province What are the communication routes between Tehran and Qom? And 2) which pattern or patterns did the studied road network generally follow? Based on this and relying on historical written sources and archeological field studies, we can propose the following hypotheses: three important communication routes in the studied area, from the dimensions of road scenery [residence-welfare, security-guidance-movement scenery] which are a They were a coherent group, they obeyed. Routes that, apart from having (commercial and economic effects) Functions on the communities living in their neighborhood; they also had many effects on the (cultural and social relations) of these societies. The present research was done with descriptive-analytical method and gathering information in the form of documentary and historical studies and archeological investigations. The results of the present research indicate that three important communication networks [1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom, 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom (abandoned) and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom] in the southern region of Tehran province. It was located towards Qom in chronological order.
Keywords: Road Network, Tehran, Qom, Late Islamic Centuries, Archaeological Evidence, Historical Texts.

Introduction
Regarding the description and recognition of the ancient and communication routes from the south of Tehran province to Qom in the Islamic era, at the beginning with the center (Rey) and later (Tehran), there have been several historical and geographical documents that show that the communication routes The above in this area were of great importance for the governments of this period. Ibn Faqih, describing the main roads of Ray to the neighboring areas in terms of commercial nature, says: Goods were also produced by Ray artisans, they made crafts such as combs and salt pans, etc. from wood. Ray weavers were also famous worldwide and all kinds of They exported clothes to the eastern and western regions through the important roads of this city) (Ibn Faqih, 2000, 51). Moghdisi also writes about the roads of Ray from a (mobility-security) point of view: ((the easiest and most prosperous road in Iran is the road of Ray)) (Moghdisi, 1982: 718) and further says: it is clear that this feeling Comfort and security should be established for travelers so that they can easily take advantage of all the sights and facilities provided near the road (ibid., 574). Ibn Hawqal also paid attention to the Ray road from the (commercial nature) and in this context he says: Apart from Isfahan, which was a commercial and important city, from Iraq to Khorasan (Ray) can be mentioned, which is The reason for having different main and secondary ways in terms of production and export of goods is unique and significant (Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 106). Bakran considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be about 62 farsang (Bakran, 1963: 15) and Imam Shushtari, like Bakran, considers the distance between Ray and Isfahan to be 62 farsang (Imam Shoshtari, 1960: 35). Mostofi states that the distance between Ray and Isfahan is 86 farsang (Mostofi, 1983: 51). In the last few decades, our understanding of the above-mentioned communication routes relied more on the same historical documents. However, due to the abundance of archaeological evidence related to these routes, which included buildings and facilities related to them; In previous years, they have been studied and investigated by some researchers and archaeologists in the field, and these archeological evidences themselves support the first hypothesis in line with their alignment with the writings of historical-geographical texts and travelogues in the best possible recognition of communication routes. It illuminates between the two cities of Tehran and Qom.

Discussion
The southern region of Tehran province was considered as one of the key strategic and geographical regions during the late Islamic centuries. The existence of numerous buildings and intermediate structures in the three ancient routes of Tehran - Qom, shows the archaeological evidence and the importance of this region. As mentioned, this highway starts its route from the south of Tehran province and passing through the cities and villages located in this area to the city of Qom and from there, turning into several branches to other parts of the country such as Isfahan, Kashan, Arak and others. The southern regions are connected. One of the most important features of this highway is its (cultural and religious) dimension. The cultural and religious dimension of this course can be seen as the first option that was always considered by the rulers of the late Islamic centuries, especially Safavieh and Qajar. The reason for this importance was the existence of the holy court of Hazrat Masoumeh in the city of Qom. Therefore, this issue caused the rulers of the later Islamic centuries to build and erect numerous buildings and facilities on the way to the extent possible for the well-being of these pilgrims and caravans, and many of these buildings are still standing. Another importance of Tehran-Qom highway; It was connected with the Tehran-Khorasan highway, which along with this highway was also considered one of the cultural routes and thresholds of Iran’s nobility. The third strategic importance of the Tehran-Qom highway is the ((commercial)) dimension in the way that in the late Islamic centuries, this highway was a very important bridge for the exchange of commercial and commercial goods that went to Tehran and the north of the country through Bushehr port. were carried One of the other important issues that always add to the importance of the Tehran-Qom highway was the (political and military) dimensions, because the statesmen of the late Islamic centuries [Safavieh and Qajar] to advance their goals in these fields and reach the capital as quickly as possible. As well as the open waters through the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea and on the other side of the Caspian Sea, they urgently needed a good route to achieve these goals, which has high levels of amenities and road-dependent facilities. Therefore, the existence of these mentioned dimensions has proved the special importance of the southern region of Tehran province.

Conclusion
Based on the questions and assumptions raised, as well as citing historical sources, archeological investigations and the analysis of these components together, we can reach the conclusion that the southern region of Tehran province due to its special cultural and political position that during the last centuries Islam has always been important from the rulers of this era, and on the other hand, categories such as trade brought the transfer of cultural and social experiences to the people living along these communication networks, and these communities themselves are somehow a part of this economic cycle. and were considered cultural. Therefore, the existence of these three important communication routes: 1) Abdul Azim Ray Gate - Kenargerd - Dier kechein - Qom 2) Aliabad - Hoze Sultan - Qom [abandoned] and 3) Aliabad - Manzariyeh - Qom, which also followed the patterns of Manzariyeh Road. The importance of this area is increasing. so, from the archaeological evidence that included buildings and intermediate structures [caravans and bridges], he also acknowledged that the studied routes were always the place of traffic and passage of many commercial caravans and travelers. However, several reasons can be imagined in the field of recognition, formation and functioning of these communication ways and the buildings and structures located in them: 1) the history and long history of the territory of southern Tehran province in the creation of roads and facilities related to them. 2) Two factors of preparation of main roads and provision of comfort facilities and safety of travelers and caravans ((road monitors)) which were realized by completing road construction and construction of intermediate buildings: a) establishment of caravanserais and shelters. b) Creating water structures and solving problems of lack of water in these routes (reservoirs and glaciers). c) Establishing security and guarding caravans and passengers. 3) The religious and political competitions of the governments of this period [Safavieh] with other governments [Osmani] in order to encourage the people of Iran to visit the shrines. 4) The military and administrative dimension and the political competition of the Western governments such as Russia and England were taking steps to dominate the roads of this region in the advancement of their colonial interests. In the end, what can be said about these ancient ways: that they are the same communication networks of today that have continued to exist with little changes.