Abstract
The settlements of human societies have always undergone cultural changes in their place over time. One of the reasons for this alteration is the change in livelihood strategies as a result of climate change, in the social organization seeks change in production, technology and.... Among these, the most important factor should be considered livelihood and a kind of biogeography-dependent determinism in meeting basic needs, in the structure of the pattern of human settlements, so economic, social and environmental frameworks complement each other to analyze why change. Or lack of it in the biological patterns of humans throughout their historical life. Kabudrahang plain has been one of the northern plains of Hamedan province and one of the most important ways of communication between the cultures of the Central Plateau, the northwest and the Central Zagros during different periods. This plain in the summer of 2007, under the title: “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang” has been studied in a survey by collecting cultural materials from the area, in two seasons. The result of field studies includes 140 sites from different periods of Chalcolithic Period to late Islam, which shows environmental and cultural changes in the settlement patterns from the period of Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era. One of the main topics addressed in archeology is the study of changes in ancient sites and, finally, the attempt to analyze the changes and developments of habitat patterns and their causes over time. In this regard, to examine the trend of changes in settlement patterns, hypotheses based on the influence of factors such as: “space”, “time” and “place” in the process of these changes are presented. However, the main question of this research is that what were the influential factors in the cultural changes of the settlements of Kabudrahang plain from the Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era? The method selected in the present study will be the use of “Kennethe F. Watt” theory strategies based on GIS analysis with a historical-analytical approach. The results of the study of Kabudrahang plain settlements from the Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era, show a change in the adaptive strategies of human groups present in it, based on livelihood patterns in location with the impact of the geography of the study area on the needs of human communities..
Keywords: Kabudrahang Plain, Archaeological Study, Settlement Pattern, Location, Geography.

Introduction
Human settlements have always undergone various changes in location over time. Among the reasons for that are changes in livelihood strategies as a result of climate change, changes in social organization following cultural changes, technology, and so on. In addition to socio-economic reasons, cultural issues and a kind of determinism related to environmental geography could also affect the structure of human settlement patterns; Thus, economic, cultural, social, and environmental frameworks complement each other to explain why human life patterns have changed, throughout their historical life. Kabudrahang plain with the length of 50 km northwest-southeast and north, including the northern plains of Hamadan province and has been one of the most important communication routes between the inhabitants of the Central Plateau, northwest and central Zagros. Kabudrahang, with its diverse geography including mountainous areas, high slopes, lagoon (Shirinsoo) and mid-mountain plain on the northeastern slopes of Alvand Mountains, has experienced various biological and climatic changes over time. In the summer of 2007, Kaboudrahang plain was intensively surveyed by collecting cultural materials from the region during two seasons, with a field project entitled “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol- Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang”, which resulted in 140 sites being identified. Different types of Chalcolithic Period have been identified from the period to the end of the Islamic period, which includes different types: hills, caves, castles, cemeteries, stone paintings, baths, bridges, etc. In this research, the location changes of settlements, cultural effects and developments of archaeological findings in this cultural field will be studied, which is one of the main objectives of this research.

Settlements and Sites of Kabudrahang Plain
As mentioned in the introduction, Kabudrahang plain was studied for the first time in two stages with the research project “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang” (NazariArshad, 2007). in the first stage (Summer 2007) 60 works and in the second stage (Autumn 2007) 80 ancient works were identified. Accordingly, in the study of the area in the first Season, for each area, a location code number after the letter “KA”, which is derived from the name “Kabudrahang” was considered; So that after the investigation in the first Season 60 codes and in the second Season, 80 codes (140 codes in total in two Seasons) were allocated for all identified works. The identified ancient sites include: caves, stone carvings, baths, bridges, cemeteries, mountain castles with stone and brick materials for residential and governmental use, and other items in the form of ancient hills from the Chalcolithic period to the Qajar period. In the following, information about the typology of different places and ancient hills of Kaboudrahang based on known archeological periods and cultures will be provided.
Chalcolithic Period: The oldest artifacts and common cultures identified from Kabudrahang plain belong to the Chalcolithic periods, among which, from 13 sites, the artifacts of the period have been identified.
Bronze Age: Bronze Age artifacts of Kabudrahang plain have been identified in 16 settlements.
Iron Age: Iron Age artifacts in Kabudrahang plain are limited and have been identified from only 5 settlements.
Parthian and Sassanid Period: The settlements of the historical period of Kaboudrahang plain have been identified from 106 sites, which can be considered more related to the Parthian and Sassanid eras.
Islamic Period: Remains of the Islamic era of Kaboudrahang plain were identified from 125 sites. These sites belong to different periods of the early, middle and late Islamic centuries and include different types of monuments such as baths, castles, bridges, cemeteries and ancient hills.

Conclusion 
The ideas and analysis of the settlement patterns of Kabudrahang plain can be discussed from two perspectives; First: livelihood economy, which has caused spatial changes in order to benefit and adapt its different communities to the environment, which sometimes includes livestock with a semi-integrated approach and sometimes agriculture and permanent settlement in different areas of the plain. These environmental compromises have been manifested in all prehistoric periods (Chalcolithic Period) to the late Islamic period (Qajar) in Kaboudar plain. Second: Roads and communication spaces and the location of the region have been political, cultural and commercial borders. In different historical periods, roads, trade and economic prosperity have always been considered as a component of the durability and stability of governments. Road surveillance, awareness and prevention of possible movements of military attacks, required important infrastructure such as: military bases along the way, proper access roads and most importantly security. Therefore, the construction of castles has always been considered important and serious by the rulers and the city government, which in the Kabudrahang plain has shown the most in the Parthian and Qajar periods based on the type of settlements (Fortifications Castle). Existence of surface waters such as seasonal and permanent wetlands and rivers and being located in communication roads and borders of different cultures in the northwest, central plateau and central Zagros has made Kaboudrahang plain more important in different periods (from prehistoric to Islamic period). Finally, it can be said that the main areas of this plain are occupied by settlements of less than half a hectare and a limited area of one to three hectares, which indicates the existence of small and large villages to supply their core in prehistoric times and central governments in the emerging historical period. Feudalism (especially in the Parthian and Qajar periods) has been with the approach of master and servant using geography, ecology and environmental capabilities of the region.

Abstract
Varamin-Pishva plain is one of the most important cultural areas of the southeastern part of Tehran plateau in different historical periods. Taghabad Tepe with two western and eastern elevations and consisting of different rich layers of Iron and Bronze Age is located in this plain. This site has been studied and archeological research in 1397. In this study, it was found that this area has different deposits from the Iron Age one and two in the upper layers and traces of late bronze in the lower layers along the horizon with the common western traditions on the plateau. The aim of this study was to analyze the mentioned findings and compare it with the findings of other areas of Varamin plain and other neighboring areas. The questions of this research are as follows: based on the archaeological findings of the cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe, what kind of cultural traditions dose the Iron Age have? What is the influence of regional and trans-regional cultures of the common Iron Age cultures of Varamin plain due to the Taghabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture? Accordingly, the Iron Age 1and2 of Varamin plain and especially Taghiabad Tepe to some extent shows the regional actions in Varamin plain and the proximity and convergence of the trans-cultural region with neighboring areas. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Varamin-Pishva Plain, Iron Age Settlements, Taghiabad Tepe, Architecture, Pottery.

Introduction
Varamin-Pishva plain, having a suitable geographical position in the slopes of Alborz mountain range and Damavand peak and having a suitable height, has provided suitable ecological conditions for the presence of human communities for a long time. This plain is one of the areas prone to the formation of Iton Age settlements in the north-central part of Iranian plateau. During the archaeological study of this area in 1391-1392 AH. Has identified 27 sites belonging to the Iron Age (Figure1), as a result of studding the findings of this study, only a few sites have been introduced and identified. In this research to analyze and study the pattern of establishment and distribution of sites as well as cultural stages of the Iron Age of Varamin plain by analyzing cultural findings identified from  Iron Age sites based on archaeological studies and cultural traditions of this plain by case study, especially pottery, and the architecture identified from workshop A in the eastern ridge of Taghiabad area as well as the surface findings obtained, classified and then the location of this area in Varamin-Pishva plain next to the Iron Age settlements in the center of Iranian plateau, in a general view, reviewed, evaluation and analysis are included. In this review, understanding the Iron Age communities, especially the Varamin plain will be accompanied by re-reading various theories.

Research Method
The present research is structurally one of the basic researches with a comparative-analytical approach, the method of finding is to exploit the findings of an archaeological excavation chapter based on historical analysis of the findings of Taghibad Tepe. According to the research topic and the variables studied in it, the method of collecting information in the field and data collection tool in this research will be based on archaeological excavations and related reports and articles. 

Taghiabad Tepe
Taghiabad area is located in Javadabad rural district and between Taghiabad villages, Khajoo Qaleh and Ajorbast counties in the agricultural lands of Taghiabad village in Varamin city. This site was considered in the framework of joint cooperation between the Institute and the University of Berlin in 1397 AH to collect samples of ancient climate studies from ancient deposits and according to the surface findings of the Iron Age and Bronze Age and according to the situation. The demolition of the site was speculated. The site is located in the west and near the Ali Kharat River. Cultural and settelement findings of this research have been identified in Taghiabad Tepe from workshop A in the ridge No1 of Taghiabad Tepe (eastern ridge) and in the northern side of this Tepe in the area that was excavated with an area of 1/5×2 meters (Figure5). From this Tepe, seven settlement phases with two historical periods from Locus have been identified, which include artifacts from the Iron Age 2 and 1 to the late Bronze Age. The cultural materials of this Tepe are all kind of pottery covered with red, cream and brown mud, gray, architecture (walls and thermal structures) plaster, pounded floor, stone tools such as pounding stone, abrasive stone , burnt plant seeds (in terms of appearance similar to wheat or barley) it has formed a bony specimen, goat horn and clay tokens, etc., which will be described below

Conclusion
The results of the study of Varamin plain settlements from its archaeological of Iron Age communities, based on Taghiabad Tepe excavation, this area and site as an important area and indicators in the study of Iron Age cultures and chronology of the Iranian plateau. One of the most important topics in the archeology of the Iranian plateau is how the tradition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and its sequence, one of the important features of Taghiabad Tepe is the presence of communities from the Iron Age and their cultural connection with the Bronze Age which is of great importance in the studies of the tradition from the Bronze Age to Iron (Age)., an area where settlement began in the Iron Age and continued until the Bronze Age . Accordingly, in this study, questions were raised that can be evaluated in this way. The first question was asked about archaeological findings, cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe and how the cultural traditions of the Iron Age. The urban complex and evolution of later cultures with cultural establishment has been one of the actions of the neighboring horizon in the type of architecture and pottery, especially Gholi Darvish. The second question was asked about the interactions and influence of regional and supra-regional cultures of the common cultures of the Iron Age of Varamin plain due to Taghiabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture, which according to the surface findings of 27 sites recorded in studies, archaeological as well as various excavations in Sofalin Tepe, Chalnasian and other areas, this plain to some extent shows intra-regional activities with the center of Taghiabad Tepe, with cultural trans-regional affinity and convergence with adjacent areas in the southern and northern parts of the central plateau of Iran. Therefore, it can be considered that the Iron Age sites of Varamin-Pishva plain, especially Taghiabad Tepe, are the product of an advanced society with a cultural establishment of adjacent horizon actions in the type of “architecture” and “pottery”. Based on the types of pottery and the type of architecture the cultural sequence of Taghiabad Tepe can be introduced with 7 phases of establishment in two historical monuments. Finally, it can be said that based on the relative and comparative dating of Taghiabad Tepe, it can be dated to the late bronze period of the transition period and the Iron Age of one and two.
pe. 

Abstract
Troglodytic Architecture like other branches of architecture has strong relationship with the culture of the people and their daily lives, which, although at first glance, seems simple and primitive, but in fact were built by people who have used all their intelligence and ability to build them.In Troglodyte part of Ab-Ask village, the people of the past have tried to create various architectural elements in this place to meet their daily needs, each of which plays an important role in the architecture of this part in a specific shape and image. Some of these elements were created inside the Troglodyte (rooms) and some outside the rooms.Indicative environmental elements that affect the plasticity of the village are geography,security,immortality and religion,which geography has the most impact on the form of Troglodyte compared to other factors. However, the influence of other factors cannot be ignored. What has been the present research in order to answer the question of the elements related to the lifestyle of people in these Troglodyte? Using field and descriptive case study method, in Troglodyte section of Ab-Ask village, to introduce and analyze architectural elements and details in these Troglodyte including: porch, stone bench, door, window, ledge and niche, stove, manger, and etc. At the end of this study, it will show that the past people of this region with high skills in interacting with nature have been able to create more than 170 Troglodyte in this place, which were studied in 5 groups. The orientation of the facade in this complex has been done from the south to the northeast, which has been a calculated choice in relation to the winds of the region and the direction of the sun and the chronology of the collection, according to the pottery and historical texts, is probable to the historical-Islamic period. 
Keywords: Troglodyte Architecture, Ab-e-Ask, Architectural Elements and Details, Immortality, Akhyeh.

Introduction
This type of architecture has been created by hand, with the help of tools, in the heart of the soil or in the heart of rocks between dams and precipices. Residents in man-made cave architecture, like living in modern architecture, require the use of elements to meet their needs. They have created the elements of this architecture in the same way in the heart of the rocks and according to their needs, which is diverse. Certainly, the past residents of man-made cave architecture of Ab-Ask village, in order to meet their needs by creating and organizing the available space in the heart of the rock, have created elements and details along with the residential space; that knowing these elements, as indicators related to lifestyle, will lead to familiarity with the pattern and lifestyle of the inhabitants of this man-made cave village.
Man-made cave part of the village, which also has a significant area, has taken on new uses today due to new needs, and due to new uses, new elements have been added to the previous samples.
Objectives and necessity of research: Due to the evidence of many rock architecture in Larijan section of Amol city (due to geographical conditions) and the lack of sufficient research in relation to these works, therefore study of the rock formations of Ab-Ask Village can be used as a prelude to a better understanding of this type of architecture and also, the role of rock architecture in rural tourism planning in Larijan section is very important
Research questions and hypotheses: What were the elements related to the lifestyle of the people in these man-made caves? It seems that the wind direction of the region and the direction of sunlight have had a significant effect on the direction of the entrance of this man-made cave.

Context
Areas of villages in Larijan district in Mazandaran province, among dams and precipices with a length of approximately 45 km, from the summer village of Plour to the village of Punjab, along the Haraz transportation road, have a variety of man-made cave architecture (Mohammadi Nashli and Rostamnejad Nashli , 2013: 2) which in this article we are researching man-made caves of Ab-e-Ask village.
Adjacent to the Haraz River, which has permanent water, at the foot of Damavand Mountain, next to numerous mineral springs and travertine makers, and near the coal mine, more than 170 units of man-made cavities inside hardened volcanic sediments (harder than soil and softer than stone) but dominated the plains and adjacent lands created by the peoples of the past.
These man-made caves are made on the walls of valleys with a height of 30 to 100 meters, all of which have a special door and hole due to the slope and climatic and perhaps religious reasons, which usually warm in winter and cool in summer in choosing the side. In these settlements, the number of openings is generally small and often only one entrance is enough, although in some, man-made caves, in addition to the opening, a hole is installed in the east direction.
Various elements have been used in man-made section of Ab-e-Ask village inside and outside the living space, and here we have tried to introduce and their possible function. Porch, parf, shelter or shelter of wind and cairn from external elements, hall, skylight window, niche, recess, jug, mortar, stove, manger and drinking fountain, room and stake including internal and at the entrance elements, stairs and platform are elements that are seen both outside and inside the space of these man-made caves, are mentioned in this article.

Conclusion
This collection includes more than 170 units of man-made cave that have been studied in five groups: residential structures, livestock-residential structures, guard structures, possibly ritual-burial structures and structures with unknown use. Chronology of the collection According to the evidence in the historical-Islamic period up to the present century, it is possible that during this period, this collection has also expanded. However, 90% of the units in this collection are still used in fodder ponds and warehouses. Pointing out that about 50% of the collection is related to the present century that people have naturally built existing structures to store fodder and keep their livestock and according to the type of rock.
7 units out of total 170 units identified in the collection were debris-removed that the different feature of these 7 units is the presence of a pounded floor with plaster, which has probably been seen in the side walls in addition to the floor. A number of units in this collection are associated with artificial architecture, which is clearly related to the surviving artificial architecture of the contemporary century and some recent years.
Existence of different architectural elements inside and outside the spaces has been a necessity in order to meet the daily needs of the residents, that in this article, a brief introduction to the elements and interior design, which were eventually created simply by working on stone and natural bedding, was obtained.
In this collection, the existing architectural elements as inextricably intertwined with other elements, such as walls, floors, ceilings are parts of the space. Each of these elements is embedded in different sizes and dimensions depending on the location and available space; due to this, we see a great variety in the architectural elements of this collection that the elements of each space are specific to that space. The presence of a natural substrate has made it possible to add new elements to the collection over time. These elements are created in the desired space due to the necessity of daily life, and that is why there is not much multiplicity about these elements.

Abstract
Qal’eh Dokhtar, as one of the important historical sites on the eastern outskirts of Kerman, has been described in historical texts with different names such as Qal’eh Kooh and Qal’eh Kohan, as a place of political and social events. One of the important features of this castle is its special location in Kerman plain, as well as the extent of its architectural structures and type of materials. The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature, function, and chronology of Qal’eh Dokhtar. This study was done based on the results of an archaeological survey, sounding, and archaeological excavation in 2019 in this site. This study can explain the role and position of Qal’eh Dokhtar in the social and political developments of Kerman during the Islamic era. Data collection was done by documentary and field methods and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The questions are: When were the foundations and renovations of Qal’eh Dokhtar made and what were the functions of this complex? For this purpose, the data of previous archaeological research and recent field activities of the authors were studied and reviewed, and while studying the historical geography of the region, a correct idea of the nature, formation, and function of this building in relation to cultural developments, Political and social of this area in the different period were presented. The study of cultural materials along with the study of historical sources shows that this site is probably almost continuously inhabited from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the tenth century AH. The results show that this structure has played a decisive role in the political and social developments in the region. It seems that Qal’eh Dokhtar was probably constructed and reconstructed from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the Safavid era for establishing a military and defense base, as a place to hold political prisoners, a treasury, a safe haven for sit-ins and the rulers and their families.
Keywords: Qal’eh Dokhtar in Kerman, Qal’eh Kooh, Qal’eh Kohan, Historical Castles, Islamic Architecture.

Introduction
Based on historical evidence, Kerman city was founded due to an economic-military necessity. The necessity that required the important branch of the Khorasan arterial road, that is, the spice route of India and the coasts of the Oman Sea, passes through the deserts of Kerman and Baluchistan and connects to the Khorasan arterial road. The Kerman region was located in the center of the intersection of the mentioned roads (Zarei and Heydari, 2013: 202). Because of this special situation, Kerman was also subject to internal and external attacks since historical times (Bastani Parizi, 2016: 40). Therefore, large castles were built for military and defensive purposes to prevent damage and protect lives and property from enemy attacks. Qal’eh Dokhtar is one of the important castles that was founded in response to such needs. In its ups and downs history, this castle has been one of the most famous and eventful castles, especially during the Islamic era, compared to other historical castles in the southeast. Based on the historical sources, political events in the history of Kerman in different periods are connected with this castle (see: Afzal al-Din Kermani, 2016: 124; Vaziri, 2016: 102; Monshi Kermani, 2018: 62; Sykes, 2016: 80).
Despite this, none of the above studies gives a detailed understanding of the nature, function, and chronology of this monument in connection with the social and political developments of Kerman. Historical sources also show a number of contradictions about the date of construction and function of Qal’eh Dokhtar. Most of these contradictions have been caused by the lack of detailed and comprehensive investigation or the ignorance of historians. Considering that the previous researches related to Qal’eh Dokhtar were only descriptive, the importance of the research is that it studied the nature and use of this castle with an analytical approach.
Materials and Method: In this research, by studying historical texts and architectural structures and cultural data (including the remains of pottery from the archaeological excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar), an attempt was made to create a clear understanding of the history of construction, the process, and stages of renovations, its functions based on the developments. Data collection in this research has been done by field and documentary methods. Based on this, the study and analysis of the findings of the authors’ excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar has been done to explain the construction chronology, the process and stages of renovations, and the functions of the castle. Also, the historical texts related to this work have been analyzed in the “content analysis” method, and by matching the data from these documents with the archaeological findings, new analyzes have been tried to be presented about this work.

Data
Qal’eh Dokhtar is built on a high rock overlooking the landscape of Kerman plain. This high rock is stretched lengthwise from east to west and its length is more than 720 meters. The architecture of Qal’eh Dokhtar follows the topography of this rock. Some of the architectural spaces of Qal’eh Dokhtar were formed on large stone slabs, and in some others, space was provided for construction by carving the mountain rocks, and buildings were formed with mud-brick, crushed stone, Sarooj, plaster, and lime. In the eastern part of the complex, architectural evidence of two and three stories has been left. In the northernmost part of the middle section, the architectural structures of this section were probably the ruling buildings. In the northwest of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there is a wide and half-ruined gate, a small pedestrian gate, and a high and solid tower. In the south of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there are remains of a brick water basin.

Discussion
Analyzing the content of historical sources provides information about the functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar during the Islamic era. For example, the first function of Qal’eh Dokhtar as a “place for opponents of the government” can be mentioned (Monshi Kermani, 1328: 23; Hafez Abro, 1375: 53-52). The second function of Qal’eh Dokhtar was based on the analysis of the content of historical texts, “a place to store government treasures” (Katabi, 1985: 100; Hafez Abro, 1996: 157). The third function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can also be considered as “the residence of rulers and their families” in some periods (Afzal al-Din Kermani, 1977: 124). The last function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can be seen as a shelter for besiegers (Khabisi, 1994: 187). In addition to these, we can also mention the role of Qal’eh Dokhtar in keeping political prisoners, which is hidden in historical sources (Monshi Kermani, 1949: 15; Hafez Abro, 1996: 20). Based on this, Qal’eh Dokhtar has had different functions in different eras and as a part of the spatial organization of Kerman city, it has played a special role in the political and social developments of this city in the Islamic era.

Conclusion
Qal’eh Dokhtar in the east of Kerman city was one of the important castles that was founded in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic period due to the need to deal with the threat of invading tribes on the south and southeast highway of the country, and it became the throne of the rulers of Kerman in different periods. For two reasons, Qal’eh Dokhtar played a role as a military and defense structure along with other castles in Kerman in providing security to the east of Kerman and the highways of the region. The First reason is “its location on top of the natural elevation and dominates the Kerman plain”, and the Second is “the important position of the city of Kerman from a military point of view during the Sassanid era”. However, the analysis of the content of Islamic written sources and the study of archaeological evidence, including pottery and architectural structures, show a basic reconstruction phase in the 4th century AH, a deliberate destruction phase in the late 6th century AH, two phases of reconstruction in the early and at the end of the 7th century A.H. and a stage of reconstruction took place in the second half of the 8th century A.H. in Qal’eh Dokhtar. Along with these developments and renovations, other functions were added to the security and defense functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar. As it has functioned as a place to keep political prisoners, in other times as a place to keep government treasures, sometimes as a safe haven for the opposition and in other periods as a residence of rulers and their families.

Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to Dr. Asadullah Jodaki Azizi for his advice.

Abstract
Coin minting is basically a symbol of the formation and confirmation of a political sovereignty. The Shiite rulers of al-Boyeh were among the local and regional governments of the geographical area of Iran, that  after the establishment of a political government in the year 322 AH and in imitation of the previous governments, according to the usual practice, coins were minted after the formation and stability of the political government. It seems that in the early days of the rule, the Al-Buyeh family used some of the symbols of the Abbasid dynasty and before it in their coins to validate and legitimize their political rule. that with the passage of time and the entry of this Shia political rule into the middle and final period; All the symbols of other local and regional governments have been removed from the front and back of the coins and replaced by symbols that show Shiite vision and thinking, and gradually with the passage of time, these symbols have reached a stage of maturity and complete guidance . It is one of the very important topics that the current research has aimed at, in addition to searching and analysing historical sources and new researches, to explain the reasons, motivations, and existing platforms for this change and transformation in the coins of Al Boyeh. to do and the nature of using these symbols and why not using another symbol as well as their growth and excellence from 322 to 454 Hijri, a period of 123 years with this question; What are the indicators of the minting of the coins of the Shiite Albuyeh rulers in Iran? How to challenge its adaptations, innovations and differences to other coins? Preliminary studies show that the Albuyeh ruling family, like other ruling families of their time, had to first legitimize the newly established system. They use the symbols of Bani-Abbas and before that in their coins and with the passage of time and the establishment of political rule, they tried to include Shia and Iranian symbols on their coins and their rule by minting dinar coins. (gold) and dirhams (silver) to everyone.
Keywords: Coin, Al-Buyeh Coins, Symbols of Shiite Coins, Symbols of Al-Buyeh Coins, Abbasid Coins.

Introduction
Al Boyeh rulers are the first Shiite rulers who were able to make a name for themselves in the history of Iran for 132 years from 322 to 454 AH and devote some pages of historical texts to their history. Investigating the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history requires knowing and knowing the sources that explain the historical developments of this period of Iran’s history (Faqihi, 1378: 16-17- Boseh, 1363: 220-221- Bahmanyar Kermani, Beta: 18- Ibn Athir 1373/11: 4825). Coins are one of the many important sources that can provide valuable information in all political-military-economic-social-cultural-artistic-literary-religious fields. Coins are actually the most truthful narrators of history, who have left valuable information in their hearts, which cannot be found in any of the historical texts or other surviving works of the past ages with complete accuracy and certainty. From the study of numismatic data of a historical period such as gender, metal, weight, carat, lines and motifs and slogans contained in the coins as well as the place of their minting from the intellectual, religious, cultural, political and social approach of each of the dynasties. Historically obtained useful information. From the study of the numismatic works of the Al-Buyeh period from the beginning to the year 322 (A.H.) until the fall of this government in the year 454 (A.H.) it can be seen that the coins of this period underwent many changes and many ups and downs, has gone through. So that these changes can be clearly seen in all political, social, administrative, economic, religious and cultural fields and even in architecture and coins. Research shows that the rulers and founders of the first new Al-Buyeh rule at the beginning of their work to formalize and legitimize their power structure in their efforts to benefit and adapt the civilizational, administrative, political, military and economic stages from others such as the Umayyads. They are the Abbasids, After adapting this index, they maintained it until the middle period of their 132-year rule, and after the changes and developments in the civilized, administrative, political, military, and economic fields, they replaced it with new indices, so this process continued until the fall of the rule. Albuyeh’s politics is quite tangible. In works such as Sarafraz: Avrzamani (2010); Pakzadian: 1380, Rezaee Baghabidi, (1393), Quchani, (1374); Eshraq, (1389), Quchani, (1383), Tridville (2001), George Miles (1938) The ups and downs of Al Boyeh coins developments from 322 AH to 454 AH, the end of the political rule of Al Boyeh Iran in metal, Weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans... can be seen. Al Boyeh Shiite rulers in the very beginning of their work from the symbols of the Umayyad and Abbasid governments such as; The image of the Sassanid king (Khosro II or Yazdgerd III) was inserted on the coin (Ishraq, 1385: 3) The appearance of the name of the caliph or ruler in Pahlavi script - The appearance of inscriptions with Pahlavi script on the coin - The face of the Sassanid kings, half-faced and full-faced, appeared Appearance in the coins (Ishraq, 2015: 2) - the entry of the Islamic slogan into the Kufic script in the margin - the presence of Zoroastrian fire pits on the back of the coins - the presence of two fire guardians on the back of the coins - the appearance of inscriptions on the sides of the coins - Entering the date and place of production in Pahlavi or Kufi script- The appearance of inscriptions on the back of the coins usually used Pahlavi or Kufic script (Miles, 1363: 318-319- Sasanian Arab coins before Bani Umayyad 1-2). From the evidence and historical documents, it appears that the rulers of Buya, like the Umayyads and the Abbasids, minted gold (dinar), silver (dirham), scales or copper coins. It seems like this, when the rulers were in a good political, economic, and military situation, they minted gold or silver coins, and basically, gold and silver coins were minted in the main center of government. Later, with the gradual disappearance of the political, economic, and military influence, as well as the political rule of Al-Buyeh approaching the end of their rule, gold (dinar) and silver (dirham) coins were gradually replaced by gold coins Due to the distance from the centre of government - the reduction of central power - the lack of concentration and supervision over other states - the coins became popular in the political sphere of Al-Buyeh. From the historical and archaeological evidence and documents, it appears that the Shia rulers of Buyeh used to mint coins in many canters, and many titles and titles were used in their coins - from different styles, such as the Iraqi-Jabal-North-Shirazi style They used- Unlike the coins of the contemporary periods (Abbasians, Samanids, Ghaznavids, Seljuqs), they use the inscription script - the names of local emirs appear on the coins - they imitated the Sassanid coins and put the name of the emperor on the coin - from poems Shiites have not used it in the minting of coins - at first the grade and purity of the coins was at a high level (98%) - with the passage of time, the grade and purity of the coins gradually decreased and decreased to 50% - the name of Caliph Abbasi is on the back of the coin It was minted continuously - words such as Muhammad Rasulullah, La ilaha ila Allah, Wahadh Lashrik Leh, etc. are seen in most of the coins. So that these indicators and characteristics can be seen from the coins obtained in fifty mint centers of Al-Buye such as Qoms, Bastam, Damghan, Semnan, Gorgan, Estrabad, Amol, Sari, Frame, Hossam, Isfahan, Helwan, Dinur, Shapurkhashat, Saveh, Sinjabad, Qarmisin, Qazvin, Mah Al Kufa, Mohammadiyeh, Nayin, Hamadan, Armenia, Bardsir, Bam, Jiraft, Sijan, Arjan, Ardashir, Khoh, Janaba, Darabgerd, Shapur, Siraf , Shiraz, Fasa, Kazeroon, Kordfana Khosrow, Ibadan, Ahvaz, Izhaj, Shushtar, Jundishapur, Ramhormoz, Souq Al Ahvaz, Askar Makram, Baghdad (an overview of the distribution of minting centers in the political territory of Al Boyeh (cf. Miles, 1363: 326- Mitchiner, 1977: 121-126).

Conclusion
Al-Buye’s numismatic studies show that the coins of the political rulers of this Shiite family have experienced many ups and downs over time based on their geographical location, distance and proximity to the canters of power, followed by political, economic, cultural and social issues. In order to formalize their political rule, the Shiite rulers of al-Buyeh first followed the plan of their predecessors and after the political, economic and military changes and developments; they separated their administrative structure from the previous rule and announced the coinage of their independence to others. The minting of dinar (gold) and dirham (silver) coins is a sign of this approach, following the emergence of signs of weakness and weakness as well as the reduction of political and economic power; Coins were gradually reduced from gold to silver and with the passage of time to copper coins, and numerous changes in color, shape, inscriptions and distinguishing signs were evident in them. According to the practice of their predecessors, the first rulers of the Boyeh ruling dynasty have taken models from the coins of others, and like other contemporary ruling families, by imitating the Abbasid coins, they gradually removed their symbols and replaced them with Islamic and Shia symbols, and by adapting some of the initial coins of the regime. With the coins of the middle and final period of this dynasty, it can be seen that there are fundamental differences in the coins of this period (Baha al-Dawlah Deilmi coin - cf. http: // malekmuseum.org). This symbol has fundamental differences compared to other coins of the previous era due to the approach of the Al-Boyeh family in assigning it to the family of innocence and purity and on the other hand to Iranian’s. Although the essence of the work of the coins of this period is exactly imitation and adaptation of the Abbasid coins; But in some aspects such as color, shape, inscriptions and recognition marks, it is associated with a new approach that separates it from other coins, which can be seen in the use of many titles and titles; and also the use of styles such as Iraqi, Jabal and North, and Shirazi; It made them more distinct compared to their contemporary coins. The coins of the first period of Al-Buyeh are used with the names of local rulers and the names of Sassanid kings appear on the early coins of the rulers of Buyeh. They had a mind. In addition to this issue, to confirm their political sovereignty, the Buya emirs had to include the name of their contemporary Abbasid caliph in their coins. This symbol is less visible in the early coins of Al-Buyeh and more in the middle and final period of their rule, and later this symbol was added to it along with the symbol of nationalism and Shia rituals, so that the emirs of Al-Buyeh appointed themselves to the Zaidi and Shiite family show. In addition to this issue, except for the initial period, the Shiite ruler . in their coins. Al-Buyeh rulers dominated parts of Iran and Iraq from 322 to 454 (AH) for 132 years and made great efforts to expand their political rule over other cities in the region; But like other governments, after a period of ups and downs and the decline of their political, military, economic-social power, as well as the emergence of new powers and the court of Al-Buye being caught up in internal conflicts and family rivalries - political-economic similarities - caused it to decline in front of other powerful and coherent powers of the region such as the Seljuqs, and with the decrease of their power, the material, metal, weight, carat, lines, motifs, slogans, etc., of the final coins of this period changed A lot appeared.

Abstract
Since there are few works of painting from the Seljuk period, and on the other hand, most of them were written without data and place, so there are no common opinion about most of the painting works of this period. On the other hand, because most researchers, do not use the correct scientific method in their research, it adds to the existing problems in this field. One of the painting works of this period, which is the subject of this research and has a writing data, is the Al-Tariaq book attributed to Galen, which has written in 595 AH/1199 AD, written and kept in the National Library of Paris. Due to the fact that the place of its writing is not included in this manuscript, there is a difference of opinion about where the said version was written and illustrated. This version has been attributed by different people to different places such as Iran, Jazireh, Dyarbakr, Mousel and Baghdad. Therefore, the basis of the main problem of the current research is the location of the place of writing and illustration of this manuscript, which is analyzed and criticized by descriptive-analytical and comparative methods based on library studies, and the views of researchers will be examined with comparison, it will be shown that the version of Al-Tariaq cannot be attributed to any other country than Iran. By examining and comparing the illustrations of this book and other Iranian works of arts, especially pottery and metalwork, it can be said that the view of most researchers of the illustrations of Al-Tariaq book is more similar to the way of recording Iranian art than to Iraq, so, it can be said that the origin of this manuscript is Iran and other views are incorrect. 
Keywords: Al-Tariaq, , Iran, Jazireh, Baghdad Method, Mosul.

Introduction
Since there are few works left about book painting and illustration in Seljuk period Iran, and on the other hand, most of them are without date and place of writing, so most of the works of painting of this period are discussed and disputed. Apart from these problems, the failure to apply the correct scientific method and also the involvement of some prejudices, which of course are not worthy of a scientific research, have caused the existing problems in the field of painting in this period to be added, one of the works of this periods, which fortunately has a writing date, is a copy of the Al-Tariaq book attributed to Galen, which was written in 595 AH and is kept in the National library of Paris. Due to the fact that the place of writing is not mentioned in this manuscript, most of the researchers, if it is found in the text in its entirety, argued with very weak reasons and without scientific basis that this version was written in the Jazireh or Mosul and has nothing to do with Iranian art, so the purpose of this the research is a complete review of the writing and illustration of the Al-Tariaq book.
Research question and hypothesis: The main proposition of the research is to locate the place where the manuscript of Al-Tariaq was written and illustrated in Paris, and by examining the artistic style and the role of the materials used in the illustrations of the Al-Tariaq book, the question is raised, which one of the most similar styles and materials of this book are there art school? By assuming the connection and compatibility of the motifs illustrated in the mentioned book with various works of art, including the paintings of Iran’s enameled and gold-colored pottery, as well as the motifs used on the metal works of the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods, it is possible to determine the place of its writing and illustration, attributed to Iran. 
Research Method: The research method in this research is a descriptive-analytical and comparative method based on library studies in criticizing the views of the researchers about the Al-Tariaq manuscript, which is related to the enameled and golden pottery and also the role of the materials used on the metal works of this period in Iran. The research problem has been discussed. 

Inroduction of the Manuscript of Al-Tariaq
The book of Al-Tariaq is a translation from the book of Galen, a Greek physician and pharmacist who lived in the second century AD. This book was translated from Greek to Arabic by Ibn-Ishaq in the 9th century AD. The subject of the book is written about toxicology and antidotes, which the author narrates with legendary stories. There are two illustrated versions of this book. The first version was written in 595 AH and is kept in the National library of Paris. The second version is undated and it is attributed to the middle of the 13th century. This manuscript is kept in the Vienna National Library. In this research, the dated version of the National library of Paris will be examined. This version has 12 images, the first of which begins with an image that is repeated twice. In the middle of the painting, a woman is sitting holding a moon crescent and two people are standing on either side of her. This page is surrounded by a frame made of intertwined dragons. 4-winged people can be seen on the four sides of this frame (Fig 1). After that, nine doctors of the period, including Galen himself, have been settled along with their names and biographies (Fig 2).

Conclusion
Based on the investigations and the comparison made between the pictures of Al-Tariaq book with the paintings of Zarinfam enamel pottery and Iranian metal vessels, it was found that there is a complete similarity in terms of stylistics, the way the pictures are drawn and the composition between the Al-Tariaq book and these works. Therefore, attributing this manuscript to the Jazireh is incorrect. The only reasons mentioned by some researchers are human monographs and other interwined dragons, however, if it is mentioned in full, similar to it has been seen in other regions, the image of two interwined dragons, a completely similar example of which is depicted in Mianrodan, but on the golden bowl from Kashan, so based on what has been described, this manuscript is Iranian and has the characteristics of Iranian art of Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods. The titles of the book are also written in Kufic script, which all researchers agree that it is Iranian. It is appropriate to attribute ir to Iran rather than to the Jazireh. It is necessary to remember that based on the available evidence, it has sometimes been seen that a copy has the artistic characteristics of one region but was illustrated for ruler another land. In such examples, the issue is not out of two situations, or that the copy in question was made outside the territory of the said ruler and was given to him or written on his order. There are many examples of this type. Like Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, which was written in Tus and sent to Sultan Masoud’s court in Qazneh. Or, an artist migrated from one place to another and painted there, in which case he followed the style of his origin and his art shoud be attributed to his origin, to the place where the art is performed. Apart from all of these, the examples of paintings that are attributed to the Mousel or the Jazireh, were mostly influenced by the style of Baghdad, although the influence of Seljuk painting can also be seen in some of them, like the ways of drawing clothes, there are two ways of working in the paintings of this area, one is Baghdad style and the other is a combination of Baghdad style and Iranian painting. This method is mostly seen after the Mongol attack on Iran. In this method, some clothes are made in the style of Baghdad, which are pleated and shaded and others are drawn in the Iranian way. In Iranian paintings, the clothes are mostly simple or geometric and plant designs can be seen on them, however, in some examples the influence of Baghdad style pleated clothes can be seen. The faces are also influenced by Iranian art, but they are drawn a little more formally and seriously. As mentioned earlier, among the examples of mixed works illustrated in Mosul, we can mention the copy of Al-Aghani’s book, in which the clothes of the clothes of the courtiers are painted in the style of Iran. The expression of the faces is also influenced by Seljuk art, but it has differences from it, which can be clearly seen by comparing them with the Al-Tariaq version. Therefore, if this version was painted in Mosul or on the Jazireh, these clothes or a part of them should be pleated in the style of Baghdad, if such a thing is not visible in them. (Fig 28). But where was this version written and painted, finally, it can be said that it was during the Seljuk and Khwarazmshahi periods, according to the illustrations in the Al-Tariaq book and the examples compared with Iranian pottery and metal vessels. It is believed that this version was mostly likely painted by an artist in the Isfahan region, especially Kashan, less likely elsewhere in Iran. 

Abstract
Providing water for the inhabitants of the plateau of Iran, which is located in the arid and semi-arid region of the earth, has always been one of the most important challenges for the its people since the beginning of the formation of the first dynasties and establishing the first irrigation systems. Low rainfall climate has caused the Iranian people to innovate different techniques to provide water for agriculture activities permanently.  Iranians are considered as the main creators of Kariz (subground aqueduct) as one of the most practical methods of exploiting underground water resources. Exploitation of running water resources by construction of dams on rivers and springs and the creation of canals is another method rooted in the history of the civilizations of the west Asia for supplying more sustainable water for the agricultural and industrial functions. In the specific and under investigation area of the Pulvar River, where the Achaemenid capital of Pasargadae is located, there are some of the ancient water structures including dams, artificial waterways, canals, extensive water reservoirs and springs. Of theses the dams are mostly built on the tributaries of the Pulvar River, and the water supplying canals are located below them.  Such complex structures have been built in the plains and districts surrounding Pasargadae such as Didegan, Murghab, Sarpiran, Kamin and Arsanjan. The present investigation briefly introduces these water structures and the techniques they were made in the Achaemenid period in the cultural landscape of Pasargadae. The results of this research are based on the studying historical documents and field studies of the past decades by historians and archaeologists, as well as field surveys by the author during the recent years in an area of nearly 16,000 square kilometers. The results of this research are amazing and very impressive. These extensive water systems, with the tact and intelligence of Achaemenid managers and engineers, have supplied water to all the plains and mountain valleys of the Pasargadae region. Villages and public settlements, gardens, agricultural lands, government buildings and centers, and finally the Royal Paradise of Cyrus the Great used of the benefits of water supply structures. In the construction of the dams, clay materials and ashlar or carved stone masonries have been applied, and some of them also have architectural structures with cut stone blocks. Waterways are also created in several ways on the slopes of hills and rocks.  Studies and researches show that the construction of water structures in the study area began during the reign of Cyrus the Great and expanded during the reign of Darius the Great and continued to develop until the end of the Achaemenid period. This method of exploiting surface of sub ground water resources continues to post-Achaemenid periods, especially in the Sassanid era and continues till modern times.
Keywords: Historical Dams, Achaemenid Architecture, Ancient Irrigation, Pasargadae, Achaemenid Empire.

Introduction
It is for the first time that in this era, a tremendous transformation in Iranian architecture occurred by mixing the traditions of architecture and art with the traditions of other nations that came under the umbrella of the Achaemenid government. The builders of Pasargad, in order to establish a new capital that can have a correct concept of a powerful and magnificent government center and also bring the comfort of its residents, beyond the plain of Pasargad, investigated and assessed the feasibility of all the surrounding plains , and after That Pasargad was designed and built What can be concluded from these structures is that Pasargad was not limited to the complex of royal buildings whose remains remain in the center of the Pasargad plain, and it correctly had the concept of an official and advanced capital. A wide range of infrastructures that a government center like Pasargad needs has been identified in a wide area of Pasargad plain and the surrounding plains, which is a proof of how Pasargad was built and founded. An important part of the aforementioned infrastructures is the vast collection of water structures that were designed and built in the ancient territory of Pasargad. One of the most important plans of the Achaemenid government was to deal with the water issue, which the Shah and the administrative organization had taken over the management of (Brian, 1985: 1985). In the upcoming research, an attempt has been made to introduce the Achaemenid water structures of Pasargad region and its impact on the construction and development of Pasargad. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Pasargad World Heritage Site also conducted a field survey in the Pasargad Plain and the surrounding plains (Karami and Zarei 2015), and in this research, several dams and extensive water supply networks were identified (Map 1). In the fall of 2019, from the first season of the exploration of Didegan Dam (Bostan Khani) was done and parts of the architectural structure of the dam and its wall and foundation were explored and researched, which resulted in valuable results (Karami, 2019, unpublished).

Introduction of Water Structures and Their Function
The extent and variety of Achaemenid works and sites in the territory of the Achaemenid Empire shows the intelligence and management ability of the Achaemenid government in the administration of the country in all fields, looking at the capabilities of the territory and the environment and paying attention to the culture and social capital of the various regions of the empire, which can be seen in He searched for historical documents and remains of Achaemenid works and sites.

The Effort to Manage the Country is More Visible in the Important Achaemenid Centers
In Pasargad, which is our focus in this research, various aspects of art and culture, architecture, government infrastructure, engineering and public settlements have been revealed and can clarify some of the unknowns. Whenever the name of Pasargad is mentioned, the collection of royal buildings and especially the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire, is remembered in our thoughts. But the Achaemenid capital of Pasargad is much wider and beyond the current area What we see today is the result of the knowledge and efforts that the engineers and builders of Pasargad have applied in a wide area of this area and have created a set of structures and infrastructures that meet the needs of the ruling center of Pasargad. One of the most important remaining infrastructures is the set of water structures that were created in the ancient landscape of Pasargad in several plains centered on Pasargad. However, metal and building stone quarries, metal smelting workshops, road networks, bridges, security checkpoints and support centers are other parts of the infrastructure works in Pasargad (Karami & Zarei, 2015). The concept of the ancient landscape of Pasargad can be considered for all the hills and heights around Pasargad, where the Achaemenid works and sites are directly related to the government site of Pasargad. The extent of this ancient area can be considered to be nearly 16,000 square kilometers based on archaeological surveys and researches, which according to country divisions includes the cities of Euclid, Khorrambid, Bowanat, Sarchehan, Pasargad, Arsanjan and Maroodasht from north to south.Pelvar River is the only permanent river in this area, the formation of settlement patterns of the first settlements from the Middle Paleolithic period until now is dependent on this river (Map 2).

Conclusion
The historical water structures of Pasargad and Persepolis are among the most prominent and valuable works left over from the Achaemenid era, which are located in the Bakhtegan and Tashk watersheds. The two main catchment rivers, Pelvar and Kor, form one of the basins in which the water from the rains in the highlands and plains flows into them in the form of flowing water and under the surface.  Due to the presence of two important Achaemenid centers of Pasargad and Persepolis in this basin and the need to provide water for them in the headwaters of these rivers, especially the Pelvar River, several reservoirs and diversion dams have been built with the aim of exploiting surface water resources And extensive waterways and water supply networks have also been established These structures include dams, waterways and water distribution networks, springs and reservoirs, and stone architectural structures for water distribution. The embankments are made of earth in the form of a hard clay core and a shell of stone debris and are mostly built on the heads of the branches, and the water roads are also on the slopes of Mahori hills and rocks and in the middle of the plains with two methods of accumulating soil and stone debris and excavating And the cutting of rocks has been created It seems that the Achaemenid engineers have selected the best and most efficient places for the construction of dams after investigating and studying the field of this basin. The mouth of mountain gorges through which seasonal rivers pass is the best place to build a dam Because the stone body of the valleys makes the dams stable and durable, and it has been easier and more reliable to contain and store the floods in the sub-branches. Due to the extent and shape of the catchment of this basin, the Pelvar river floods during rains and a large amount of water enters it, and it was not possible to control it for the Achaemenid engineers considering the facilities and technology of that era. Therefore, the best option for flood control is the construction of dams at the head of the branches and tributaries of Pelvar Also, it is easier to transfer the dams built at the head of the branches, which are located at a higher place than the plains and flat lands, and most of the downstream parts have benefited from the stored water. Apart from curbing seasonal floods, supplying water to settlements and residential areas, agricultural lands and gardens, providing water to Pasargad government grounds and especially Shahi Campus, as well as industrial uses and mills, are among the goals of building this vast complex of There have been water structures in this area The history of the construction of this set of water structures is related to the Achaemenid period, which, based on researches and archaeological documents, started from the beginning of the Achaemenid period and with the reign of Cyrus and expanded during the reign of Darius and was developed, maintained and exploited until the end of the Achaemenid period.

Abstract
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabour is one of the unique pottery of the Islamic era, which has many divers and symbolic motifs. According to the role of the ingredients of these pottery, they were created in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the third and fourth centuries AH; Therefore, the correct interpretation of these pottery designs helps to understand the social, cultural, political and religious conditions of the people of that time. One of the illustrated symbols on these pottery is the symbol of a camel, which is drawn on a Polychrome bowl and is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. The camel drawn on this pottery is important because it seems to be indicative of deep concepts regarding the sanctification of “Camel” in Neishabur society. Until now, no purposeful study has been done to interpret the depicted camel on this pottery; Therefore, the authors are trying to study the symbol of the camel depicted on the pottery in this essay with “Iconography” method with the approach of “Erwin Panofsky”. To achieve this goal, the questions; what is the symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on the Polychrome bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? The Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of a camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which stratum of society is Neishabur? It has been suggested that in order to get the answers to the questions, the research method adopted for the future research is a library with a descriptive-analytical-historical approach, in which the discussed pottery motifs are analyzed first, and then to interpret its symbol with Panofsky’s three-step method. The result of the study of the camel symbol is that the motif of a camel with a jar under its belly and a hoopoe bird seems to be derived from the principles of Zoroastrian purification and also the Gomiz healing properties of camels among the Muslims of 3rd and 4th centuries AH living the north east of Iran. 
Keywords: Iconography, Pottery, Polychrome Enobe, Neishabur, Camel, Gomiz.

Introduction
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabur is one of the most important and unique pottery produced in northeastern Iran after the arrival of Islam in terms of diverse and symbolic motifs. In addition to visual beauty, the patterns of the above pottery always have a special place in the studies of researchers in the field of art, especially archeology, due to the fact that they have special and symbolic scenes. The importance of studying the reinterpretation and origin of Polychrome Enobe patterns is due to the fact the researchers such as Lin (1948), Wilkinson (1973), Zack Nissen (1973) and Samavaki (2021) believe that the motifs of, the works on these pottery are often in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries AH. The symbolic concept of the camel with the symbols of the evil eye, which destroys demonic forces, finds more expression for the interpretation of the sanctification of Gomiz. A Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur with a camel motif and the symbolic concept of the sacredness of the camel cannot be applied to a specific stratum.  According to this belief, it is derived from the beliefs of the people as a result of the fusion of Zoroastrian religion with Islam as a result of political events parallel to the Abbasid rule in the third and fourth centuries of AH and was deliberately created by Zoroastrians, changed the Gomiz of a camel, a sacred animal in the Muslim belief, to cow Gomiz in order to preserve the tradition of purification, and it seems that they were able to preserve this tradition for themselves. With this reasoning, the mentioned bowl has a double meaning in the belief of Muslims and Zoroastrians; In a way, the special place of “camel “among the common people of the third and fourth centuries AH by drawing a camel and other figure such as a bird, a jar and the symbol of the evil eye, draw a picture. 

The Iconography of the Camel Symbol Depicted on the Polychrome Enobe Pottery Attributed to Neishabur 
In this part of the research, which is also the main body of the research; The symbol role of the camel in connection with other motifs in the Polychrome Enobe bowl of Reza Abbasi Museum is studied with the iconography method in three stages of description, analysis and interpretation. The bowl Polychrome Enobe attributed to Neishabur under the registration number of 1371 is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. In the central circle of the bowl, a camel with a single hump can be seen in light brown color with a six- petals flower pattern on the body with an embossed background. On the body of the camel, three curved lines are drawn near the front and back legs. The head and face of this camel is depicted upward and clinging to its hump with a big eye on its face. The camel ‘s tail is black with a few short branches and its hoovers are clearly marked with black inks, and there are two parallel blabk lines on the camel ‘s left hand near the neck, which may be a sign of decoration. To the left of the camel, a bird with a long abstract crown, which is probably a hoopoe can be seen. The head of this bird is light brown and its body is black with wings with a black checkered pattern on the body.  Under the camel ‘s belly, there is an image of a jar with a long base and a wider base compared to the mouth of the jar, in black color. On the body of this jar, there are four flowers and two abstract wings on both sides of the jar. On both sides of the jar, two circles are drawn with a dot in the middle, which seems to be a symbol of the evil eye. It should be mentioned that these circles that look like evil eye are distributed in the entire field of the dish. In front of the camel ‘s neck, there is a flower in the form of a Slimi. Also, in front of the camel ‘s neck and legs, a pseudo-inscription can be seen in back. Around the legs, hands and top of the camel’s head, four and six features’ flowers are drawn in pea color dots in the middle of each flower. A narrow light brown band surrounds the central circle. There is a pea color background with green and black coloured spots, with the symbol of the evil eye (fig 1). 

Conclusion
Research to reread the symbolic meaning hidden in the symbol of the camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur by posing questions: what is the symbolic meaning of a camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? And the Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of the camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which segment of the Neishabur society? The idea of the research in line with the questions posed by Panofsky’s iconography method was that the camel has had a special and mythical place in the opinions and beliefs of people in different periods of history. This scared place of the camel can be traced in the third and fourth centuries of AH with the symbolic motif of the camel in the Polychrome bowl attributed to Neishabur. The symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on this pottery refers to the beliefs of Zoroastrians and Muslims about the cleansing and therapeutic properties of camel Gomiz in the third and fourth centuries AH of the living in the north east of Iran. This opinion takes on more expression by combining the motifs of the jar with two abstract wings, the head (pointing at the camel’s hump) and the symbol of the evil eye; so that the two abstract wings drawn on the body of the jar refer to the sacred aspect of camel’s Gomiz in the belief of the common people. Hoopoe, with the symbolic meaning of the pike, is a manifestation of God Soroush to destroy demonic/ satanic forces. 

Abstract
Glaze is a prepared mixture of materials ready for application to ceramic wares by dipping or spraying. In Islamic period, decoration using the glaze was widespread. Different methods of glazing have played a major role in the beauty of glazed potteries during this period. Turquoise glazed potteries are one the significant groups of Islamic period. In this article, five turquoise glazed pottery sherds have been studied in order to identify their elements, composition and technology. The mentioned sherds dated back to 14 - 18 A.D (late Ilkhanate, Timurid and Safavid periods) , and identified from a historical house called Moravvej-e Ardabili House, in the historical part of Ardabil city. This site identified in a rescue excavation held by HassanYousefi which regarding to the cultural materials dated back to 11 - 18 A.D. The aim of this article is investigating and understanding the similarities and differences in five glazed sherds. Regarding to the mentioned point, XRD analyze applied for characterizing their phases as well as EDX analyze used for identifying the elements of glaze, and also their quantity. This research has an analytical approach and it’s method is based on analytical studies, textual evidences and comparative analyzes. According to the results obtained from analyzes, four glazes have an alkaline based and one has a lead base. Colorant oxides in glazes represent that copper used as the primary element to make the turquoise color. In general, the main elements in glazes include silica, aluminum, calcium, sodium, potassium and a negligible amount of lead. Statistical analyzes represent that the most similarities exist in sample two and sample five which belongs to the same period (late Ilkhanate and Timurid),and the most differences exist in sample four and sample five which dated back to a different periods. 
Keywords: Glaze, Turquoise, Moravvej-e Ardabili, XRD, EDX.

Introduction
In the prehistoric era, slip used as a sort of glaze in order to proof the body of the pottery, increase the aesthetical aspect of the pottery and protect the hand of the pottery maker to steak to the clay. In the historical period, using a transparent and colored glaze became widespread, but in the Islamic period the using of the glaze with various functions expanded. There are three main period in the evolution of the pottery in the Islamic era. 1. Early Islamic potteries 2. Middle Islamic potteies 3. Late Islamic potteries. During the rescue excavation in the Moravvej Historical House in Ardabil province in 2006, a vast number of pottery sherds mostly, belong to Seljuk to Safavid periods identified. This site located in the historical part of the city nearby the Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardabili’s monument. Turquoise glazed potteries were the remarkable amount of the identified potteries in the above mentioned excavation. The questions of this article is on the subject of the turquoise glaze potteries; the amount and the type of the constructed elements ,and also study the similarities and differences between the glaze from different period. Five pieces (three sherds from 14-15 A.D and two sherds from 16-18 A.D) selected for the analytical studies with the aim of better understanding their constructed elements, technology and composition. In order to achieve to this aim, XRD and EDX analyses provided promising results about the technological aspects of the sherds, and also a comparative study not only was highly beneficial in clarifying the similarities along with differences of the composition of glazes, but also was helpful in better understanding of the turquoise glazes  in the larger region. Since there has not been applied any analytical study on the sherd identified from this site, this research would increase our knowledge about it. The pottery sherd divided into three categories, and then two samples from each category selected for the analytical studies. In the next step, technical characteristics of the sherds documented. After that, the pieces delivered to the laboratory for the analytical studies.  XRD analyses, was done in Razi Metallurgical Research Center using the Xpert Pro MPD system Panalytical model made in Poland. EDX analyses was done in Kansaran Binaloud Center using Micro Prob Horiba 7200 model made in Japan. Also, Peason Correlation Coefficient used for better understanding the correlation between different elements.

Discussion
Based on the XRD analyses, in the first sample dated back to the 14-15 AD, cristobalite, amorphous, quartz and silica were the main elements. Quartz, cristobalite and silica are the different phases of SiO2. Based on being buried,  the amount of silica decrease and the other elements increase which are shown as different picks. Quartz ingredients changed to the cristobalit as a result of increasing the temperature while baking. In the second sample dated back to the 14-15 A.D, calsite, quartz and silica phases reported. Quartz and silica represent SiO2, and calsite indicates the destruction process and release the alkaline ion from the glaze and formation on the surface of the glaze which regarding the date of the pottery and being buried, it seems reasonable. In the third sample from Safavid period , gypsum phase reported. The mentioned phase represent the destruction of the glaze as well as releasing the alkaline ion like calcium as a constructed element of the glaze. In the forth sample from Safavid period in addition to the silica and quartz, cesterite phase represnt SnO2 which functioned as a flatting element in the glaze. In the fifth sample dated back to the 14-15 A.D, in addition to silica and quartz phases, nepheline synenite was reported because of the slip. 
Based on the EDX analyses, copper functioned as the primary element for making the turquoise color. The amount of the copper in the samples is respectively 3/19%, 1/15%, 3/53%, 1/39% and 1/36%.  The glazes have an alkaline base since sodium, potassium, calsium, mangesium and stroncium was reported in EDX analyses; This means that the samples of this research have an alkaline base unless the sample four. The amount of lead in the samples respectively is 13%, 0/17%, 0/27% and 12/64%; this element was not reported in sample five. Comparing to the other samples, sample four shows a great amount of lead (12/64%), and also have 7/07% amount of tin. Calsium solfate was reported in the samples; the amount of this element is respectively 4/06%, 2/35%, 2/75%, 3/72% and 2/67% which mostly is as a result of the destruction during the decades. The first sample represents the most amount of the calsium solfate comparing  to the other samples. The aluminum is respectively 4/06%, 2/25%, 2/75%, 3/72% and 2/67% which indicates the destruction during time. The most amount of destruction belongs to sample one and then sample four and is almost equal in the other samples.
   
Conclusion
In Iran, the most ancient usage of glaze has been reported from the ancient site of Susa as well as Choghazanbil located in the southwestern part of country in Khuzestan province. In the Achaemenid period application of glaze on mud-brick of royal buildings was one the common architectural decoration methods. In Islamic period, decoration using the glaze was widespread since it can be seen in buildings namely masques, schools along with potteries. In general, the Islamic potteries can be divided into two distinct groups: glazed and unglazed potteries. In this article, five turquoise glazed pottery sherds have been studied in order to identify their elements, composition and technology. The mentioned sherds dated back to 14 - 18 A.D (late Ilkhanate, Timurid and Safavid periods), and identified from a historical house called Moravvej-e Ardabili House, in the historical part of Ardabil city. EDX analyses indicated that the copper is the main element which used for creating the turquoise color. It is respectively from sample one to five,  3/19%, 1/15%, 3/53%, 1/39% and 1/63% in the samples and shows that sample three have the most amount of the copper in the glaze. In addition to this, chromium has been used as a coloring oxide in this sample. chromium in the glazes is a key factor in order to making the different shades of green color and this is why the color of this sample is much more different than the other samples. Based on the analyses, glazes have an alkaline base as a result of  high amount of the alkaline elements such as potassium, sodium and calcium in all samples. The amount of lead compare to the alkaline elements is a negligible amount unless sample four which a considerable amount of lead (12/64%) was reported; The amount of lead is respectively from sample one to four, 13%, 0/17%, 0/27% and 12/64%;This element was not reported in sample five. Also, in sample five, nepheline syenite indicates using slip on the pottery. Regarding the statistical analyses, generally there is a signnificant correlation between the samples. The high amount of the correlation is in samples two and five dated back to 14-15 A.D as well as the less correlation is between sample four dated back to the Safavid period and sample five belongs to 14-15 A.D which is seems resonnable.

Acknowledgment
We are thankful of MS Nasim Feizi for her technical point of view in the statistical study in this article and also, Miss Habibeh Abbasi for her beneficial comments.

Abstract
One of the main aspects in understanding past cultures is the study and analysis of pottery works in ancient sites. The passage of communication routes such as the Khorasan highway during the historical period, especially in the Islamic period, has caused the emergence of many pottery cultures in this part of the country. Considering the influence of Hamedan pottery cultures and consequently the Qoroq site from large pottery areas of the Islamic period, in this research, an attempt is made to answer these questions. In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? What are the most important types of pottery in this area from the 5th to 8th century AH? And which type of pottery has native characteristics? The main purpose of this writing is to identify the types of pottery indicators of the study site, which is done through the study of archaeological data obtained from modern surveys. In the present research, the descriptive-analytical research method and information gathering has been done in the form of library studies and field comparison of the findings of this area with other areas. The results show that the pottery art of this area can be seen in terms of construction and decoration techniques influenced by the art of neighboring areas such as Zolfabad, Aveh, Soltanieh, Takht-e Soleiman, Kangavar and Boroujerd. Also more than 10 types of pottery from the fifth to the eighth century AH have been identified, which include different types of unglazed and glazed pottery, each of which is divided into simple, patterned and multi-colored subsets under the glaze. In the meantime, specimens such as Dishes with multicolored decoration on white glaze probably have local characteristics.
Keywords: Qoroq Site, Hamedan, Typology, Pottery, 5th to 8th Century AH.

Introduction
Qoroq site is located 9 km north of Hamedan city, in the east of Bahar city. In terms of topography and geological features, this area is located in the alluvial, eastern and northern parts of the Alvand mountain valley habitat and in the middle of the vast and fertile plain of Hamedan (Fig 1 & 2). According to historical texts and archaeological evidence, Qoroq site is one of the leading cultural centers of the Islamic period, the peak of its prosperity is related to the seventh and eighth centuries AH (Fig 3). Surface studies on the pottery of the Islamic period of Qoroq site show that in this region, various known pottery styles have been prevalent in different regions of Iran. The Survey and analysis of various types of pottery index during the fifth to eighth centuries AH, The relationship of this area with neighboring areas and also the identification of local samples is one of the objectives of this Research. The most important research questions are: 1- In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? 2- What are the most important types of pottery in this area? And 3- which type of pottery has native characteristics? According to the results of the research, underglaze and overglaze varieties with monochromatic and multicolor motifs are among the most important pottery works of this area. It is probably the multi-colored type on a white glaze background from the local pottery of the western regions of Iran in the 7th and 8th centuries AH. (Table 7 b). In the present article, the data are collected by documentary and field methods and the research approach is “descriptive-analytical”. The pottery pieces were studied by “sampling” method as “simple random” and based on “qualitative characteristics”.
Archaeological studies by faculty members of Bu - Ali Sina University in the region during the years 2006 to 2012 have referred to the pottery data of the Islamic period of this region and its flagship hills, including Qoroq site (Mohammadifar and Motarjem, 2006; Motarjem and Belmaki, 2009; Nazari Arshad, 2012). “Survey and analysis of the typology of pottery from the beginning of the Islamic period to the end of the Safavid period in Hamadan”; (Zarei and Shabani, 2019) is another research that has studied the totality of Islamic pottery in Hamedan province, including the Qoroq site, which has been obtained through excavations and studies.

Data
In this research, the pottery fragments of Qoroq Islamic site are divided into two groups of unglazed and glazed pottery. According to the type of decoration, unglazed pottery can be seen in three groups with molded decoration, incised pattern and added pattern. Glazed parts can be classified into two groups, monochromatic and multicolor. Also, according to the type of motifs and patterning method, it is divided into monochromatic motifs (carved, molded, embossed) and underglaze and overglaze motifs. Glazed pottery is divided into Sultanabad style, esgraffiato, black pen under turquoise glaze, silhouette, blue and white, Azure with gold decorations and several colors on white glaze (Table 1-7).
In the Islamic period, especially from the 3rd to the 8th century AH, historians and geographers have made important references to the routes between Hamadan and the neighboring regions, which can be known to some extent about the main and most important roads of this region and the neighboring regions. These routes are: 1- Hamadan-Holwan route (Istakhri, 1961: 163-162; Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 103-102; Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 24; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Maghdasi, 1982: 599-600; Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164) which passed through the western regions of the country, including the cities of Asadabad, Kangavar, Bisotun. 2- Hamedan-Qazvin route (Istakhri, 1961: 163), which passed through the cities of Razan and Avaj. 3- The southern road of Hamedan (Demeh road, Raman/Jarfadghan/Isfahan/Khuzestan) which was flowing from the cities of Jokar, Nahavand and Borujerd towards the southern and central regions of the country (Istakhri, ibid.: 163; Natanzi, 2013: 254). 4- The route from Hamedan to Saveh and Ray (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 25; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Hamavi 2001, Vol. 1: 651; Katebe Baghdadi, 1991: 38-37) which passed through the eastern parts of Hamedan, including the villages of Gorgaz and Bozenjerd. 5- Hamadan-Soltanieh route (Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164; Hamedani, 2007: 126), the northern road that passed through the cities of Kabudarahang and Shirinsu.
Here, many similarities can be seen between the pottery of the Qoroq Islamic site and the examples found in the significant cultural centers within the region (Bashqortaran, Dargzin and Babakhanjar sites in the north, Arzanfoud and Troglodytic Samen sites in the south, and Qale juq site in the northeast). Also, the ability to compare some of the samples found with pottery from outside the region such as Qorveh, Kangavar, Bisotun, Garos, Aghkand, Soltanieh, Zalfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray, and Borujerd has shown the connections of this site with its western, eastern, northern, and southern neighbors. Among these routes, which had a significant impact on the political, economic and cultural life of the region, is the Great Khorasan road that entered the Hamadan basin from the eastern parts of the plain.

Conclusion
According to the study of pottery left over from this area and the abundance obtained from them - as one of the cultural centers with valuable archaeological data - its peak of brilliance belongs to the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. Among the pottery fragments of the area, all kinds of single-color pottery (plain and patterned), underglaze and overglaze patterns typical of the western regions of Iran have been obtained. Among the types of glazed vessels, esgraffiato vessels with linear and simple geometric motifs repeated in the middle of the frame (spiral, zigzag, rhombus and triangular circle motifs) on a light green and cream background, and multi-colored decorated vessels on white glaze with mixed geometric motifs. (horizontal parallel lines, continuous crossed lines) and a simple plant (flowers with several leaves, mesbek and pichan) in the inner part is considered one of the most important types of local pottery of this place. Similar to the samples studied based on the construction technique, decoration method, color and shape in other pottery centers inside and outside the region, especially in the neighboring prominent areas which are on the most important communication routes from Hamedan to Kangavar, Bisotun, Qorveh, Soltanieh, Aghkand, Garos, Zolfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray and Borujerd were placed, it has been popular. The designs used on the pottery have shown the extensive cultural relations of the population centers in the middle Islamic centuries. According to historical and archeological evidence, the main factor influencing the pottery art of this region from neighboring regions in the Islamic period was the trade and pilgrimage routes that entered the Hamedan plain from the east, central plateau, west and northwest. As can be seen, during this period, all exchanges from the most important city of Jebal, i.e. Ray, to the western regions of the country, including the Hamedan Plain, were carried out through the Khorasan road. Therefore, Hamedan is located in the center of one of the four important communication routes between north and south and east and west of Iran, and the similarity of the cultural materials of this region with other regions is due to its location in the chain of political, cultural and commercial communication in the west of the country.

The artifact studied in this paper is a bimetallic sword made of bronze handle and an iron blade, which was excavated from the Tol ancient cemetery, located in Talash city, Gilan province, in 2001 by Mohammad Reza Khaltabari. This research aims to study the technology and pathology of the mentioned object by conducting comparative and archeological studies using the library method, conducting technological studies using the laboratory methods of radiography, metallography, and microstructural observations using a scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDS). The phase analysis of corrosion products was done by X-ray diffraction (XRD), as well as knowing the manufacturing method and identifying the types of damage and corrosion. The result shows that this work belongs to the Iron Age. Also, the tests performed on the two parts of the handle and the blade showed that the material of the iron blade is iron-carbon alloy. The amount of carbon in different parts of the body of blade is not the same and the handle is made of bronze alloy with casting and hammering techniques. It also has a galvanic corrosion effect.

Abstract
Belief in life after death leads to the creation of tombs and cemeteries. The remains of ancient societies are mostly limited to their tomb and graves where the investigation reveals parts of their religion, ritual, and customs related to religious beliefs. The Elimais are semi-independent and autonomous rulers at the same time as the Seleucids and the Parthians in the southwest of Iran. Architectural types of their tomb have been unearthed based on archaeological excavations in Xouzestan areas such as Susa, Dastwa, Golalak, and Saleh Dawood, Kal e chandar e Shami, Cheshme Chelvar, Qaleh Shias, Cafeh Babak and Hashtlik. In the study of the architecture of the Elamites tombs in addition to their description and typology, there are comparable similarities with the burial methods of previous civilizations and Simultaneous governments which the authors of this research are trying to achieve by using historical-comparative studies and based on the results of Elamites excavations. This research shows that according to the environmental differences between mountains and plains, the architecture of Elymais tombs is classified into two types: mountain and plain. According to their location relative to the surface of the earth. Mountain tombs are divided into underground tombs, semi-underground tombs, and tombs created on the surface. Typology and comparison Elamites tombs with tombs left from previous and native civilizations (Mesopotamia and Elam) and Seleucid and Parthian governments show that these tombs are still influenced by local traditions such as Mesopotamia and Elam.
Keywords: Elamites tombs, Kal-e Chendar Shami, Golalak, Susa, Saleh Davoud.

Introduction
Mortuary traditions vary from society to society depending on their unique cultures and values. Apart from stressing and helping preserve the identity of the deceased after death, these traditions furnish information about the prevailing burial traditions, grave architecture, deposition conditions, social structures and ethnic-cultural identity in a given society. The semi-autonomous rulers of Elymais, who had control of southwest Iran during the Seleucid-Parthian times, among other monuments, have bequeathed their tomb-houses, ruins of which have been excavated at such sites as Susa, Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Kal-e Chendar, Cheshmeh Chelvar, Qaleh-ye Shias, Kafe Babak, and Hashtlik. The present paper aims to propose a proper classification and typology so as to give a better picture of the Elamites tomb architecture (tomb structures), and to compare these structures with the known relevant constructions from the preceding cultures and concomitant empires. In terms of construction technique, Elamites tombs splint into the two general types: “structural” and “rock-cut” tombs. This paper is focused on the typology of the former type, i.e. structural tombs (Table 1).

Typology
Based on the discrete architectural styles in evidence in the two physiographic regions forming their territory, i.e. uplands and low plains, Elamitess’ tomb architecture can be classified into the two groups of mountain and plain tomb-houses.
The most distinctive characteristic of the mountain group, recovered in the highland Elymais, is the use of masonry materials in the structure of the tombs. On the basis of their location relative to the ground surface, such tomb-houses are divided into the three types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground. The mountain underground tomb-houses further split into the crypt and stone-lined subclasses. Examples of the crypt subclass are known from Tomb 23 at Kal-e Chendar, Shami, and the stone-lined instances occur at Qaleh-ye Shias, Hashtlik, Kafe Babak, Kal-e Chendar. The semi-underground and above ground tombs are represented at Kal-e Chendar. 
The plain tomb-houses are found over the Khuzestan plain, and are defined by their masonry structure. Based on relative location from the ground, they fall into the underground and semi-underground groups. These structures tend to be covered with vaults. The underground instances are attested at Dastowa, Gelalak, Saleh Davoud, Susa, while the semi-underground variety was found at Gelalak.

Stylistics of Elamites Tomb Architecture
Subterranean catacombs in Mesopotamia trace their history back to as early as the third millennium BC, testifying to the societal development and complex thinking of the coeval communities (Murgat 1998, 117). In the low-lying plains of Mesopotamia and Elam, brick is the most popular building material of the tomb-houses, while in the uplands one finds their Bronze Age counterparts built of stone (Fig. 8)(Ökse 2005, 21‒25). The vaulted roofs of the Elamites tombs echoes the Elamite vaulting techniques recorded the plain sites of Susa, Haft Tepe, Chogha Zanbil, Balenjan, etc. (Fig. 7)( Besenval 2000, 148‒149). As with the Elamite tombs, the stairs were embedded into the shorter side in most of the Elamites tombs. The unique attestation at Saleh Davoud, where the staircase was built into the longer wall of the building, finds parallel in Tomb 4 of the funerary palace at Chogha Zanbil related to the Middle Elamite period (Ghirshman 1996, 141). The coverings of the Elamites mountain crypt tombs display resemblances, inspired by the nomadic life that typified the region in the Iron Age. Stone-built chambers with flat and gable coverings and stone-paved floors are known from the Iron III sites of Posht-e Kuh (vanden Berghe et al. 2001, 58). The Arjan tomb (Fig. 7) with a rectangular stone-built room capped with a flat roof  (Álvarez-Mon 2010, 15‒24), the tomb at Jubaji (Fig. 7) with a similar burial chamber (Shishegar 2014, 59‒63), the Parthian period tomb of Cheram in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad with a flat roof (Roustaei and Azadi 2011, 196), and finally, the related Elamites examples in Tombs 7 and 20 at Kal-e Chendar reflect the continuation and dynamism of this style in the uplands (Mehrkian 2016, 201‒216; Mehrkian and Messina 2019, 280). The burial of the dead on a platform also reflects an Early and Middle Elamite convention. Notable examples are Tomb 4 at Chogha Zanbil (Ghirshman 1996, 141), the southwest tomb at Haft Tepe (Mofidi 2012, 266), and the three underground tombs recovered between the outer court and the Temenos at Chogha Zanbil (Fig. 7) (Ghirshman 1968, 101‒106). Structure of the entrances to the Elamites tombs and the way they were blocked reveal affinities with Elam and Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian tombs have frequently their entrances sealed by massive stone blocks, such as the entrance of Tomb 6 at Tell Kilik Mishik, Erbil from the Middle Assyrian period (Othman 2018, 209‒213). At Haft Tepe, the entrance to the tomb was blocked with bricks and gypsum and was sealed through placing a large stone slab (Negahban 1991, 66), which is similar to the walled up entrance of Tomb 28 at Kal-e Chendar. Cutting niches into the walls of the burial chamber is a characteristic trait of the Elamites crypt tombs, the Mesopotamian examples of which from the Middle Assyrian (Tomb 45 in Assur) and the Middle Elamite periods (Haft Tepe and Susa VIII) testify to its long tradition (Pedde, 2012: 95; Hosseini, 2016: 112; Negahban 1991, 8). 
The persistence of the same practice in the Parthian-Elamites tombs at Susa (Tomb 6), Saleh Davoud and Gelalak (Tombs 1, 2, 3), and Kal-e Chendar (Tombs 23 and 28) reflect its dynamism up until the first and second centuries AD. The stairs in the Elamites tombs are narrow and steep. Related examples occur in the Elamite tombs of Chogha Zanbial from the Middle Elamite period.The association of some Elamites tombs with architectural structures (buildings in Trench 10 linked with Graves 24 and 25, the complex of Tombs 26 and 28 associated with an entrance room, the remains of a wall aligned with Grave 23 at Kal-e Chendar, and the architectural remains related to the tomb at Saleh Davoud) indicate that a funerary complex probably existed next to these structures to host the mourning ceremonies. The cited examples are somehow reminiscent of the Haft Tepe mortuary complex (Mofidi, 2012: 221‒262)

Conclusions
Following the topographical dichotomy characterizing the territory ruled by the Elymais kings, the Elamites tomb architecture splits into the two types of mountain and plain tombs. The former type fall into the three sub-types of underground, semi-underground, and above ground varieties. Mountain underground tombs divide between the two crypt and stone-lined subcategories. These tombs find parallels at the Iron Age sites of the Zagros foothills, e.g. Posht-e Kuh, in terms of appearance and roof type, which includes gable, flat, and the combination of the two. Also, the form of stone chambers share affinities with the Elamite tombs at Arjan, Jubaji and Kalanter 4. The tombs of the plain type, with brick as the main construction material, are classified into underground and semi-underground sub-types based on their location relative to the ground. The roof covering in these tombs is generally of gable type. This tomb type compares with the Mesopotamian and Elamite examples such as the subterranean tombs of Nimrud, Chogha Zanbil and Haft Tepe in such aspects as the location of the staircase, the roof type, the form of the burial chamber, offering niches, burial platforms.

Abstract
In the study of slipware colorful pottery, it has always been the focus of various researchers due to its unique motifs.  During the past few decades, researchers have studied the patterns of the above pottery with different approaches. Despite the researches that have been carried out in the direction of rereading and interpreting the motifs, there are still ambiguities and challenges. One of the challenges in the interpretation of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery patterns is the illustrated illustration on a plate that is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. In their research, according to historical texts, researchers have presented different opinions regarding the role of the above plate, and it is believed that their interpretations have fundamental problems. It seems that the study of historical texts alone is not a solution to the interpretation of the above illustration, and interdisciplinary science studies should be used to investigate the illustration of this container in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies.  Study and review. In this research, the Authors are of the opinion that by following the archetypes in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the study scope of which includes the Khorasan region; to study the illustration of the plate, in order to achieve this goal, the Authors have used ethnographic studies and historical documents to interpret it. The research method of the upcoming research is a library with a comparative historical-analytical approach. In line with the above goal, questions such as what is the concept of the illustration of the colorful goblet plate? It has been proposed to what extent ethno-archaeological studies can be applied in the interpretation of the illustrated illustration on this dish. The result of the comparative research of ethno-archaeological studies and historical documents is that the theme of the illustration engraved on the plate is the ritual ceremony of asking for rain and water from the goddess Anahita and Tishtar, which is held today in the Khorasan region with changes in the way the ceremony is performed. 
Keywords: Pottery, Neishabur, Polychrome Decoration Under Transparent Glaze, Ethnoarcheaology, Asking for Rain.

Introduction
Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery was produced in the 3rd and 4th centuries AH and parallel to the Samanian rule in northeastern Iran, which are very prolific and diverse in terms of motifs. A samples of these pottery is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. By analyzing historical texts, researchers have proposed interpretations for the illustration engraved on this plate. Despite the studies conducted with different approaches by different researchers, there are still uncertainties about the identity of human motifs. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the identity of the human motifs depicted on the plate in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies along with reviewing historical texts. Therefore, the aim of the Authors in this research is to study the illustration of plate by examining historical texts and archetypes in the geography of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the scope of which includes the Khorasan region.
In the background of the plate, there are nested circles in black with oval motifs and blue-green with circular motifs. The central motifs are three human body performing a special ceremony. The two human body have two two-branched wings on their shoulders, which are hanging down, and according to the clothes they are wearing, their gender can be distinguished as male and female. On the left side of the central body, the role of a small human body with a strange face of incomplete creation is depicted. Between the central man and the body on the left, the motif of a bird with its head turned back and a multi- petaled flower, possibly a lotus, can be seen.

The Role of a High-Ranking Lady
One of the motifs of the plate shows the role of a high-ranking lady sitting on a chair. The high-ranking lady is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on her shoulders. It seems that the goddess with the rhyton in her hand is probably one of the gods associated with water.

A High-Ranking Man
The motif of a high-ranking man depicted on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Neyshabur, like the motif of the goddess, is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on the shoulders. The male god is probably related to the water gods because he is next to the water goddess Anahita.

Plant Motifs
The lotus flower is called Abzad flower or the flower of life and creation in Farsi. Since this flower is related to water and in ancient traditions, the lotus flower was considered to be sacred and related to Anahita. Illustrated plant motifs on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Nishapur, the plant pattern of the seat of the female deity, as well as the plant motifs around the body of the male deity and the ten-petaled flower between the male deity and a small human body by comparing the actual sample of the bud and the lotus flower and the obvious similarity with It is probably a symbol of the lotus flower.

Bird
On a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate, the motif of a bird is drawn above the head of the male deity and the motif of a small human with his head turned back. The bird is probably a rooster symbol due to the abstract tail, several feathers on the body and also the crown on the head.

A Small Human Body
A small human body with a strange, imperfectly formed face, with eyes stretched vertically downwards, with open hands around him and a mouth on his cheek. to inspire a symbolic concept of him to the viewer. The small human role cannot be interpreted with the myth of Tishtar and Anahita; because there is no mention of its identity in opposition to the above gods in historical texts. Inevitably, in order to identify the identity of the small human role that can be referred to as the missing link and in the archetypes of the water myth, it was investigated in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery attributed to Nishapur in the Khorasan region.

Conclusion
The result of the analyzes that were carried out in line with the proposed questions was that the scene of the celebration depicted on the plate was probably the narrator of the ritual ceremony related to water and rain among the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries in Nishapur. This result was obtained by identifying the patterns of the components of the plate with historical evidence and ethno-archaeological studies. Which could be identified with the identification of two human roles using historical texts with two wings and symbols such as lotus flower, rhyton, and cow horn hat. They were the gods Tishtar and Anahita. For the identification of the small human body with an ugly face, which gave the viewer a superhuman personality, the results of ethno-archaeological studies were also used by following its archetype in myths; Because she was assumed to be an ugly doll and also because she was placed next to the beautiful gods Anahita and Tishtar, she was matched with the ugly Qazak Chuli doll or the Opush demon in the Khorasan region with the ritual ceremony of asking for rain. The rooster is also depicted in opposition to the gods Anahita and Tishtar, and the doll symbolizing the demon Opush, a symbol of Sorush, which destroys the demonic forces of Opush. Therefore, according to the identification of motifs and their symbolic interpretation, the theme of the illustrated illustration on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate is related to the ritual ceremony of asking for rain in the 3rd and 4th centuries during a celebration that was accompanied by music and joy. The living manifestation of this archetype is the ritual ceremony of Choli Qazak among the people of Khorasan region in search of rain. The people of Khorasan in the seasons of drought and lack of rain make dolls that have been passed down from their fathers to them during ritual ceremonies with instruments and drums. And they ask for rain from the water gods with joy and enthusiasm.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Abstract
The pearl motif stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used decorative elements in Sasanian art, with its diverse reflections evident in the cultural and artistic works of the era. This study aims to explore the significance and position of this motif in Sasanian decorative arts, analyzing it as one of the most notable designs employed in royal ornaments and as a sacred or meaningful symbol. The research adopts a fundamental approach, utilizing descriptive and comparative-analytical methods, with data collected through library-based studies. Findings reveal that the use of the pearl motif in Sasanian art extended beyond mere decoration, serving as a symbolic, spiritual, and royal element. The analysis indicates that the motif was deeply connected with Zoroastrian beliefs, representing farr-e izadi (divine glory). This symbolic motif was extensively featured in various decorative arts, including silk textiles, gold and silver vessels, coins, and architectural adornments such as stucco and wall paintings. The use of the pearl motif emphasized themes such as royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the aspiration for increased divine favor, ultimately leading to greater prosperity and success. The results highlight that the pearl motif, by bridging religious and social values, became a cornerstone of Sasanian decorative arts and a powerful symbol of the interconnectedness between humanity, the divine, and the royal order during this period.
Keywords: Pearl, Symbol, Decorative Art, Sasanian, Farreh Izadi.

Introduction
The motif of the pearl in Sasanian art stands out as one of the most prominent and widely used elements in the artistic decorations of this period. Beyond its decorative aspects, it served as a symbol of spirituality and royalty. Despite its significance, existing studies have not comprehensively analyzed its meanings and applications. The symbolic use of pearls in art emphasized royal legitimacy, divine sanctity, and the attainment of khvarenah (divine glory) and greater prosperity. This paper demonstrates how pearls, as a significant symbol, established a profound connection between humans, deities, and the royal system. 
Despite the importance of pearls in the Sasanian era, current research lacks a thorough analysis of their meanings and functions in Sasanian art. This study explores the roles of pearls in Sasanian art, examining their association with the spiritual and social values of the time. It also highlights how this symbolic element reflected the relationship between humans, divine beings, and the royal order. The primary goal of this research is to analyze the significance and role of the pearl motif in Sasanian art. It aims to show how this motif, beyond its decorative purposes, embodied spiritual and social meanings and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic works.
This study also investigates the various applications of the pearl motif in Sasanian decorative arts, including textiles, vessels, coins, and architectural ornamentation. It examines its connections to Zoroastrian beliefs and its impact on the social and religious values of Sasanian society. Moreover, it analyzes how the pearl motif was used to emphasize royal legitimacy and to secure prosperity and well-being, while also exploring the bond between humans, divine entities, and the royal system as reflected in artistic works.
The key research questions are: What symbols and functions does the pearl represent in Sasanian art? How are the most significant visual manifestations of the pearl motif related to the spiritual values of the Sasanian era?
In response to the first question, the hypothesis suggests that the pearl motif in Sasanian art transcended its decorative nature, symbolizing spiritual and royal values that reflected the religious and social beliefs of Sasanian society. For the second question, it is hypothesized that the visual expressions of the pearl motif, through specific designs and compositions, were closely tied to spiritual and ideological values and served as a symbol of khvarenah and royal legitimacy in artistic creations.

Identified Traces 
Since Sasanian art was primarily intended for the court and was entirely official, its artistic elements were naturally aligned with royal objectives. Pearls, intrinsically associated with farrah (divine glory) in both tangible and abstract forms, were used extensively in Sasanian art for decorative and symbolic purposes.
One of the primary uses of pearls was as royal adornment. They were frequently seen in various types of jewelry, royal garments, crowns, and in the decorations of royal rings. A notable decorative element was the design of one or two strands of pearls, often interspersed with square jewel-encrusted pieces. This motif seems to have been one of the standard designs used in various decorations.
Among royal jewelry, there was a necklace that appeared to hold a distinctive value compared to other jewels. It consisted of a single strand of gems or pearls ending in a flowing ribbon, with three large gemstones or three royal pearls in the center. This necklace seems to have held a status akin to that of the royal ring. In Sasanian art, such necklaces were either worn by kings and deities or by specific animals on their necks or beaks.
Pearls were also used as symbolic elements in architectural decorations. Pearl-encrusted medallions and circular frames were among the most common features in Sasanian decorative and symbolic art. Beyond their aesthetic function, these pearl frames had two meaningful aspects: first, they surrounded sacred and pre-defined symbolic elements in Sasanian religious and philosophical thought, emphasizing their significance and sanctity; second, elements that were not inherently sacred gained new meaning when placed within these frames, sometimes carrying a message from the king and ultimately attaining a spiritual and transcendent quality. The concept of a sacred halo, like the pearl motifs, was also related to the notion of farrah (Sodavar, 2017: 19).

Conclusion 
The motif of pearls in the Sasanian period can be explored from both an artistic and decorative viewpoint, as well as from a mythological and religious perspective. Since Sasanian decorative art was dedicated to celebrating the finest creations of the divine, pearls, with their sacred status as symbols of Mithra, Anahita, and other deities associated with water, became one of the most prominent decorative elements. In Sasanian art, pearls were never used purely for ornamental purposes; rather, they were imbued with deep religious meanings, transforming them into a widely used and sacred motif.
Pearls were among the most common embellishments in Sasanian handicrafts and architectural decorations, serving as a visual representation of farrah. The various forms in which pearls manifested farrah included not only the usual jewelry worn by priests, courtiers, nobles, and aristocrats but also a specific type of necklace comprising a strand of jewel-encrusted pearls, with three large gemstones or royal pearls in the center. This special necklace, in addition to symbolizing power, was presented by sacred animals such as the peacock, duck, ram, and winged horse as a sign of the king’s legitimacy and divine selection as ruler.
Finally, pearl-encrusted solar rings were transformed into a sacred halo around the heads of kings and deities, symbolizing divine presence and spiritual power.

Manifestations of the Sasanian period’s artistic influence are abundantly evident in the eastern territories of this empire through archaeological discoveries and surviving artifacts. Among these, the designs on a box known as a śarīra reliquary, discovered in a Buddhist temple within the Subashi site in Kucha city, Xinjiang Province, western China, illustrate a fusion of Sasanian, Buddhist, and local artistic styles. 1 Accordingly, the present study aims to introduce and analyze the motifs of the aforementioned box, thereby addressing the following questions: 1. Which Iranian-Sasanian religious beliefs are reflected in the motifs used on the box known as the śarīra reliquary? 2. Based on the motifs of the śarīra box, what are the primary designs and themes that constitute the artistic influence of Sasanian-era Iran on the regions east of the Iranian plateau? Based on the proposed hypotheses, the motifs employed in the śarīra box reflect the most prominent religious and symbolic elements of the Sasanian period; elements whose examples can be observed throughout the Sasanian realm, Central Asia, and China, particularly along the Silk Road trade route. Sasanian art and religious beliefs found their way into China through trade exchanges, the gifting of royal presents, and the migration of Sogdians and other Iranian-speaking peoples, influencing the artistic works of those regions. The Kucha region, due to its specific geographical location in the Tarim Basin along the Silk Road in western China, was considered one of the most frequented and caravan-laden cities. Consequently, this region witnessed the formation of Buddhist temples and grottoes, an increase in the arrival of caravans and travelers, and, subsequently, the presence of artists, musicians, and other social strata of that era. Kucha gradually transformed into a city where music held a high status, and various Iranian musical instruments, such as the vertical harp and the barbat (lute), were widely played. As a result, Kucha can be considered one of the best places to study the influence of Sasanian art on Chinese art. Despite the significance of the topic, no independent research has yet been conducted on the Sasanian-Iranian elements present in the motifs of this box. The present research is theoretical in nature, conducted with an analytical-comparative approach, and its data collection was carried out through library research and the utilization of available resources.

In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.

The city of Sahneh, located 54 kilometers northeast of Kermanshah in the central Zagros passage, plays a crucial role as a strategic crossroads, linking the Iranian central plateau to Mesopotamia and connecting the internal plains of Kermanshah to Hamadan. Archaeological surveys in Sahneh County, conducted in 2003, employed the site survey method, whereby all ancient sites were studied in terms of their geographical location and settlement sequence. This approach provides the necessary data for interpreting the settlement history of the region. As a result of this field research, for the first time, two archaeological sites containing cultural materials from the Middle Elamite period were identified in this area. This discovery significantly extends the cultural domain of the Middle Elamite period in the Zagros toward the east and northeast, indicating that the influence of this civilization extended beyond its known centers in the southwestern provinces of Iran (such as Khuzestan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, Fars, and Bushehr) as far as Kermanshah Province. Given the importance of these findings, further surveys were carried out in 2024 and 2025 to identify Middle Elamite sites in Sahneh. Following this research, two additional sites with Middle Elamite cultural materials were discovered. These findings not only confirm the existence of an active cultural-commercial corridor in this region but also highlight the necessity of revising cultural-geographical maps and historical developments of the Middle Elamite period in the central Zagros. Continued studies and targeted excavations at these sites can clarify the role of this region in the network of cultural interactions between the Iranian Plateau and Mesopotamia and are expected to lead to a fundamental reassessment of current perspectives on the history of this era.

Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.

Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.

Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.

Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.

The Qasr e Shirin region, located along the historic Khorasan trade route in western Iran, represents a significant cultural landscape that supported both sedentary agricultural communities and mobile pastoral groups during the Sasanian period. This study investigates the spatial organization, settlement patterns, and functional relationships of Sasanian-period sites within the Qasr e Shirin plain using a landscape archaeological approach that integrates Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing data, and archaeological survey evidence. Spatial analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between archaeological sites and environmental variables, including topography, land use, communication routes, water resources, and vegetation cover. The results indicate that the region was characterized by a dual settlement system consisting of a centralized administrative–agricultural complex and a network of dispersed pastoral settlements. Several sites display characteristics commonly associated with mobile pastoral lifeways, including ephemeral architectural remains, dry-stone constructions, extensive pottery scatters, and locations closely associated with seasonal grazing lands. GIS-based analyses further demonstrate that many of these settlements were located in elevated areas suitable for pastoral activities, whereas major administrative and agricultural centers were concentrated in the lower and more fertile sections of the plain. The distribution of sites, their proximity to communication routes, and their relationship to water resources suggest the presence of an integrated settlement network in which nomadic and sedentary communities interacted within a shared socio-economic landscape. This study argues that pastoral nomadic groups constituted an important component of the Sasanian cultural landscape of Qasr e Shirin and that their settlements formed part of a broader regional system closely connected to agricultural production, administrative authority, and long-distance communication networks. These findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of settlement organization and human–environment interactions in the western Zagros during the Sasanian period.