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Showing 448 results for Type of Study: Research
Majid Badiee Gavarti, Habib Shahbazi Shiran, Nadder Jamshidi,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Among the most significant historical and ancient sources in Iran are local handwritten deeds and manuscripts. Through their examination and study, valuable historical information can be obtained. These documents contain detailed accounts of geographical, economic, social, cultural heritage elements, customary laws, and traditional customs. Today, they serve as valuable and primary historical resources. In this context, the province of Isfahan stands out as one of the richest regions in terms of historical depth and the tradition of deed writing in Iran’s local and traditional history. Notably, the handwritten deeds related to the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan (Eastern Jay) have not yet been studied from historical, archaeological, or codicological perspectives. This research aims to present the writing style, structure, and valuable historical content of these documents, introduce them by their original and traditional names, and highlight their importance as precise historical and archaeological sources. It also seeks to showcase the artistic features used in their illustration and decoration as part of the region’s art history. The central question of this study is: How can we extract historical and artistic information from handwritten deeds and evaluate them as credible historical sources? To achieve this goal, three historical manuscripts from the Gourt neighborhood in eastern Isfahan have been scientifically and analytically examined: Deed of the Dove Tower at Darb Deh (Aziz Tower), Deed of the Dove Tower of Agha Hossein, (New Tower) Deed of the Gourt Farm Qanat. These manuscripts belong to a private local collection, preserved as family heritage, and have all been registered as movable historical artifacts by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Isfahan.
Ahmad Aliyari,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
From the perspective of pottery production during the Chalcolithic period at Tepe Ghabrestan (ca. 4200–3100 BCE), the Qazvin Plain constitutes one of the most important archaeological sites in the north central Iranian Plateau. This study was conducted with the aim of identifying the technology of pottery manufacture and the mineral compositions present in the ceramics. The research is significant for sourcing the provenance of Ghabrestan pottery and assessing the level of craftsmanship among its producers. The central research question concerns the quality of production and whether the pottery was locally made or imported. In this study, twenty pottery sherds from excavations at Tepe Ghabrestan selected from the ceramic repository of the Institute of Archaeology, University of Tehran were analyzed using physical tests (porosity measurement, water absorption, and density), petrography, X ray diffraction (XRD), and X ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF), to perform elemental analysis and investigate the technological processes of pottery manufacture in the Qazvin Plain during the fourth millennium BCE. The results indicate the use of advanced and specialized production technology, reflecting the potters’ skill in controlling the firing process and selecting high quality raw materials. Petrographic examination of thin sections confirmed the presence of minerals characteristic of the region, including quartz, biotite, calcite, and augite. A major finding was evidence of the use of high speed potter’s wheels in producing Ghabrestan pottery, as shown by the uniform wall thickness and smooth surface finishes. Microscopic analysis confirmed the presence of inorganic tempers (mineral additives) incorporated to enhance mechanical properties and reduce cracking during firing. The clay used matches the geological composition of the Qazvin Plain, indicating local production of the pottery.
Solmaz Mansouri, Ahmmad Salehi Kakhki, Mitra Shateri,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Among the finest artistic productions of the Safavid period is lusterware, which continued the tradition that flourished during the Middle Islamic era. Despite brief references in some sources to the distinctive nature and form of Safavid lusterware, no independent and focused study has been conducted to date. Therefore, given the formal characteristics of existing lusterware, this study aims to classify them in detail to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of their forms and then to conduct a comparative analysis with blue-and-white ceramics. To achieve this goal, the following questions have been raised: “Into what formal categories can the lusterware of the Safavid period be classified?” and “In terms of form, how do Safavid lusterware correspond to, or compare with, their contemporary blue-and-white counterparts?” In this research, data collection has been carried out through library and field methods, and the study has proceeded with a descriptive-comparative-analytical approach. The statistical population comprises 69 Safavid lusterware pieces and 40 blue-and-white vessels, which, in turn, represent 486 lusterwares and 106 blue-and-white ceramics selected as representative samples of each type based on their formal characteristics. The results of the typological study of these vessels indicate that the lusterware comprises 17 groups, which fall into two main categories: Open forms, such as dishes, bowls, and cups (Piyaleh); and closed forms, such as ewers, bottles, and pitchers. Moreover, although the two pottery types exhibit considerable typological similarity, the lusterware demonstrates greater formal diversity, whereas the blue-and-white ceramics are relatively finer in execution and somewhat larger in scale.
Ghader Shirvani,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The archaeological site of Tell-e Geser has long suffered from the absence of a comprehensive final excavation report and the fragmented publication of its materials. This problem is particularly evident in the interpretation of five burials discovered in the Fort Mound, which have been inconsistently dated and stratigraphically positioned in successive publications. Previous studies have attributed these burials broadly to the Neo-Elamite period, often assigning a single burial assemblage to multiple and widely separated chronological phases. This paper presents a critical reassessment of the burial data from the Fort Mound through a systematic re-examination of published excavation plans, stratigraphic sections, elevation records, and associated grave goods. Using a historical-archaeological methodology that combines stratigraphic reasoning with comparative typological analysis, each burial is evaluated independently rather than as part of a presumed homogeneous group. The results demonstrate that several inconsistencies in earlier interpretations stem from errors in plan orientation, misreading of elevation data, and the cumulative misinterpretation of archival materials. When these issues are corrected, the burials can be placed within a coherent stratigraphic sequence, revealing that they do not belong to a single chronological horizon. Instead, the evidence indicates multiple phases of burial activity spanning from the Middle Elamite to the late Neo-Elamite period, allowing the identification of six separate burials in a relatively regular chronological sequence that were previously conflated and misidentified as five. This reassessment not only clarifies the burial sequence at Tell-e Geser but also highlights the broader methodological risks of relying uncritically on legacy excavation data.
Negar Kafili, Golamreza Rahmani,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Pottery has long been one of the key mediums for expressing cultural elements in Iran. The decorative motifs used in this art form are deeply rooted in Iranian culture, literature, religion, and political contexts, immortalized through the innovative creativity of Iranian artists. Among these motifs, the “Waq Tree” or “Talking Tree” stands out as one of the most prominent decorative elements, particularly gaining attention during the Ilkhanid period. This motif, which combines natural, imaginative, and mythical elements, was employed in the luster tiles of Takht-e Soleyman and reflects a profound connection between humans, nature, and animals. This study aims to address why this motif was prominently featured and executed by artists during the early Ilkhanid rule at Abaqa Khan’s palace in Takht-e Soleyman. It seeks to explore both visual representations of the examples and their associated cultural foundations. Using a descriptive, analytical, and historical approach, supported by imaging of historical samples, this research concludes that the painters of Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles depicted wild animals such as deer, gazelles, and rabbits instead of humans—who are typically central to illustrations of the Talking Tree. The choice of wild animals over human figures may reflect the nature-oriented tendencies of the Seljuks and Mongols. This selection also highlights the influence of Mongol culture on Iranian art—a culture that introduced animal anthropomorphism as a prominent element in literature and art. The Waq Tree, rooted in Iranian and global folklore, symbolizes a deep connection between humans, nature, and living beings. This mythological concept is intertwined with ideas such as the sanctity of nature and the bond between the human world and the natural world. The depiction of this motif on Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles demonstrates the artists’ efforts to convey these concepts, which were innovatively reimagined during the Ilkhanid era.
Hamid Zarei, Seyyed Mehdi Miri, Seyed Amir Ali Hosseini Harandi,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.
Sirvan Mohammadi Ghasrian,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.
Mahdi Hajivaliei,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
Timurid coinage functions as a material repository, mirroring the significant economic and political shifts characterizing the era, thereby offering crucial insights into the socio-economic structure of the Timurid Empire. This investigation critically examines a collection of Timurid numismatic artifacts housed in the Avicenna tomb Museum utilizing X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy. The meticulous re-evaluation of preliminary XRF spectroscopic data is paramount, particularly within the discipline of numismatics, as it constitutes a foundational requisite for mitigating analytical errors and augmenting the precision of interdisciplinary assessments. While XRF technology provides a non-destructive means for the precise determination of elemental composition within the coinage, a failure to implement rigorous monitoring and comprehensive data scrutiny risks introducing substantial historical misinterpretation and analytical uncertainty. This study addresses core research questions concerning the substantive value of re-analyzing and interpreting XRF spectral outputs, specifically concerning their utility in authenticity verification (counterfeit identification) and the delineation of underlying economic and cultural characteristics. The central hypothesis asserts that unprocessed XRF spectral data lacks inherent accuracy and necessitates expert-driven, in-depth analysis for conclusive artifact examination. Furthermore, the research underscores the necessity of detailed spectral profiling, acknowledges inherent technical complexities in data interpretation, and advocates for interdisciplinary methodologies to substantially enhance result validity. The findings conclusively demonstrate that a profound reinterpretation of XRF analytical data significantly advances the comprehension of material provenance, safeguards cultural heritage assets, and yields more nuanced understandings of Timurid economic governance.
Mohsen Entezarian, Mohammad Ghamari Fatideh,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The study of cultural and economic interactions in the southeastern part of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BCE is a key issue for understanding the processes underlying the formation of interregional exchange networks and the emergence of early urban societies. The two major archaeological sites of Shahdad, located in the Takab Plain, and Tepe Yahya, in the Soghan Plain, occupied strategically significant positions along the communication routes linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, and Mesopotamia, and therefore played distinct yet complementary roles within these networks. The main objective of this research is to examine the economic and cultural status of each site within the Bronze Age exchange system and to analyze the nature of their relationships with neighboring regions. The study aims to provide a comparative analytical approach to archaeological data in order to identify patterns of production, distribution, and transmission of cultural elements across southeastern Iran. The central research question focuses on how differences in communication routes affected the economic organization, production technologies, and cultural expressions of the two sites. The working hypothesis suggests that Shahdad, through its direct connections with the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), functioned as an intermediary center between Central Asia and the Iranian Plateau. In contrast, Tepe Yahya, with its extensive chlorite vessel production and administrative evidence, such as Proto-Elamite tablets and Persian Gulf , type seals, served as a major industrial and commercial hub along the southern trade corridor. The methodology relies on a comparative and interdisciplinary analysis of archaeological data from both sites and their contemporaneous neighboring regions. The results indicate that the cultural and material differences between Shahdad and Tepe Yahya reflect their participation in two distinct yet interconnected exchange systems. Consequently, Shahdad embodies the direct influence of Central Asian cultural elements, while Tepe Yahya retained structural ties with the Elamite, Mesopotamian, and Indus worlds. These findings demonstrate that southeastern Iran during the third millennium BCE was a dynamic intersection of independent yet interconnected cultural systems.
Derya Şahin, Mustafa Şahin,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
A fragment of a votive slab dedicated to the god Apollo was found during the 2023 season of the archaeological excavations at Kız Island in Apollonia a.R. The depiction of Apollo on the stele bears a close resemblance to the votive tablets found in 1991 at the site called Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhood on the south-eastern shore of Uluabat Lake, south of the city of Apollonia a.R. The inscriptions on the fully preserved Akçapınar votive plaques indicate that the offering was made for Apollo Daphnousios. The honouring stele among the finds points to a settlement named Daphnous Katoikia. The article discusses the location of the cult site of Apollo Daphnousios and the Daphnous Katoikia according to the finds from Kız Island. According to the similarity between the Akçapınar and Kız Island votive reliefs, the sanctuary of Apollo should be localized to Kız Island, whereas the Daphnous Katoikia should be located to the Gavurkaya in the Akçapınar neighborhoods. It is emphasized that the Seleucids were interested in the city of Apollonia a.R. because of Apollo’s cult, while the Daphnous Katoikia was a garrison settlement established against the Kingdom of Bithynia not far from the cult area.
Rouhollah Yousefi Zoshk, Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammad, Saeed Baghizadeh, Hassan Afshari Salaki,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The earliest evidence of human exploitation of the wild date palm in the Middle East dates back to the sixth and fifth millennia BCE. Despite the scarcity of archaeological data, it is commonly assumed that by the end of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3300–3100 BCE), the Sumerians founded the earliest date palm orchards. However, this hypothesis has thus far not been substantiated by scientifically verified and documented evidence, rendering the matter a subject of scholarly controversy. To date, since the Proto-Elamite script has not yet been fully deciphered, our knowledge of agricultural activities within Proto-Elamite society remains considerably limited. What has been learned so far regarding the structure of this society’s economic system is derived mainly from comparisons between signs found on Proto-Elamite clay tablets and comparable examples in Late Uruk Mesopotamian Proto-cuneiform tablets from the late fourth millennium BCE; signs that primarily pertain to labor activities, animal husbandry, and livestock products. This study outlines the phenotypic characteristics of the date palm that can be identified, and examines their similarities to known Proto-Elamite examples. The authors suggest signs representing date palms in the Proto-Elamite script and consider them as key resources for a better understanding of the subsistence economy of the Proto-Elamite period, an issue previously absent from the scholarly literature on this era. Employing a comparative approach, the article correlates the signs for palms in Proto-Elamite texts with contemporaneous and later Iranian, as well as Mesopotamian, visual motifs. By introducing these signs into the archaeological discourse of the Proto-Elamite period, the research enables a more accurate reconstruction of the economic system and assessment of the level of date-palm horticultural knowledge in southwestern Iran during the late fourth millennium BCE.
Yaghoub Mohammadifar, Saeed Broshan,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The city of Sahneh, located 54 kilometers northeast of Kermanshah in the central Zagros passage, plays a crucial role as a strategic crossroads, linking the Iranian central plateau to Mesopotamia and connecting the internal plains of Kermanshah to Hamadan. Archaeological surveys in Sahneh County, conducted in 2003, employed the site survey method, whereby all ancient sites were studied in terms of their geographical location and settlement sequence. This approach provides the necessary data for interpreting the settlement history of the region. As a result of this field research, for the first time, two archaeological sites containing cultural materials from the Middle Elamite period were identified in this area. This discovery significantly extends the cultural domain of the Middle Elamite period in the Zagros toward the east and northeast, indicating that the influence of this civilization extended beyond its known centers in the southwestern provinces of Iran (such as Khuzestan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, Fars, and Bushehr) as far as Kermanshah Province. Given the importance of these findings, further surveys were carried out in 2024 and 2025 to identify Middle Elamite sites in Sahneh. Following this research, two additional sites with Middle Elamite cultural materials were discovered. These findings not only confirm the existence of an active cultural-commercial corridor in this region but also highlight the necessity of revising cultural-geographical maps and historical developments of the Middle Elamite period in the central Zagros. Continued studies and targeted excavations at these sites can clarify the role of this region in the network of cultural interactions between the Iranian Plateau and Mesopotamia and are expected to lead to a fundamental reassessment of current perspectives on the history of this era.
Mohsen Janjan, Behrouz Afkhami, Karim Hajizadeh,
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
year 9, Issue 33 (12-2025)
Abstract
The Naqqārechi Tepe, located on the southern outskirts of Nahavand, is among the surviving remains of the Seleucid period. Although it lacks visible surface evidence and recognizable cultural materials, a detailed account of its exploration during the Qajar era does exist. According to the report by Dr. Feuvrier and Moḥammad-Ḥasan Khan Eʿtemād-al-Salṭana (1309 AH), which accurately describes and illustrates the structural characteristics of the site and correctly identifies its historical period, the Naqqārechi Tepe may represent a tomb or tumulus belonging to one of the Seleucid commanders. A careful examination of this structure offers insights into the burial methods and funerary practices of Seleucid society. The Tepe was re-excavated in two archaeological seasons in 2019 and 2022 in order to reassess the buried structure and to critically re-read the Qajar-period descriptive account. This reconsideration aims to enhance our understanding of Seleucid architecture and cultural traditions in Iran. The main research questions, based on existing hypotheses, include: Does the buried tomb at Naqqārechi originate from Greek cultural traditions? How does the architectural design of the Tepe relate to similar Greek tumuli? Accordingly, the study proposes the hypothesis that the Naqqārechi Tepe is a tumulus, likely containing the burial of a Seleucid military commander or satrap of the region. Archaeological evidence and structural features obtained from the site, in comparison with similar Greek examples, suggest that this tomb reflects Seleucid cultural and architectural traditions. The research methodology is based on a combination of fieldwork and library studies. The description and analysis of the findings follow a historical-analytical approach and rely on the results of two excavation seasons at Naqqārechi. The findings indicate that the Naqqārechi Tepe exhibits all the key characteristics of Hellenic tumuli. The construction of a dedicated funerary monument for a single individual, along with the preparation of a carved stone sarcophagus, demonstrates the high social and political status of the deceased—status comparable to that of military commanders, warriors, or even successors of Alexander.
Mozhgan Rostami, Ardashir Javanmardzadeh, Amir Saed Mucheshi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Predictive models are a component of GIS-based statistical approaches, which hold an important place in archaeological research due to advances in relevant theories and tools. Predictive models, developed through the statistical processing and analysis of environmental variables that influence site location, aid in understanding the cultural and natural landscape of the study area and contribute to the development of plans for improved cultural heritage management. This article, employing a statistical-analytical approach and data from archaeological surveys, aims to present a predictive model for a part of the eastern Kurdistan region where archaeological surveys have not yet been conducted. Prediction modelling was performed using the MaxEnt machine learning method, with eleven factors as natural variables and presence data (areas) required for modelling. The model area was divided into two experimental sections (Bijar and Dehgolan) and a prediction area (Qorveh), as the prediction model for Qorveh city was based on the natural variables and presence data from Bijar and Dehgolan cities. Finally, the prediction map was divided into four classes: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. The very high suitability area, which comprises 10% of the total model area, contains 59% of the Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan. It was found that vegetation cover, land use, and distance from rivers were among the most influential factors in the model. Also, the initial data in Qorveh indicate that 62% of the sites are located in an area comprising 8% with very high desirability, supporting the accuracy of the prediction. The AUC statistic is 0.836, and the finding value for the model has been calculated as 0.82, which indicates a prediction model with an approach value close to 1.
Keywords: Archaeological Prediction Model, GIS, MaxEnt, Eastern Kurdistan, Iron Age.
Introduction
The use of GIS and statistical modelling to map possible locations of archaeological sites has increased over the past decades. (Stefan & Sîrbu, 2010; Niknami et al., 2007; Alirezaei et al., 2019). Currently, archaeological prediction models are a powerful tool for preventing natural and human damage to historical and cultural resources (Danese et al., 2014), and for increasing the efficiency of archaeological field activities and cultural heritage management (Howard et al., 2016; Balla et al., 2014). Statistical modelling, as a perspective for identifying suitable areas for selecting prehistoric settlements, has been widely used by geographers and archaeologists (Sharafi et al., 2016; Verhagen & Dragut, 2012; Kaimaris, 2018). This method can be effectively considered a form of archaeological exploration. This paper aims to develop a concept for creating a prediction model using the MaxEnt method in the Eastern part of Kurdistan, to evaluate similar studies in archaeology, and to determine settings and suggest ways to optimise such approaches. Simultaneously, using a statistical approach based on GIS, the prediction model, and archaeological survey data from the eastern part of Kurdistan, it identifies the most favourable locations for the formation of Iron Age settlements. Accordingly, using environmental and archaeological data from Bijar and Dehgolan counties, a prediction model for Qorveh county has been developed using the MaxEnt method. Due to the lack of access to archaeological data for Qorveh County, the study area has been divided into two sections: experimental and prediction. This approach allows for predictions in the Qorveh region based on data from the experimental area (Bijar and Dehgolan counties), despite the absence of the required data. This method can thus be proposed as a study approach, with related recommendations, for another similar research.
Research Method: This research employed field and library (descriptive-analytical) methods, utilising the Geographic Information System (GIS) for the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps to analyse the settlement habitats of 96 Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan (Bijar, Qorveh, Dehgolan). The MaxEnt model was used to predict the distribution of Iron Age sites in eastern Kurdistan.
Data
The present study used a digital elevation model with a spatial resolution of 28 metres. Any change in these data will result in changes in climate, livelihoods, and other factors (Khosrowzadeh & Habibi, 2015: 109). The digital elevation model is used to extract new information such as slope, slope direction, and land curvature. This information is relatively common and significant, and is generally used in predictive models in archaeology. Land curvature data have also been used, which are defined as the rate of slope change (Whitworth, 2011: 469). The prediction model in this paper will be implemented using the principle of maximum entropy (MaxEnt). Such predictive modelling in archaeology requires two types of input data: environmental data (environmental variables that have a direct or indirect effect on the location of historical sites based on archaeological studies) and data related to archaeological sites, also known as presence data. The study area covers the political geography of Bijar, Qorveh, and Dehgolan counties. This study aims to make the most accurate prediction of Iron Age archaeological sites in Qorveh county using presence data (sites) from surrounding areas such as Bijar and Dehgolan counties. Given the similar climate and landscape in the eastern part of Iranian Kurdistan, the prediction of site formation locations in Qorveh County will be presented based on the MaxEnt prediction model.
Discussion
The final result of the prediction model for the eastern part of Kurdistan was based on the frequency ratio (FR) of the land cover and land use variables, which were among the most influential factors in the model. Their impact coefficients were estimated to be 24.3 and 32.6, respectively. Based on the classification of the forecast map, the low-desirability region covers the largest area within the forecast range, comprising 72% of the total. In contrast, better results can be observed due to the reduction in the area of regions in the high-desirability group. These regions, categorised as very high and high-desirability groups, comprise 10.5 percent and 7.5 percent of the total area, respectively. In contrast, it includes the largest number of areas, accounting for 89 percent of the total. These areas comprise 57 and 29 areas, respectively. While the areas with the highest potential are highlighted, they significantly reduce the area available for archaeological investigation.
Conclusion
MaxEnt modelling requires the use of presence data (areas). For this purpose, the prediction model is defined to include two categories of areas. First, the experimental area contains presence data (areas) as well as environmental factors and variables to configure the prediction model. Second: Prediction area; this section and perspective include the city of Qorveh in the eastern part of Kurdistan. The experimental area for this modelling contains 96 presence data points (areas) with an Iron Age chronology. Of these, 25% were used as test data and 75% as training data. Modelling with the MaxEnt method identifies the most influential variables by examining each one. Factors such as vegetation cover, land use, distance from the village, and distance from water sources are among the most influential variables on the model results. In this case, MaxEnt statistical analysis of other variables is also presented. Examination of the altitude variable shows that it has the greatest impact on sites within the altitude range of 1378–1400. The greatest impact of rivers on the sites occurred at a distance of 1000 metres. From 1000 to 3000 metres, the impact was least, but from 3000 to 5000 metres, the influence on site location became significant again. It has been found that at a distance of 2000 metres from villages, the likelihood of site formation is greater than at greater distances. The prediction map is divided into four groups based on the specified threshold value mentioned earlier: very high, high, medium, and low suitability areas. According to this division, the very high suitability area covers 10.5% of the total model area, and 59% of the sites (occurrence data) are located within this area. The high, medium, and low suitability areas include 30%, 6.5%, and 4.5% of the sites within these areas, respectively. Given that the very high and low suitability prediction areas are small but contain the largest percentage of sites, the model can be considered predictive.
Gholamreza Shamloo, Ali Salmani, Davoud Mirzaei,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb have rightly been considered as two unique artistic masterpieces in the history of Iranian painting. To find out the pure aesthetic values of these two versions, the best method that can be used is the method of formalistic analysis. In the formalist approach, what is important is the analysis of formal visual elements that painters have used to convey an aesthetic feeling or emotion. Therefore, with a formalistic approach, this research examines two versions of the same story, that is, “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in these two Shahnameh. Obviously, in this research, elements such as line, shape, color and in general the design and composition of these paintings have been subjected to formal analysis. Based on this, the current research has clearly sought to answer this question: in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of Baysunghur and Shah Tehamasb Shahnameh? Obviously, in order to answer this question, what are the main features of the painting “Esfandiyar Slays Arjasp” in the two versions of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb based on the formalist approach? By comparing the mentioned paintings, it was found that The Baysunghur Sahnameh is richer than Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb in terms of the use of lines appropriate to the nature of the story, the clear depiction of the story, and the symbolic treatment of the story. Of course, it is worth mentioning that, on the other hand, Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb presents a kind of decorative representation of the story, and therefore, it tried to make the story appear dramatic. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical based on comparing the illustrations of two versions of Shahnameh, and the data collection method was library.
Keywords: Form, Formalism, Formalist Analysis, The Baysunghur Sahnameh, The Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.
Introduction
In Iran’s long tradition of book design, perhaps no work has been illustrated as much as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Meanwhile, in the Timurid and Safavid periods, due to the rise of art-loving and tasteful rulers and the favorable social conditions, we witness the creation of the most valuable illustrated Shahnamehs. Undoubtedly, the most prominent illustrated Shahnameh of the Timurid period is the “the Baysunghur Sahnameh” and the masterpiece of the Safavid period is the “the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb”. These two irreplaceable masterpieces have been a suitable vehicle for the emergence of Iranian-Islamic aesthetics. It seems that no approach like the formalist approach can explain the characteristics of these two masterpieces purely in terms of art and aesthetics.
Accordingly, formalism is an approach to art that emphasizes the importance of form and its priority over content as the source of the subjective attraction of the work. Therefore, any formalist analysis of works of art essentially considers the aesthetic effects created by the design components. These components, which are called formal elements, form the basis of the artist’s visual language. These components can be categorized as follows: line, overall shape, space, color, and light and dark. These components themselves can also be considered to include elements such as balance, order and proportion, and pattern and rhythm which, together with the first components, create specific reactions in the audience. The artist brings all these components and elements together in an arrangement that is called composition. Having said that, our formalist analysis of the common selected image in the two Shahnamehs of Baysunghur and Shah Tahmasb in this research will proceed based on the above components and elements, and in the conclusion section, the necessary results will be obtained from the comparison of these components in the two mentioned versions.
Discussion
In general, the predominant use of dry, diagonal and angled lines in Baysanghari’s Shahnameh has caused the atmosphere of confrontation and battle to be shown well. While the soft and gentle lines of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb are not very similar to the displayed subject. The asymmetric composition chosen by painters of the Baysunghur Sahnameh to show this story is completely in harmony with the real atmosphere of the battle. A battle which, according to the text of the Shahnameh, is not an ordinary battle of the type of wars fought between two armies; This battle is mostly a secret operation and it goes step by step according to a predetermined plan and therefore it is very complicated and calculated. Breaking the space through the masterly display of the fortress walls with sharp diagonal lines, speaks of the creative courage of the painters of this version and shows well the difficulty of entering the fortress and the difficulty of mastering it during the battle. It is precisely for this reason that Esfandiyar is forced to enter the fortress as a merchant delegation. In addition, the fortress described in the story was very strong (it was built only with stones) and it was located in a mountainous area. The painter has succeeded in creating the feeling of encountering a complex and unattainable building in the audience with an extremely masterful display of an uneven castle with a complex plan and steps. On the other hand, the composition of Tehamasbi’s painting is almost symmetrical and balanced; It is as if the battle depicted is a normal battle where the people who are at war are concerned about being in a specific place that the painter has determined for them to maintain the balance of the scene; If a war is depicted in this scene, this war is not so real, but it is completely staged and decorated.
Conclusion
The findings of this research with regard to the main question, i.e. the question that “in terms of the formalist approach, what are the similarities and differences between these two common images of The Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb?” It is supposed to:
- In terms of the adaptation of the illustrated story with the verses of the Shahnameh, it can be claimed that the image belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh. The display of time and clothes of merchants for Esfandiyar’ soldiers in Shah Tehamasb’s images confirms this claim. But none of these things are shown in the image belonging to The Baysunghur Sahnameh. Of course, in the show of the strong and tangled fortress, Baysunghur’s image is more bound to the verses of the Shahnameh.
- In the painting belonging to the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb, the story of Arjasab’s murder is depicted by showing his throat being cut by Esfandiyar, while in Baysunghur’s painting, the mentioned theme is shown by pulling Arjasab down from the throne to the ground. Therefore, it is possible to refer to the symbolic and metaphorical treatment of The Baysunghur’s image, in contrast to the explicit and direct expression of Shah Tehamasbi’s image.
- The composition of Baysunghur’s image is completely in harmony with the subject of the story, while the composition of Shah Tehamasb’s image is completely balanced and symmetrical and does not match the depiction of a real war.
- The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has deliberately and at the same time boldly broken up the space to show the complex architecture, mountainous location, tangled and impassable nature of Arjasab fortress. On the other hand, the space shown in shah Tehamasb version is almost uniform, and apparently only a small part of the complex space of Baysanghari’s image was chosen for it. For this reason, The Baysunghur Sahnameh painter has acted more boldly and creatively.
- The main concern of the painter of The Baysunghur Sahnameh painting is the clear and clear depiction of the story, and for this reason, the image is divided into three parts from the bottom to the top, which clearly shows the story step by step, both with uniform colors and close to each other. Almost the same clothes (two types of military uniforms) have been used, and it has been avoided to show any extra or dramatic elements. On the other hand, painting of the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb has more emotional and dramatic content and apparently has a great desire to dramatize the story and show it decoratively.
Soraya Ghafarpouri, Samad Samanian,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The motif of “Lion and Sun”, which has become an important visual-culture discourse in recent years, has always been questioned and was the subject of scholarly inquiry regarding its origin and meaning, and different analyzes of the motif have been offered. However, it appears that the literature on the subject has not been able to resolve the prevailing disputes and there are still a great deal of divergent viewpoints and disagreements over motif. In order to resolve the equation of these conflicts, one must first know the quality of previous studies and the degree to which it can be relied upon as a source for new studies. The aim of this research is to evaluate the quality level of studies and find their advantages and disadvantages. Every study that has directly addressed the motif “Lion and Sun” as well as other studies in which there are texts concerning the motif, printed or gray sources, has been subjected to a systematically review and meta-analyze. A total of 150 studies were examined using specific search techniques in Persian and English search databases like Google, Web of Science, Noormags, Irandoc, etc. (without a time limit). Following a screening process using predefined criteria, 27 studies were chosen for qualitative meta-analysis. The results of the qualitative meta-analysis are expressed using tables and distribution and frequency charts. The findings of this meta-analysis demonstrate that a significant portion of all studies have referenced earlier works and quoted earlier speeches in their publications, without conducting the essential study and investigations. Additionally, it was found that research on motif has stagnated for 20 years, which needs investigation and pathology in its place.
Keywords: Lion and Sun, Qualitative Meta-Analysis, Screening Studies, Searching Strategy.
Introduction
The number of depictions of “Lion and Sun” on the national flag of Iran or coins and other works of art from the Qajar to the Pahlavi period has made it become an important visual-cultural discourse. This discourse, with its continued presence in Iranian art and culture and role-playing as a national-patriotic symbol and finding a way to political and social issues, has caused the history of the presence and the meaning of it in Iranian art to be questioned and researched, and different analysis has been made on it. Be provided. It seems that the texts written about it have not had reliable results and there are various opinions about it. In the meantime, the connection of socio-political powers with cultural symbols and signs creates serious conflicts in people’s lifestyles, so that the simplest cultural actions may be involved with the most complex layers of political, economic, and social structures. This research, by rereading the studies done on the motif, tries to contribute, however little, in clarifying this cultural issue to achieving a new way of understanding the issue. The main goal of this research is to analyses the qualitative level of the studies conducted on motif, which is done to answer the question of to what extent and how can these studies be cited. Firstly, it is necessary to know what research has been done so far regarding the motif, what research elements and components they have, and what strengths and weaknesses should be considered in them. Finally, the expected results of this research are reaching a conclusion from the qualitative evaluation of the studies conducted and showing the gaps and research needs in this field.
The present research is practical in terms of purpose. Data collection is done in a documentary way from library sources and the data analysis method is a systematic review and then a qualitative meta-analysis. For this purpose, studies focusing on the research question are identified and reviewed in Prisma’s instruction, and the results are combined, statistically analyzed, and qualitatively evaluated. The statistical population of this research is all studies related to the motif, including articles, books, theses, and gray texts. After a systematic review of 150 studies, 27 studies were selected for qualitative meta-analysis. SPSS was used to draw graphs.
Discussion
Of the 27 meta-analyzed studies, 9 studies are books (33%), 11 studies are articles (41%), 3 theses (11%), and 4 sources contain gray texts (15%).
The period of conducting studies in 6 studies related to the 1960s (22%), 4 studies before that (15%), 1 study related to the 90s (4%), 9 studies in the 2000s (33%), 7 studies were done in the 2010s (26%). It seems that in the 1970s and 1980s, no research was done on the motif.
Because most of the studies are related to the period before the 70s, the method of conducting research in them is often not stated correctly. But with the evaluation, the method was diagnosed in 15 studies as descriptive-historical (71%), and 6 studies as descriptive-historical-comparative (29%). In newspapers, data has been collected through quotations and interviews.
18 studies (67%) have a direct connection with the motif in the title, and 9 studies (33%) have mentioned it only in a part of their research.
Out of 27 studies, 6 studies (22%) were conducted abroad of Iran, 21 studies (78%) were conducted inside, 25 studies (93%) were conducted by Iranians and 2 studies (7%) were conducted by non-Iranians.
Almost from the 2000s onwards, citing previous studies instead of citing primary sources and works of art and objects increased. Before 2004, historical texts in 11 studies (26%), literary texts in 6 studies (14%), motif on coins in 10 studies (24%), motif on the flag in 9 studies (22%), and other works of art in 6 studies (14%) have been cited. These studies can be classified as primary studies and the research after that can be called follow-up studies using secondary sources.
In at least 18 studies out of all the studies, sources from the 60s and earlier have been cited. Minavi in 5 studies (12%), Kasravi in 11 studies (26%), Nafisi in 10 studies (24%), Nayernuri in 10 studies (24%), Zoka in 6 studies (14%) the most have been cited. This means that the data from these 5 studies (primary studies) has been replicated in follow-up studies. In 8 out of 27 studies, sources other than those mentioned in this research and other references are cited sporadically.
In all the meta-analyzed studies, words and terms related to the concept of “Lion and Sun” have been repeated, which are classified as follows:
Kingdom: power, king, Georgian princess
Astrology: Leo sign, Sun, Star
Religion: Shiite, Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad, Lion of God, Shamsa
Mythology: Ahuramazda, Mehr, Mithra, Anahita, the guardian Lion of the temple
Mythological concepts were inferred in 10 studies (20%), religious concepts in 11 studies (21%), astrological concepts in 10 studies (20%), and kingdom concepts in 20 studies (29%).
The composition of the time of analyzed-studies and the concepts inferred by their authors is shown in the following table:
Conclusion
After reviewing the findings and after quantitative and qualitative analysis of the statistics, it was found that 37% of the studies were conducted before the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a stagnation in conducting studies, and since the 1990s, 63% of studies have been conducted. Among the 27 meta-analysed studies, only 67% of them have directly addressed motif, and the remaining 33% have devoted a part of their research to it. This result shows that there are still a few specialized studies, unlike the importance of motif in Iranian culture and art. In the studies before the Islamic revolution, historical texts were cited in 26%, literary texts in 14%, motif on coins in 24%, motif on flags in 22%, and other motif on works of art in 14%. Kasravi’s book is cited in 26% of all studies. After that, the books of Nafisi and Nayernuri have been cited in 24% of the studies. This means that the data from 5 studies before the Islamic revolution (primary studies) has been repeated in the studies after that (follow-up studies). In general, it can be said that 40% of all studies completely relied on sources before the Islamic Revolution which have been cited frequently. By respecting the efforts of previous researchers, regarding research pathology, it seems that the weak points of previous research have been repeated in subsequent studies and subsequent studies have not been free from the domination of previous and repetitive data. The concepts of motif mentioned in 27 studies were divided into 4 mythological, kingdom, religious, and astrological groups based on the keywords used in the study. Among all studies, 39% considered motif to be related to kingdom concepts, 21% considered religious concepts to be valid, and mythological and astrological concepts were considered in 20% of them. Mythological and religious concepts have been considered more from the 2000s onwards, and the concepts of kingdom and astrology have been almost important in all periods. The research method was identified as descriptive-historical in 71% of studies. Since the research method in historical studies is about a new subject, and in the past, the authors have not adhered to the use of scientific methods to write historical research, it can be safely said that none of the previous studies have been a scientific study in line with modern research methods in the present era and, despite the number of studies, the aforementioned works have serious weaknesses in terms of quality and methodology. On the other hand, the results of this research show that the socio-political conditions have marked stagnation in the study and research. As a result, the studies that have been done so far are rarely referable.
The motif of “Lion and Sun”, which has become an important visual-culture discourse in recent years, has always been questioned and was the subject of scholarly inquiry regarding its origin and meaning, and different analyzes of the motif have been offered. However, it appears that the literature on the subject has not been able to resolve the prevailing disputes and there are still a great deal of divergent viewpoints and disagreements over motif. In order to resolve the equation of these conflicts, one must first know the quality of previous studies and the degree to which it can be relied upon as a source for new studies. The aim of this research is to evaluate the quality level of studies and find their advantages and disadvantages. Every study that has directly addressed the motif “Lion and Sun” as well as other studies in which there are texts concerning the motif, printed or gray sources, has been subjected to a systematically review and meta-analyze. A total of 150 studies were examined using specific search techniques in Persian and English search databases like Google, Web of Science, Noormags, Irandoc, etc. (without a time limit). Following a screening process using predefined criteria, 27 studies were chosen for qualitative meta-analysis. The results of the qualitative meta-analysis are expressed using tables and distribution and frequency charts. The findings of this meta-analysis demonstrate that a significant portion of all studies have referenced earlier works and quoted earlier speeches in their publications, without conducting the essential study and investigations. Additionally, it was found that research on motif has stagnated for 20 years, which needs investigation and pathology in its place.
Keywords: Lion and Sun, Qualitative Meta-Analysis, Screening Studies, Searching Strategy.
Introduction
The number of depictions of “Lion and Sun” on the national flag of Iran or coins and other works of art from the Qajar to the Pahlavi period has made it become an important visual-cultural discourse. This discourse, with its continued presence in Iranian art and culture and role-playing as a national-patriotic symbol and finding a way to political and social issues, has caused the history of the presence and the meaning of it in Iranian art to be questioned and researched, and different analysis has been made on it. Be provided. It seems that the texts written about it have not had reliable results and there are various opinions about it. In the meantime, the connection of socio-political powers with cultural symbols and signs creates serious conflicts in people’s lifestyles, so that the simplest cultural actions may be involved with the most complex layers of political, economic, and social structures. This research, by rereading the studies done on the motif, tries to contribute, however little, in clarifying this cultural issue to achieving a new way of understanding the issue. The main goal of this research is to analyses the qualitative level of the studies conducted on motif, which is done to answer the question of to what extent and how can these studies be cited. Firstly, it is necessary to know what research has been done so far regarding the motif, what research elements and components they have, and what strengths and weaknesses should be considered in them. Finally, the expected results of this research are reaching a conclusion from the qualitative evaluation of the studies conducted and showing the gaps and research needs in this field.
The present research is practical in terms of purpose. Data collection is done in a documentary way from library sources and the data analysis method is a systematic review and then a qualitative meta-analysis. For this purpose, studies focusing on the research question are identified and reviewed in Prisma’s instruction, and the results are combined, statistically analyzed, and qualitatively evaluated. The statistical population of this research is all studies related to the motif, including articles, books, theses, and gray texts. After a systematic review of 150 studies, 27 studies were selected for qualitative meta-analysis. SPSS was used to draw graphs.
Discussion
Of the 27 meta-analyzed studies, 9 studies are books (33%), 11 studies are articles (41%), 3 theses (11%), and 4 sources contain gray texts (15%).
The period of conducting studies in 6 studies related to the 1960s (22%), 4 studies before that (15%), 1 study related to the 90s (4%), 9 studies in the 2000s (33%), 7 studies were done in the 2010s (26%). It seems that in the 1970s and 1980s, no research was done on the motif.
Because most of the studies are related to the period before the 70s, the method of conducting research in them is often not stated correctly. But with the evaluation, the method was diagnosed in 15 studies as descriptive-historical (71%), and 6 studies as descriptive-historical-comparative (29%). In newspapers, data has been collected through quotations and interviews.
18 studies (67%) have a direct connection with the motif in the title, and 9 studies (33%) have mentioned it only in a part of their research.
Out of 27 studies, 6 studies (22%) were conducted abroad of Iran, 21 studies (78%) were conducted inside, 25 studies (93%) were conducted by Iranians and 2 studies (7%) were conducted by non-Iranians.
Almost from the 2000s onwards, citing previous studies instead of citing primary sources and works of art and objects increased. Before 2004, historical texts in 11 studies (26%), literary texts in 6 studies (14%), motif on coins in 10 studies (24%), motif on the flag in 9 studies (22%), and other works of art in 6 studies (14%) have been cited. These studies can be classified as primary studies and the research after that can be called follow-up studies using secondary sources.
In at least 18 studies out of all the studies, sources from the 60s and earlier have been cited. Minavi in 5 studies (12%), Kasravi in 11 studies (26%), Nafisi in 10 studies (24%), Nayernuri in 10 studies (24%), Zoka in 6 studies (14%) the most have been cited. This means that the data from these 5 studies (primary studies) has been replicated in follow-up studies. In 8 out of 27 studies, sources other than those mentioned in this research and other references are cited sporadically.
In all the meta-analyzed studies, words and terms related to the concept of “Lion and Sun” have been repeated, which are classified as follows:
Kingdom: power, king, Georgian princess
Astrology: Leo sign, Sun, Star
Religion: Shiite, Imam Ali, Prophet Muhammad, Lion of God, Shamsa
Mythology: Ahuramazda, Mehr, Mithra, Anahita, the guardian Lion of the temple
Mythological concepts were inferred in 10 studies (20%), religious concepts in 11 studies (21%), astrological concepts in 10 studies (20%), and kingdom concepts in 20 studies (29%).
The composition of the time of analyzed-studies and the concepts inferred by their authors is shown in the following table:
Conclusion
After reviewing the findings and after quantitative and qualitative analysis of the statistics, it was found that 37% of the studies were conducted before the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a stagnation in conducting studies, and since the 1990s, 63% of studies have been conducted. Among the 27 meta-analysed studies, only 67% of them have directly addressed motif, and the remaining 33% have devoted a part of their research to it. This result shows that there are still a few specialized studies, unlike the importance of motif in Iranian culture and art. In the studies before the Islamic revolution, historical texts were cited in 26%, literary texts in 14%, motif on coins in 24%, motif on flags in 22%, and other motif on works of art in 14%. Kasravi’s book is cited in 26% of all studies. After that, the books of Nafisi and Nayernuri have been cited in 24% of the studies. This means that the data from 5 studies before the Islamic revolution (primary studies) has been repeated in the studies after that (follow-up studies). In general, it can be said that 40% of all studies completely relied on sources before the Islamic Revolution which have been cited frequently. By respecting the efforts of previous researchers, regarding research pathology, it seems that the weak points of previous research have been repeated in subsequent studies and subsequent studies have not been free from the domination of previous and repetitive data. The concepts of motif mentioned in 27 studies were divided into 4 mythological, kingdom, religious, and astrological groups based on the keywords used in the study. Among all studies, 39% considered motif to be related to kingdom concepts, 21% considered religious concepts to be valid, and mythological and astrological concepts were considered in 20% of them. Mythological and religious concepts have been considered more from the 2000s onwards, and the concepts of kingdom and astrology have been almost important in all periods. The research method was identified as descriptive-historical in 71% of studies. Since the research method in historical studies is about a new subject, and in the past, the authors have not adhered to the use of scientific methods to write historical research, it can be safely said that none of the previous studies have been a scientific study in line with modern research methods in the present era and, despite the number of studies, the aforementioned works have serious weaknesses in terms of quality and methodology. On the other hand, the results of this research show that the socio-political conditions have marked stagnation in the study and research. As a result, the studies that have been done so far are rarely referable.
Ahad Variji, Hamid Khanali, Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.
Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.
Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.
Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.
Roya Harifi, Ali Zamanifard,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
Historical-archaeological sites are the most important sources to answer the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These areas always have diverse values, which identification and understanding of these values provides the basis for recognizing their protectable aspects. Today, most of these sites in Iran are in vulnerable conditions and their values are being forgotten. The historical-archaeological site of Arjan is located in the Khuzestan plain, which existed from the Elamite era to the Mongol era. Today, this area is in unfavorable conservation conditions. Considering the values and historical importance of the old city of Arjan in the historical periods of Iran, it is very important to protect this area and create a suitable platform to benefit from its values. Among the questions that are answered in this research;1. What are the values of Arjan historical site? 2. What are the challenges of protecting Arjan’s site? 3. How can we achieve conservation principles for the protection and valuation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan in accordance with its values? Accordingly, the objectives of the research؛ 1. Understanding the Arjan site and its conservation challenges; 2. Achieving conservation principles through the analysis of international charters, declarations, conventions and documents and generalizing them to a study sample in order to explain the principles of conservation and value it. The general research method of this research is descriptive-analytical, based on the data collected through library resources and field observations. Then, after analyzing and reviewing international documents and recognizing the historical site of Arjan and its conservation challenges in four fields of cognitive, managerial, legal, physical, and introduction and valuation of the site, principles such as providing information to the public, developing a comprehensive interaction plan, developing public management plans, reversibility of actions, preserving originality and respect for historical and aesthetic values and the physical integrity of the sites are presented.
Keywords: Arjan, Historical-Archaeological Site, Conservation, Historical Values, Introduction of Values.
Introduction
Historical-archaeological sites are the most important sources to answer the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These sites will answer many general and partial questions that can be varied and variable over time, so the conservation of the sites is essential for transfer to future generations. Historical archaeological sites have a variety of values and in order to benefit from these values, they are always protected. After archaeological excavations in Iran, these sites are often in vulnerable conditions and are exposed to forgetting their values.
The archaeological site of Arjan is located in the plain of Khuzestan. Arjan is a city with various urban organs in the historical periods of Iran. This site has values, features and elements that are unique in its kind. In 1362, a tomb belonging to Kidin Hotran, one of the Elamite kings, was discovered. Afterwards, Esmaeil Yaghmaei carried out archaeological excavations and studies in the Arjan area and in the area of Maroon Dam and Arjan Grand Mosque and Dr. Abbas Moghaddam conducted archaeological excavations in the area of the oil well during two seasons. With the cessation of excavations in this site, the old city of Arjan, like most historical sites in Iran, was placed in undesirable conditions of conservation.
Research Necessity: The city of Arjan has been standing from the Elamite era to the Mongol era. (Today, this area, despite its historical and archaeological importance and values, is in unfavorable conservation conditions) Considering these values and the historical importance of the ancient city of Arjan in the historical periods of Iran, as well as the necessity of continuing archaeological studies and the availability of its original data among researchers and enthusiasts, it is very important to protect this site and create a suitable platform for benefiting from its values.
Research objectives: 1. Understanding the Arjan site and its conservation challenges; 2. Achieving conservation principles through the analysis of charters, statements, conventions and international documents and generalizing them to a study sample in order to explain the principles of conservation and valuation of the archaeological site of Arjan.
Research Questions: 1. What are the values of Arjan historical site? 2. What are the challenges of protecting Arjan’s site? 3. How can we achieve conservation principles for the protection and valuation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan in accordance with its values?
Research Methodology: The general research method is descriptive-analytical approach. In this research, library studies and field studies have been utilized to gather information.
Discussion
“Archaeological heritage” is a material heritage that includes all traces of human life and includes places that show human activities, abandoned structures, and remnants, along with all the movable cultural objects discovered related to it (ICOMOS, 1990). These sites have a variety of values and in order to benefit from these values, they are always conserved. By reviewing the international documents related to the sites in Table 3, the set of conservation principles in four areas, cognitive, legal and managerial, physical, and the introduction and valuation of the site, has been displayed.
The archaeological site of Arjan with an area of 500 hectares is located on the slopes of Khoiz Mountain and in a wide plain next to the Maroon River, which includes the Mosque Jammeh, the Arjan Dam Bath and Bridge, the Qadamgah of Imam Reza (AS), the Rosh Mehr Building, the Arjan Qanats and the ancient hills. By examining the site and the buildings in it, the values are divided into two categories, cultural values and contemporary economic and social values (Diagram 5). At present, the buildings in the Arjan site are in an undesirable state of conservation and their values are in danger of being forgotten. Through field surveys, the damages and challenges of the Arjan site were identified in four areas, cognitive, legal and managerial, physical and tourism, and were divided into two groups, internal and external factors. Internal factors include cognitive domain, exhaustion (functional physical) and weakness in the infrastructure of the Arjan site, and external factors include lack of alignment of organizations and weakness in the managerial and legal structure. According to the mentioned damages and challenges, by identifying their roots and categorizing them in the form of internal and external factors, we have achieved five conservation challenges related to the historical archaeological site of Arjan (Diagram 4). By adapting the principles of conservation of historical sites to conservation challenges, the principles of conservation of the Arjan site are stated in Table 4.
Conclusion
Historical archaeological sites can be considered as the most important sources for answering the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These sites always have a variety of values, and identifying and understanding these values can provide the ground for recognizing their protectable aspects. In the twentieth century (in 1914 and 1916), the main law for the protection of historical sites was adopted, and at that time, terms for the protection of historical sites were created in international charters. In the first part of this research, international charters, documents and conventions were examined in terms of keywords related to historical archaeological sites and the conservation principles related to the sites were identified in 4 areas. In the second part, in relation to the study area, with the knowledge of the old city of Arjan and with an analytical view of field studies, through the analysis, investigation and categorization of the challenges of conserving the historical archaeological site of Arjan and the comparison of the challenges with the principles extracted from international charters, documents and conventions, led to the explanation of the principles of the conservation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan.
The principles of conservation of the Arjan site were presented in four areas: cognitive, managerial, legal, physical, and introduction and valuation of the site. One of the most important principles in the field of cognition was to provide information to the people and to develop a comprehensive interaction plan. Formulation of public management programs, coordination and cooperation between institutions and people, and formulation of intervention laws are among the most important principles in the field of management and law. In the physical field, the reversibility of actions, preservation of originality, continuity of vernacular architecture and native materials, and documentation of changes were mentioned. Respecting the historical and aesthetic values and the physical integrity of historical buildings and sites is one of the most important principles in the field of introducing and valuing the site. It should be noted that these cases, along with other conservation principles proposed in the research, lead to the improvement of the condition of the archaeological site of Arjan.
Historical-archaeological sites are the most important sources to answer the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These areas always have diverse values, which identification and understanding of these values provides the basis for recognizing their protectable aspects. Today, most of these sites in Iran are in vulnerable conditions and their values are being forgotten. The historical-archaeological site of Arjan is located in the Khuzestan plain, which existed from the Elamite era to the Mongol era. Today, this area is in unfavorable conservation conditions. Considering the values and historical importance of the old city of Arjan in the historical periods of Iran, it is very important to protect this area and create a suitable platform to benefit from its values. Among the questions that are answered in this research;1. What are the values of Arjan historical site? 2. What are the challenges of protecting Arjan’s site? 3. How can we achieve conservation principles for the protection and valuation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan in accordance with its values? Accordingly, the objectives of the research؛ 1. Understanding the Arjan site and its conservation challenges; 2. Achieving conservation principles through the analysis of international charters, declarations, conventions and documents and generalizing them to a study sample in order to explain the principles of conservation and value it. The general research method of this research is descriptive-analytical, based on the data collected through library resources and field observations. Then, after analyzing and reviewing international documents and recognizing the historical site of Arjan and its conservation challenges in four fields of cognitive, managerial, legal, physical, and introduction and valuation of the site, principles such as providing information to the public, developing a comprehensive interaction plan, developing public management plans, reversibility of actions, preserving originality and respect for historical and aesthetic values and the physical integrity of the sites are presented.
Keywords: Arjan, Historical-Archaeological Site, Conservation, Historical Values, Introduction of Values.
Introduction
Historical-archaeological sites are the most important sources to answer the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These sites will answer many general and partial questions that can be varied and variable over time, so the conservation of the sites is essential for transfer to future generations. Historical archaeological sites have a variety of values and in order to benefit from these values, they are always protected. After archaeological excavations in Iran, these sites are often in vulnerable conditions and are exposed to forgetting their values.
The archaeological site of Arjan is located in the plain of Khuzestan. Arjan is a city with various urban organs in the historical periods of Iran. This site has values, features and elements that are unique in its kind. In 1362, a tomb belonging to Kidin Hotran, one of the Elamite kings, was discovered. Afterwards, Esmaeil Yaghmaei carried out archaeological excavations and studies in the Arjan area and in the area of Maroon Dam and Arjan Grand Mosque and Dr. Abbas Moghaddam conducted archaeological excavations in the area of the oil well during two seasons. With the cessation of excavations in this site, the old city of Arjan, like most historical sites in Iran, was placed in undesirable conditions of conservation.
Research Necessity: The city of Arjan has been standing from the Elamite era to the Mongol era. (Today, this area, despite its historical and archaeological importance and values, is in unfavorable conservation conditions) Considering these values and the historical importance of the ancient city of Arjan in the historical periods of Iran, as well as the necessity of continuing archaeological studies and the availability of its original data among researchers and enthusiasts, it is very important to protect this site and create a suitable platform for benefiting from its values.
Research objectives: 1. Understanding the Arjan site and its conservation challenges; 2. Achieving conservation principles through the analysis of charters, statements, conventions and international documents and generalizing them to a study sample in order to explain the principles of conservation and valuation of the archaeological site of Arjan.
Research Questions: 1. What are the values of Arjan historical site? 2. What are the challenges of protecting Arjan’s site? 3. How can we achieve conservation principles for the protection and valuation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan in accordance with its values?
Research Methodology: The general research method is descriptive-analytical approach. In this research, library studies and field studies have been utilized to gather information.
Discussion
“Archaeological heritage” is a material heritage that includes all traces of human life and includes places that show human activities, abandoned structures, and remnants, along with all the movable cultural objects discovered related to it (ICOMOS, 1990). These sites have a variety of values and in order to benefit from these values, they are always conserved. By reviewing the international documents related to the sites in Table 3, the set of conservation principles in four areas, cognitive, legal and managerial, physical, and the introduction and valuation of the site, has been displayed.
The archaeological site of Arjan with an area of 500 hectares is located on the slopes of Khoiz Mountain and in a wide plain next to the Maroon River, which includes the Mosque Jammeh, the Arjan Dam Bath and Bridge, the Qadamgah of Imam Reza (AS), the Rosh Mehr Building, the Arjan Qanats and the ancient hills. By examining the site and the buildings in it, the values are divided into two categories, cultural values and contemporary economic and social values (Diagram 5). At present, the buildings in the Arjan site are in an undesirable state of conservation and their values are in danger of being forgotten. Through field surveys, the damages and challenges of the Arjan site were identified in four areas, cognitive, legal and managerial, physical and tourism, and were divided into two groups, internal and external factors. Internal factors include cognitive domain, exhaustion (functional physical) and weakness in the infrastructure of the Arjan site, and external factors include lack of alignment of organizations and weakness in the managerial and legal structure. According to the mentioned damages and challenges, by identifying their roots and categorizing them in the form of internal and external factors, we have achieved five conservation challenges related to the historical archaeological site of Arjan (Diagram 4). By adapting the principles of conservation of historical sites to conservation challenges, the principles of conservation of the Arjan site are stated in Table 4.
Conclusion
Historical archaeological sites can be considered as the most important sources for answering the missing links of a nation’s history and civilization. These sites always have a variety of values, and identifying and understanding these values can provide the ground for recognizing their protectable aspects. In the twentieth century (in 1914 and 1916), the main law for the protection of historical sites was adopted, and at that time, terms for the protection of historical sites were created in international charters. In the first part of this research, international charters, documents and conventions were examined in terms of keywords related to historical archaeological sites and the conservation principles related to the sites were identified in 4 areas. In the second part, in relation to the study area, with the knowledge of the old city of Arjan and with an analytical view of field studies, through the analysis, investigation and categorization of the challenges of conserving the historical archaeological site of Arjan and the comparison of the challenges with the principles extracted from international charters, documents and conventions, led to the explanation of the principles of the conservation of the historical archaeological site of Arjan.
The principles of conservation of the Arjan site were presented in four areas: cognitive, managerial, legal, physical, and introduction and valuation of the site. One of the most important principles in the field of cognition was to provide information to the people and to develop a comprehensive interaction plan. Formulation of public management programs, coordination and cooperation between institutions and people, and formulation of intervention laws are among the most important principles in the field of management and law. In the physical field, the reversibility of actions, preservation of originality, continuity of vernacular architecture and native materials, and documentation of changes were mentioned. Respecting the historical and aesthetic values and the physical integrity of historical buildings and sites is one of the most important principles in the field of introducing and valuing the site. It should be noted that these cases, along with other conservation principles proposed in the research, lead to the improvement of the condition of the archaeological site of Arjan.
Rahim Salamati, Farzad Mafi, Amir Hashempoor Mafi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
The county of Tarrom Olya is located in the northern part of Zanjan province, for reasons such as having a diverse climate, and its special location, in the middle of the provinces of Zanjan, Gialen, Ardabil and Qazvin is potentially important from the point of view of archeology. However, the field and library research’s done in relation to this area has not been as satisfactory in comparison with its size and importance. In this article, for the first time, the settlements of the Islamic era in Abbar and Darram of Tarrom Olya county have been examined and studied based on archaeological documents and historical texts. For this purpose, the 1400 years of the Islamic era have been divided into three periods, including the first centuries, the middle centuries and the late centuries of the Islamic period, and have been studied and examined both in terms of historical texts and archaeological materials. As a result, 25 sites, historical hills, cemeteries and buildings related to the Islamic period, which were identified in the field survey of Abbar and Drram regions, have been categorized into one of the three mentioned sections based on pottery level and analyzed. The purpose of this research is to answer some questions about the quantity and quality of Islamic settlements in the region, tracing Islamic settlements or buildings of the region in historical texts and identifying the key Islamic sites in the study area. The result of this study indicates that a significant number of the Islamic sites identified in the studied area were dynamic settlements in the first and middle centuries of the Islamic era. Based on the data obtained from the survey, including the size of the sites, it seems that some Islamic settlements in the region, including the site known as Drram Castle, were an important central settlement in the Tarrom Olya county during the Islamic era. The result of this research shows that despite the importance of communication in the region, the ancient sites of the Islamic era in the studied area, in general, have a small size and remain almost as rural settlements.
Keywords: Tarrom Olya, Abbar, Darram, Islamic Era, The Northern basin of Qezel-Uzan.
Introduction
Despite the location of the Tarrom region between the well-known cities of Zanjan, Ardabil, Qazvin, and Rasht, it has received less attention in historical texts compared to the aforementioned regions. The aim of this study, based on a field survey, is to investigate the identification, quality, and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the study area and to analyze some relevant information from historical texts. The main questions addressed in this study are as follows: 1. What was the quality and quantity of Islamic-era settlements in the villages of Abbar and Darram? 2. What insights can be gained from comparing historical texts and archaeological evidence regarding the study area during the Islamic period? 3. Based on the survey data, which site or sites in the study area can be identified as the main centers in the basin of the Abbar and Darram villages during the Islamic period?
It is assumed that the study area housed various settlements during the Islamic period.
Research Method
This research was carried out in two parts: field and library studies. In the field section, the ancient sites of the study area were examined, and cultural materials, mainly including pottery fragments, were collected. In the library section, the Islamic pottery of the sites in the study area was typified, and the distribution of the sites in the region was examined and evaluated using common methods such as GIS. Additionally, special attention was paid to historical and geographical texts of the Islamic period in the library studies section.
Research Background
So far, very few archaeological studies have been conducted in the study area at Tarrom Olya County, the most important of which was the first season of the survey of Tarrom County under the supervision of A. Najafi in 2007, as a result of which 96 ancient sites related to different periods were identified (Najafi, 2007). The present study was conducted based on the results of this survey.
Discussion
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the early Islamic era
Historical sources indicate that during the Musafirid rule in the fourth century AH, the Tarrom region, particularly the fortress of Samiran, experienced a period of development and prosperity as mentioned in Naser Khosrow Qobadiani’s travelogue. Subsequently, the Tarrom region became a battleground between the Ismailis and Seljuks and a target for conquest by Mongol, Ilkhanid, and Timurid rulers seeking to control Gilan. Notably, Tughrol Beig visited Tarrom Castle in 454 AH and demanded a substantial sum from its ruler (Ibn Athir, 1991: vol. 22: 375). Various castles and locations in Tarrom, such as Andjan, Rustamkuyeh, Sheruz, Kufal, Harkam, Samiran, and Qalat, are mentioned in historical sources from this period (Hamawi, 1995; al-Baghdadi, 1412). Archaeological findings from eight sites in the Abbar and Darram districts, including Tape Las, Sharfan Darreh, Ghaybullah, Torobar, Tape Chenar, Mine Bala, Sibisun, and Dam, contain pottery dating back to the early Islamic period (Figs. 7 & 8, Table 2).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the middle Islamic era
Tarrom also reappears in historical texts of the Mongol era due to its strategic location on the route to northern regions, particularly Gilan, and its proximity to key centers like Soltaniyeh (cf. Ibn Khaldun, 1984: vol. 4, 204; Hafez Abro, 2001, vol. 2: 572, 717, 766). The most accurate description of the Tarrom region at this time is provided by Hamdullah Mostofi Qazvini (d. 750 AH), who wrote:
“Tarromain is a warm province to the north of Soltaniyeh, a day’s journey away, and the harvest is very good in its highlands, and most of the fruits of Soltaniyeh come from there. At first, there was a city center called Firuzabad in the land of Lower Tarrom, but now it is completely ruined, and the town of Andar in Tarrom Olya has become the city there... The people of that province are Sunni Shafi’i, and that province has five parts: First, Upper Tarrom (Olya) was a vassal of Qala Taj, it includes about a hundred villages, and Jezla, Shawarzad, Darram, Jiya, Qalat, Zarand, and Shind are among its most important villages... (Mustofi, 1957: 71). Mustofi’s reference to Darram is the oldest reference to this place in historical texts.
At least seven sites in the study area in the villages of Abbar and Darram, including Abbar Cemetery, Torobar, Mine-Bala, Sibison, Dam, Kelavlagh, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar, have had medieval Islamic pottery, especially Seljuk-Ilkhani pottery. These potteries are mostly glazed, sufficiently fired, and have various types of decoration, especially incised patterns, incised patterns under the glaze (Sgraffito), and underglaze painting (Table 3, Figs. 9 & 10).
- Historical and archaeological evidence of the study area in the later Islamic era
Historical records indicate that the Tarrom region remained of interest to Safavid rulers due to its proximity to important Safavid centers like Ardabil and Qazvin. For example, in 911 AH, Shah Ismail spent winter in Tarrom (Badlisi, 1998: Vol. 2, 137), and in 969 AH, Shah Tahmasb went to Tarrom for hunting (Ibid: 217). Pietro Della Valle, who traveled to the Tarrom region via Ardabil in 1619, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, reached Darram village through a narrow and difficult valley (Della Valle, 2005: 331-332). Della Valle’s description contains important information about the geographical features and communication routes of the region during the Safavid period.
From an archaeological point of view, some pottery sherds from the site of Burhan al-Saltaneh date back to the Timurid-Safavid period (Table 4 & Fig. 11). Notably, glazed pottery, including azure-glazed pieces likely from the Seljuk era, and monochromatic pottery with green, blue, and turquoise glaze possibly from the middle or late Islamic period, have been discovered at the study sites.
During the Qajar period, Tarrom continued to serve as a route for royal campaigns and recreational activities, with notable figures like Agha Mohammad Khan, Fath Ali Shah, and Naser al-Din Shah visiting the region (Fasai, 2003: Vol. 1, 645, & 720; Etemad al-Saltanah, 1988: Vol. 3, 1605). During this period, Rawlinson, while traveling to the region, mentioned Abbar and Darram as the two main places in the region of Posht kouh (Rawlinson 1840: 62-63). According to Rawlinson’s description, it is likely that part of the facility known today as Darram Castle is remains of the palace of Abdullah Mirza (d. 1263 AH), the son of Fath Ali Shah who was the ruler of Zanjan during the Qajar period. Based on our survey, Darram Castle is a large site dating back to the pre-Islamic and Islamic period, covering an area of about 20 hectares.
Additionally, based on the architectural style and type of materials, a number of buildings in the study area, including mosques or Imamzadeh, probably belong to the late Islamic period (mostly Qajar), of which we can mention Siahroud Bath, Imamzadeh Ebrahim, Imamzadeh Khatun Khadijeh, Burhan-ol-Saltaneh Mansion, Khasareh Bath, Khasareh Mosque, Molanour, and Imamzadeh Vazneh-Sar.
Conclusion
The analysis of historical texts and archaeological evidence provides valuable information about the settlements in the Tarrom region during the Islamic period, including the size of the settlements and communication routes in this region. Based on the data in Table 5, which was calculated based on our field survey, eight sites (44 percent) are less than one hectare in size. Eight sites are between one and five hectares (44%), and only three sites of Gerdeh Tepe, Tepe Qabristan, and Qala’e Darram are larger than five hectares, all three of which are located along the Qezel Uzan valley, along the main roads of the region. However, compared to the cities of the Islamic era, even these three sites are not considered large settlements. The map in Fig. 12 shows the distribution of Islamic sites in the study area regarding their sizes. Overall, these statistics indicate that most of the settlements in the Islamic period in the study area were, in fact, small, rural settlements, which is in exact accordance with the medieval geographers’ descriptions of the Tarrom as a region with numerous villages but no major city (see: Hamawi 1995: Vol. 2, p. 6; al-Baghdadi, 1412: 249).
It seems that Darram Castle can be considered a central settlement in the Islamic period in the Tarrom region due to its vast size of more than 20 hectares and its special location in the middle of the Qezel Uzan River valley, and the availability of important environmental components such as access to water resources and communication routes. Considering the description of Della Valle and the location of the Islamic sites in the study area, mainly in the Qezel Uzan River valley, it seems that the old roads in the study area were in accordance with the topographic conditions of the region and to a large extent coincided with or were close to the modern road.
Hamid Reza Valipour, Iman Mostafapour, Hamzeh Karimi,
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
year 9, Issue 34 (3-2026)
Abstract
Abstract
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.
Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.
Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.
Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.
Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).
Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.
Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.
Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.
Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.
Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.
Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).
Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.
Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.