Abstract
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.

Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.

Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.

Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.

Abstract
With the arrival of Islam in Iran, art came into the service of Islam and an interaction between Iranian art and Islamic thought was formed, which can be observed in the art of Islamic architecture in Iran. One of the most obvious types of cultural and religious architecture of the past, which has played an essential role in Islamic architecture from various historical, artistic, religious and social aspects, is tower-shaped tombs. These buildings have a long history in the context of Iranian culture and society, and for this reason, they have a relatively high diversity. The tombs and the blessed shrines after the mosques are the most important elements of religious architecture, in which you can see the beauty, elegance, technique and creativeness of architecture. In this research, it is tried to deal with Iranian art and Shia ideas in the architecture of religious-monumental buildings, as well as the connection between politics and religion in terms of architecture and aesthetics. The ancient region of Kojur (Old Royan) contains a considerable number of Islamic era tomb buildings that, in addition to having the general principles of Islamic architecture, also have special regional characteristics which can contribute to better understanding the native architecture and its function; furthermore, the religious and political link demonstrated in the architectural art of this region. The question raised in this research is, what was the function of the religious buildings of the tower-shaped tombs in the Islamic era? And in response, it can be said that, in addition to the funerary function, these religious elements can also have a religious-political function. The research method of this article in the context of studies was based on the purpose of the fundamental research type and based on the nature and method of the descriptive-historical research style. The way to collect information in this research is through documentary (library) method. The results of this research in the analysis and investigation of the architectural developments of the tower-shaped tombs in the Kojur region have shown the combination of Iranian, Islamic art and native architecture.
Keywords: Iranian Art, Shia Ideas, Tower Tombs, Kojur.

Introduction
The Muslim artist, realizing this meaning and value, designs the face and creates his artwork according to the aspects of Islamic (Shia) thought and wisdom. Religious architecture has also indicated and emerged meanings with the same foundations and concepts. Now considering that the greatness and sanctity of the personality of the prophet of Islam together with the orders given in the Quran and Hadith about his “relatives” and “Ahl al-Bayt” (siblings) caused Muslims to value and respect him from the very beginning and give a special place to their associates. This group, which was initially called by names such as “Al”, “Ahl”, “Zariyah”, “Atrat” and “Aqraba”, was later called “Sadat”, which at the same time they were called because of their sovereignty and glory in the sight of Muslims. Iranians, after converting to Islam, paid special attention to the children and grandchildren of the prophet. Signs of this attention can be observed in the presence of a significant number of memorial and burial monuments (tower-shaped tombs and blessed tombs) of the children and grandchildren of Shia imams in Iran, especially in Mazandaran, decorated with Iranian art and Shia thought.
In Iran during the Islamic era, tomb buildings are among the most numerous architectural works after mosques. The construction of these buildings with different names such as “dome”, “Madfan” (burial place) , “tomb”, “Rouzah”, “Meshhad” (place of becoming martyr), “Maqam” (position), “mausoleum”, “Beqaa”, “Astane”, “dome” , also called “Qasr” (palace) and “Imamzadeh” (son of Imam), became popular from the 4th century AH (Hejri Ghamari) and with the emergence of different local dynasties in the east and north of Iran, which coincided with the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate (Grabar, 1375: 16). 
The local rulers in the Mazandaran region, who had Shia and Alavi tendencies since the second century of Hejri, supported Shia ideas and beliefs in the following centuries. This protection in architecture was more visible in the form of tower tombs on the graves of Shia Imams.

Identified Traces 
The background of tower-shaped tombs: A tower is historically referred to as a tall and circular or polygonal building or “A tall and strong building next to a rampart with a castle or between a road for observation and guarding” (Seyd Sadr, 2001: 90). Sometimes the towers are built as a sign on the graves of the prominent and great figures which are actually considered a kind of tomb. In fact, here, in addition to the function of observation, the function of being seen by the tower itself is mentioned; tomb towers with different forms and shapes were able to demonstrate the effects of different goals and functions in their usages (Pirnia, 1383: 170).
Mausoleums (Shrines) in Kojur: Tomb buildings (shrines) in Kojur and their investigation can clarify many cases and answer most of the surrounding questions. The appearance, structure, materials used, the spaces employed, the dome and the inscriptions of the building represent the existence of a close historical-cultural relationship between the people of the region and their contemporary conditions. Tombs such as the tomb of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani), the tomb of two Imamzadeh Tahir and Motahar (Malek Kiyomarth bin Bistun), which are mentioned in detail as an example.
Tahir and Motahar tomb tower (King Kiyomarth bin Bistun): This building is located in the southwest of Hazar Khal village, near the Kojur-Salehan asphalt road. The cemetery of the people of Khachak and Hazar Khal villages surrounds the building due to the sanctity and respect they have for it, and some of the gravestones in the mentioned cemetery are dated between 1290-1309 AH (Hejri Ghamari).
Mausoleum of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan: Geographical location of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani) tomb (registration number 3659). The mausoleum of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan, known as Imamzadeh Debir Salehani, is located on the east side of Kojur district and Salehan village.

Conclusion 
Regarding the interaction of Iranian art and Shia ideas in Islamic architecture (in general) and religious monuments (tower-shaped tombs) of Islamic mysticism and Sufism, various opinions have been expressed so far and each of which represents a corner of the mellifluous works of Iranian architects; that the speakers of these ideas have accompanied with it from their perspective. Since artistic understanding, like mystical perception, has a taste and personal aspect, according to the author of these lines, it can be concluded that this collection as an architectural work in its form, space and function has characteristics derived from the fundamentals of Islamic mysticism and wisdom. These characteristics and features have been influential both in the formation of the buildings’ figure and decorations and in the formation of internal and external spaces.
Considering the function, it can be said that this collection, which is basically designed for a religious-mystical function, in addition to providing this function considerably has a mystical function and the forms, spaces and architectural decorations in this collection are a kind of reflection of the mystical meanings and they are specific to Shia mysticism; such as asceticism, love, unity and guardianship.  The demonstration of these concepts can be seen most of all in the decorations and the way of spatial communication of this collection.
Taking a look at the decorations used in these monuments indicates the Shia thinking of the Muslim artist in the form of motifs, decorations and inscriptions. Along with the verses and hadiths that reflect the Shia vision. Patterns of trees, birds, and so on are also a reflection of Shia thought and mind. Among the most important manifestations of this, the following can be listed: the use of geometric, plant and animal motifs with mystical symbolic concepts; in the decorations, the use of mystical symbolic colors, respecting the hierarchy of entry into the tomb of this collection in addition to showing the art and mysticism of architects and masters, it also represents the political, social and artistic beliefs of the society. These buildings as a whole, in all their components have symbols indicating the influence of mysticism, especially Shia mysticism.

Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts. 
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22). 
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

Abstract
Medicine is a science by which one can gain knowledge about the qualities of the human body. The exact equivalent of the word Medicine is physic, but in order to be understood at the global level, the equivalent of Medicine is used for it. Three groups of therapists are mentioned in the Avesta Zoroastrian Bible, surgeon, herbalist and psychotherapist. In the Avesta, θarita of the Sam family is the first physician, and Ahura Mazda gives him a jeweled knife to perform surgery. There is information about the medical condition during the Achaemenid and Parthian eras through the writings of Greeks historians, and these is good information left from Sassanid era medicine. In the research, an important part of contribution of ancient Iranians in the expansion and improvement of medical knowledge and treatment methods in ancient Iran is discussed. The questions of this essay are, where did the origin of medicine in Iran come from? Has medicine in ancient Iran been affected by religious teachings? And what was the relationship between culture and medicine in ancient Iran? The hypotheses of the article are as follows: medicine in ancient Iran was influenced by ancient civilizations such as Greece. Medicine in this period was influenced by Zoroastrian religion and in later periods by Islam. This research was done with descriptive and analytical method. Until the new discoveries of archaeologists in Mesopotamia and Nile and Indus valleys and the Iranian plateau, they were mostly of the opinion that scientific ideas originated from Greek scholars and philosophers, but historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians started a new era of scientific creativity and the most obvious sample of that is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Ekbatan.
Keywords: Medicine, Ancient Iran, Treatment, Hygiene, Greece.

Introduction
The word “medicine “comes from Middle Persian. (Bizišk Nyberg, 1997), The assumed form of this word was in ancient Iran, which later became a physic. As for when Iranian medicine began, historians and orientalists believe that in ancient Iranian stories, the beginning and introduction of medicine was attributed to Jamshid, a mythical king, and He was the first person who taught people how to use medicine. Jamshid wanted to create a land for the people where no one would be hungry, thirsty, old or sick and to avoid death.  After the Aryan tribes entered the land of Iran, they inherited the advanced medicine of Egypt and Babylon, which had entered Iran through the Assyrians, and with this experience, they became the owners of a special school called “Moghan”.  In the Avesta, the Zoroastrian Bible, three types of doctors are recognized; the one who heals with a knife (surgeon), the other one who treats with healing herbs (the herbalist) and the third one who heals with the divine word (Mobad).  The most obvious aspect of the Avesta tradition in medicine is in the field of environmental health and disease prevention.  Most of these customs and teachings included the principles that are the basis of today’s disinfection and prevention methods.  Body, clothes, house and environment, water, wind, fire and soil and what is available to should be away from any pollution.

Iranian medicine in different historical periods
The medical history of Iran is limited to three periods due to the lack of written sources.
- The first period: from the Avesta and pre-Avesta era to the golden age of the Medes and Achaemenids and until the rise of the Sassanids.  Unfortunately, apart from short references in the Avesta and its continuation in some Pahlavi books and limited references in Greek sources, there are no other references from this long period; The most important scientific events of this era are the establishment of universities during the Median and Achaemenid kingdoms, which unfortunately, apart from scattered writings, there is no documented scientific evidence of scientific specializations and how to teach in these universities.
 The second period: It is the Sassanid era, fortunately, the works left from this period are not complete, but they sufficiently represent the medical knowledge of Iranians.  The establishment of Jundishapur Hospital is one of the important events in the medical history of Iran, and especially the “Anoushirvan” period, which historian’s call this period “Scientific and Literary Revolution of Ancient Iran”, many authors and researchers have praised in their books show the genius of Iranians in this period.
Jundishapur played an important role in the history of Iranian medicine; It is said that the initial establishment of this city dates back to the time before the arrival of the Aryans and was later rebuilt by Shapur.  His primary goal of this renovation was to create a place to settle Roman and Greek captives and use their expertise. 
The third period: It is the Islamic period when many scientists emerged from Iran, and without a doubt, the Iran of the Islamic period cannot be compared to any other period.  In this period, with the disappearance of class differences and the possibility of education for different strata of society, as well as the developments that appeared in calligraphy, Iranians surpassed the whole world in various scientific fields.  During this period, great Iranian scientists such as Ibn Sina and Razi created a great revolution in medical knowledge with their genius, which has aroused the wonder and admiration of the world to this day, and the human society has been influenced and borrowed from Iranian knowledge.

Hegmatane Medical School / Ekbatan
The first cultural institution that was established in the Mede era in the Hegmetane throne was Maghan Madhe Seminary, or as it is called today, the Iranian Academy of Sciences in ancient times. It was one of the great Maghans of ancient Iran in the Mede era, “Sina” was one of the most prominent Zoroasters.  ;  ``Sina’’, the son of Ahom Setut, came from Khwarazm or Sogd along with a number of Zoroastrian converts in the direction of Hegmatana in the early 6th century BC during the time of Ho and Kashtra to spread the religion to the kings of the Medes.  Sinai is considered one of the ancient Iranian spiritual magnates and the head of Iran’s medical lineage. The Greek school of Hippocratic medicine has greatly benefited from the Sinai School of medicine in Iran.  The members of Hamadan Sinai Academy were hundreds of Sinai graduates who were always engaged in studying and researching there.  The Greeks called it the school of the Ekbatan century.  “Plutarch mentioned Akbatan as the spiritual center of ancient Iran and the residence of Mughan.  He entered the school and personally observed It has been said that fields such as wisdom, astronomy, medicine and geography were taught there.

Conclusion
Until the dark curtains of ancient history were removed and the new discoveries of archaeologists in the ancient Mesopotamian plain, the Nile-Sand valleys and the Iranian plateau, most of them believed that scientific ideas originated from Greek sages and philosophers.  Historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians displayed a new round of their scientific creativity, and in this regard, the most specific example is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Akbatan; The university that housed a collection of scientists of that time is called Hegmatan, which means the center of scientists, and there was an association with the membership of 100 scientists.  The indisputable value of a university with that size at the end of the 8th century BC is a clear sign of scientific progress and the influence of Iranians on the knowledge of mankind. In the Avesta, as the root of all diseases is from the devil, Ahura Mazda is introduced as a god who is the source of all It is knowledge and it transmits its knowledge to the faithful and chosen people with grace. There is no doubt that the prophets played an essential role in the development of human societies with their divine knowledge.  Medical knowledge is one of the characteristics of most prophets, Zoroaster is also one of these prophets.  Zoroastrian teachings, unlike the ancient religions that consider the heart as the organ of thinking, recognizes the mind as the organ of thinking, the poems of the Gathas above all reveal the wisdom of Zoroaster in guiding the society to knowledge and truth and achieving spiritual perfection in the Gathas to acquire knowledge.  And knowledge and its dissemination are emphasized and in general, man is called to rationalism.
The above material shows that the ancient Iranians were the source and origin of the greatest service to human sciences and knowledge with their belief in human ethics and virtues and with good thinking, uprightness of speech and uprightness of action.  Although the occurrence of wars and the invasion of foreign nations to this land, including the extinction of the Achaemenid dynasty by Alexander the Great and then the Seleucid dynasty by the Greeks in Iran, destroyed the cultural prosperity of Iran compared to the past era, and educational places were destroyed and books and scientific documents were destroyed.  It was lost and destroyed and created many shortcomings, but in the end it has not been able to prevent the message of genius and knowledge of ancient Iranians from reaching the future generations.  Also, the inseparable connection between medicine and religious teachings during the Sassanid era caused the commitment of doctors of that period to ethics and spirituality, and made them a worthy model for other sections of the society, as the religion of men.  The progress of Sasanian medical science was such that patients from other nations were brought to Sasanian medical centers and were treated; so the hypothesis of the relationship between religion and medicine in ancient Iran is confirmed.

Abstract
Excavations at Gird-iAshoan, An Archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, provided remarkable insights into cultural traditions characterizing the region in the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwest Iran, Caucasia, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. of the total of four architectural phases presently known from the Chalcolithic deposits of Gird-i Ashoan, the two upper phases were recorded in the first season. Phase 1 consisted of dry-laid stone walls in the northern quadrant of the trench,while Phase 2 was represented by perpendicular mudbrick walls beginning from -3.43m and ending at -3.62m. The recovered mudbricks measured 40 × 60 cm. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the cultural relations of the Zab basin with other regions by presenting a detailed stratigraphy, and an analysis of the recovered architectural remains. To conclude, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the fourth millennium, the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would eventually be replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. In this article, we will introduce the Architecture remains and the methods. With its thick deposit of 8.65 m, Gird-i Ashoan in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.
Keywords: North-West Iran, Pisdeli, Late Chalcolithic Period, Mud-brick Architecture, Chaff-Tempered (CFW).

Introduction
The opening of the 5th millennium BC coincided with the arrival of the Dalma cultural tradition, which extended over vast territories (Hamlin 1975; Henrickson 1983; Henrickson and Vitali 1987). It was to be superseded in the mid-5th millennium or somehow later by the Pisdeli tradition (Dyson 1968; Dyson and Young, 1960: 20). The Pisdeli horizon, designated as Hasanlu Period VIII, was dated between 4300‒ 4500 BC (Voigt and Dyson 1992), which is also corroborated by radiocarbon dates (Danti et al., 2004). It was eventually replaced by the cultural tradition of the Late Chalcolithic in the region. An outstanding question about the period in northwest Iran concerns the little-known phases of Late Chalcolithic III‒II. The time-span is of particular import for the regional archaeology as it has a bearing on the phenomenon of social complexity and the beginning of the urbanization. Unfortunately, ambiguities remain about the chronology of the period due to the lack of regular excavations. Although recent discoveries have provided new information in this regard, the absence of serious excavations of the Chalcolithic deposits deprives us of the attributes of the coeval culture. Mellaart regards the Ubaid as a Late Chalcolithic culture (1966). Helwing splits it into three sub-periods, with the earliest being the Pisdeli (LCh I) (Helwing, 2012: 204) and the Chaff-Faced Ware (CFW) typifying the subsequent LCh III ‒II (Helwing, 2005). In Iran, related material is currently known from Gird-i Ashoan and Kul Tepe, while beyond the Iranian borders they occur at several sites, among them being Çadır Höyük, Kenan Tepe, Arslantepe, Barcın Höyük and Höyük in Anatolia and Leyla Tepe, Beyuk Kesik, Mentesh Tepe, and Alchan tepe in Caucasia (Baxşeliyev, 2010).
Following preliminary inspections, Gird-i Ashoan was selected for excavation in 2019 as the key Late Chalcolithic site. Among the main objectives of the present study were gaining an insight into the settlement sequence, examining the Hasanlu VIII cultural tradition of the Zab basin in light of recent archaeological finds, and investigating the cultural interactions of the local populations with the neighboring regions. Attempts were made to obtain a better understanding of the Late Chalcolithic cultural horizon. The excavation at Gird-i Ashoan yielded a assemblage of Pisdeli painted ware (LCh I), while the LCh III ‒II ceramics, the so-called Chaff-Face Ware native to northern Mesopotamia, were attested in abundance. In the period that immediately followed the Ubaid, North and South Mesopotamia each began to proceed along different directions culturally. Hence, the southern sphere witnessed the spread of the Uruk tradition, while the northern one would be overwhelmed by the Chaff-Faced Ware culture (Kepinski, 2011:65). This ware type occurs over vast territories, which also includes northwest Iran, where the related material culture and chronology share wide affinities with the sites of North Mesopotamia, Syria and East Anatolia, in particular by the latter half of the 4th millennium (Helwing, 2004:16). The location of Gird-i Ashoan close to northern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia significantly contributed to the materialization of the shared traditions. 
  East Anatolia, South Caucasia and Northwest Iran served as the milieus for the genesis and further development of the Chaff-Faced Ware tradition and later the Kura-Araxes culture. The regions have always been the crossroads of various peoples with diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations, and most of the migrant or invading groups would cross them in their east-west movements over the centuries. 
Geographic Location of Gird-i Ashoan 
The mound lies at UTM X.520062 Y.4057880 at an altitude of 1415 m, at the eastern fringes of the Piranshahr plain, on the east bank of the Lavin River. The northern and western flanks of the mound are about 330m and 450m off the riverbed, respectively. The site is within the boundaries of the modern village, flanked by its buildings. It is a mound with a circular base of about 55 m in diameter. Measuring about 55m north-south and 50m east-west, it occupies a total area of ca. 2750 sq. m. The east and south slopes gently descend against the walls of the villagers’ houses. 

Pottery
Pottery represents the most abundant category in the artefactual assemblage. The pieces are plain, with a profusion of chaff and fine grit added as temper to their fabric, leaving them with a pockmarked appearance, thus the designation “chaff-faced pottery.
The sherds from Gird-i Ashoan have brown, orange, and grey surfaces, are poorly fired, and bear a thick slip, though rare examples of thin slip are also attested. The applied ornamental elements include carved motifs and incised grooves. The ceramics of the Late Chalcolithic III and II are invariably chaff-tempered and handmade.
The pottery falls into three categories: plain, incised and painted. The last is represented by three sherds of Pisdeli type bearing black motifs on a buff ground. As regards morphology, the excavated pieces can be divided into several groups: 1. Open pithoi with everted rim, which are the most common form at Gird-I Ashoan and exhibit the closest ties with different regions of Anatolia, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. 2. Open bowls. 3. Shallow trays, albeit in extremely limited numbers. 4. Closed jars. 

Architectural Remains
Mudbrick wall: Part of a brick wall (F.1017) was exposed along the southern section of the trench. It began from -2.35 m and continued to the depth of 3.19m. The individual grit and sand tempered mudbricks variously measured 60×40× 9cm, 56×39× 9 cm and 56×32× 9 cm, and ranged from brown-buff to red-brown in color. Both the bricks and the wall oriented north-south. The surfaces of the wall was lined with a clay coating that contained the same grit and sand particles. The small segment uncovered at the center of the trench near the southern section represented the corner of two perpendicular walls: the north-south wall of F. 1017a and the east-west wall of F. 1017b . The associated floor surface was recorded at -3.19m. It consisted of a compacted silt-clay deposit mixed with sand, charcoal particles and ash. In is notable that the floor surface sealed a layer of debris that was accumulated over time. 
At a depth of 3.62 m near the western section, a pottery vessel was found to be intentionally included into a 55×55 cm mudbrick. This poorly fired vessel was made of a chaff-tempered fabric with a black core. Quite interestingly, the embedded vessel was meant to serve as reinforcement.
Mudbrick floor: Near the western section, the mudbrick floor (F. 1021) was encountered at -3.5m. The structure was formed by laying down brown mudbricks of varying dimensions. Recorded were square (55×55cm) and rectangular examples as well as fragmentary bricks set, rather irregularly, into a red -brown clay mortar. In two cases, the mudbricks were reinforced by embedding insufficiently fired pottery vessels of a paste with black core. The exposed part of this flooring extended 0.7m north-south and about 0.4m east-west. A very small part of a second flooring (F.1022) was cleared in the southeast quadrant of the operation at the depth of 3.95m.
With its thick deposit of 8.65m, Gird-i Ashoan sited in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran. 

Conclusion 
Excavations of Gird-i Ashoan revealed an LCA deposit, which extended from the depth of 1.00 m down to a depth of -9.65 m. Results from the excavations of the site are indicative of the interactions and cultural similitudes of the occupants of Gird-i Ashoan with northwest Iran, north Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Caucasia. The period is marked by the spread of the technological horizon of Chaff-Faced ware, a widespread cultural phenomenon covering vast territories, (Palumbi, 2011: 211; Helwing , 2012:  204) which displays fairly consistent cultural attributes (Helwing 2012:  207).
The material culture from the site exhibits close relationships with those of the coetaneous centers of the Lake Urmia region, on the one hand, and Anatolia, Caucasia and Mesopotamia, on the other. In effect, given the geographic location of the Zab basin as a cross-regional crossing, we may conjecture that Gird-i Ashoan might have served a transitional role in this communication network. The hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the discovery of the obsidian pieces. To conclude with, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the 4th millennium the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would be eventually replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. 

Abstract
Prior to L. Afshari’s fieldwork in Ramhormoz, the known Achaemenid sites from the plain only amounted to 17 in number. Yet, given factors such as favorable climate and fertile soil for agriculture, existence of important rivers such as Kupal and Sandali, proximity to such trade routes as the Susa-Persepolis royal road as well as to the two major Achaemenid capitals of Susa and Persepolis, we deemed the figure to be rather underrated, believing that there must be much more concomitant settlements in this plain. During our investigation, the sites recorded by the previous team were re-visited and new coeval sites were also identified. The survey of 2020, directed by one of the authors (L. Afshari), did not encompass the entire Ramhormoz plain. Covering only its middle part straddling the Ala River with a total area of about 53000 hectares (530 sq. k), the survey recorded 36 Achaemenid settlements. Identification of the relevant sites was based on Khuzestan’s local pottery of the Achaemenid period reported from Tape Daroughe. In this study, the impact of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the genesis and prosperity of settlements was evaluated. The surface architectural finds are suggestive of interactions between rural and nomadic communities. Results of the surveys indicated the proximity to ancient royal roads and access to water sources and pastures to be the determining factors in the distribution pattern of Achaemenid settlements over the Ramhormoz plain. This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia.
Keywords: Southwest Iran, Khuzestan, Ramhormoz Plain, Settlements, Achaemenid Period.

Introduction
The vast region of Ramhormoz stretches up to the mountain belt of Khuzestan to the north. Sitting in the eastern Khuzestan plain at an elevation above sea level of 120 m, the plain of Ramhormoz encompasses a total area of 620 sq. km. All across southwestern Iran, Ramhormoz is the region with the least archaeological investigation. Despite this paucity of work, recent studies have demonstrated the regional settlements (in both mountains and plains) to be integral to any understanding of the culture of the Achaemenid period. Geographic location of the region, the nature of settlements in the transition zone between plains and mountains, and their continuity and cultural ties with each other also furnish a pattern for grasping the Achaemenid world’s settlement policy. In addition, given its strategic location during the concerned period, the plain assumed a central role in the interactions between Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia. It is of great importance also because of its location on the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis.
The southwestern region of Iran played an important role in establishing cultural, economic, and political interactions with surrounding areas such as Mesopotamia and Anatolia throughout the 1st millennium BC. The number of archaeological studies conducted in the Ramhormoz area has been quite limited. Despite the lack of archaeological information, the studies carried out in recent years have shown the significant role the cultures in the region (both the mountain and plain settlers) played in understanding the Achaemenid Culture.
The significance of the region was further revealed with the surface surveys carried out by Donald Mc Cown in the region and the excavations he conducted at Tol-e Geser (McCown, 1949, 1954). Surveys conducted by Wright and Carter in 1969 also pointed to connections between the region’s lowland and mountainous parts of southwestern Iran (Wright and Carter, 2003). Although the dimensions are different, it has been observed that the settlements share some common features with the mountainous parts of Persian geography. As a result of contemporary archaeological resources and the survey conducted under my supervision, the characteristics of the Achaemenid settlements in the Ramhormoz plain in Southwest Iran were reanalyzed. The influence of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the formation and prosperity of the settlements and the relations between sedentary, rural, and nomadic communities were studied. Also, the transformations in the settlement system, distribution, and population differences during the Achaemenid period were revealed and subsequently / mapped.

Discussion
This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia. The realization of the latter aim will have important implications for the Achaemenid archeology of southwestern Iran, altering the existing views. In light of our findings, it is possible to propose a distribution pattern for the settlements in the middle of the Ramhormoz plain as being clustered in two regions, viz. northwest and southeast, on both banks of the Ala River. The finds of primary importance from the settlements of the plain are pottery assemblages. To explore the Achaemenid pottery, they were first classified by shape, which consisted of the five groups of carinated bowls, bowls with a spherical body and a simple rim, necked jars, short-necked jars, and storage jars. This was followed by comparative studies for dating the pottery. Our observations show that the Achaemenid pottery traditions continued well into the subsequent period after the demise of the empire.
Thus, it is notable here that the materials and settlements discussed in this paper can potentially extend in date to as late as a century after the Achaemenid period. In terms of technical characteristics, the pottery splits into five groups: common, light green-slipped, red-slipped, eggshell, and painted wares.
Drawing on historical sources and archeological findings as well as the conducted studies, the villages across the plain tend to be clustered around or be related to the Susa-Persepolis trade route. The rich geography of the plain has informed the dynamics of its settlements over time. Notwithstanding the severe disturbances induced by modern settlements and agricultural and industrial activities, the identified settlement centers reveal direct or indirect link with the commercial or military routes of the Achaemenid times. In other words, their formation along the commercial routes was primarily meant to facilitate intra- and cross-regional contacts. The proximity of settlements to the royal road between Susa and Persepolis evinces the integral role the road played in the cultural interactions of the Achaemenid period. Therefore, archaeological studies directed by Esmail Yaghmai are important in detecting the remains of settlements along the royal road linking Susa to Persepolis as they reveal the characteristics of the settlement policy. 

Conclusion
With the completion of the archaeological investigation in the Ramhormoz plain and the study of the findings and data obtained from this investigation, it seems that a general understanding of the cultural remains related to the Achaemenid period and the distribution of the sites of this period can be achieved to some extent. It was thus revealed that proximity to commercial roads and access to water resources and pasture were the main determinants in the distribution model of Achaemenid settlements. Rich pastures for nomads, the potential for irrigated agriculture for settlers, and access to communication routes provided advantages for both lifestyles. Therefore, the settlement pattern is more associated with roads. When the location of the settlements and their distance to each other are examined, it is seen that the frequency of settlements on the Susa-Persepolis Royal Road is very high. Settlements are located on the road within short distances of each other, which shows that the road is a determining factor on settlements in the region due to its socio-economic advantages.
Ramhormoz plain shows that the Achaemenid settlements in this plain maintained strong intra- and cross-regional cultural and economic ties. In terms of extent, Tol-e Ishan Seyyed Shabib or Tol-e Toupi, Tape Mava, Tape Mehr Alnesa and Tape Kheyr Alnesa appear to be examples of such type of villages. With respect to the location of settlements and their distance from each other, a concentration of settlements is discernible along the Royal Rod—they are clustered along this road at close intervals. This fact indicates that routs played a decisives role in the formation of regional settlements, and that the Royal Road yielded multiple economic and political advantages. In general, it is possible to say that most of the settlements in the Ramhormoz plain lie on the riparian areas or along the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis, and judging by the pottery collections, there clearly were close interrelations between these settlements and interactions with neighboring regions. On this very basis, one may safely surmise that a local and highly advanced pottery industry prevailed in the plain during the Achaemenid period. Cross-comparisons of the surface pottery assemblages from the Ramhormoz plain with the excavated material from sites in southwestern Iran, southern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia indicate the presence of early, mid- and late Achaemenid ceramics, suggesting that the Achaemenid cultural horizon continued uninterruptedly over the plain between 330‒550 BC.

Abstract
The concept of “manifestation” (Tajalli) is one of the fundamental concepts of Islamic wisdom and mysticism, which has its roots in the Holy Qur’an and the traditions of the innocents (peace be upon them), and from this passage, it enters the tasteful language of Muslim mystics, especially Ibn Arabi, pay special attention to it. they do. With this description, since the issue of manifestation in art finds a special place in mystical discussions and since one of the basic principles of the art of calligraphy is indeed “refinement” (Sh’an) and until the rust is not removed from the heart and refinement is not achieved, an image in it will not be manifested; Therefore, it seems that through the expression of this concept of manifestation, a close bond is established between mysticism and calligraphy. Based on this, the current research has tried to answer these two questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially “refinement” and “dignity” (Safā)? In order to reach a clear answer to these two questions and to establish a bridge between mysticism and Islamic calligraphy and to find the mystical dignity of “manifestation” in it, therefore, first the meaning of manifestation in religious sources such as verses and narrations was discussed and then in mystical texts (according to Ibn Arabi and mystics before him) has understood its meaning. In the following, the category of sanctity in calligraphy is discussed and based on the twelve principles governing it (according to the text of Babashah Isfahani’s Adab al-Mashq), the connection of “manifestation” with “refinement” and “dignity” in Islamic calligraphy and its relationship with its beauty (Hosn) is examined.
Keywords: Manifestation; Principles of Refinement and Dignity, Islamic Calligraphy.

Introduction
The fact is that there are not many sources about the wisdom of the origin of calligraphy and the investigation of its intellectual foundations among different Islamic nations. Therefore, there is no escaping the issue of having an opinion on the intellectual foundations of some Islamic sages and thinkers, although of course they have not directly addressed this specific issue and their talk has always been art in general. But what stands out more than anything else in the study of the wisdom of Islamic art is its wealth of terms such as intuition, presence, manifestation, imagination, discovery, dignity, love, etc. These terms find a special place among great people such as Suhrawardi, Ibn Arabi, Mulla Sadra and others. Meanwhile, the issue of “manifestation” in art has a special place in his mystical discussions. Therefore, it seems that since one of the very important principles of calligraphy (among its twelve principles) is indeed “dignity” - and a special meaning is meant by it and it is the foundation of the next stage, namely “dignity” - there is an inseparable relationship between mysticism and Calligraphy is in place. Therefore, the main preoccupation of this article is to find convincing documents and proofs related to the keyword “manifestation”, both in sacred and mystical texts and in texts related to calligraphy, to prove the mentioned claim. Based on this, the present research pursues two specific questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially refinement and dignity?

Discussion
Holiness has a long history in Islamic calligraphy. Undoubtedly, calligraphy has taken its sanctity from the Qur’an, which, as the first and most glorious Islamic art, has actually been the closest companion to the Word of Revelation. References in the Holy Qur’an such as “Nun. By the Pen and the [Record] which [men] write” (Qalam, 1) and the use of words such as tablet, pen, chair, line, cut letters, etc. also confirm this sanctity. Calligraphers in this position, knowing this sanctity, pay attention to the beauty of their handwriting so that the truth hidden in words is not hidden in the image form of calligraphy and is revealed in the best way. Calligraphic writing is not the same as calligraphy, but it implies a meaning, and the external role is to express a hidden role. Rumi has mentioned this in this regard: “No calligrapher writes line by technic/ The same line is not readable” (Rumi, 2013: Book 4). On the other hand, the wisdom of Islamic art, with its mystical base, is full of terms such as intuition, presence, manifestation, imagination, discovery, dignity, love, etc., which cannot be expressed and interpreted except with the language of judgment, and the audience as well. If he is not familiar with this language, he will not be able to understand it. With this description and according to the opinions of Islamic mystics - the most important of which was given in the first part of this research - the manifestations of holiness in the lives of Muslims are revealed. By generalizing his opinions to the field of religious art, Islamic art and sacred art, we can find the mysteries in Islamic calligraphy. The juxtaposition of the old popular myths with the opinions of Islamic thinkers, symbols, codes and its influence on Sufi intellectuals and popular culture, all lead to the discovery of relationships that show the sanctity in this art more than ever before.

Conclusion
The current research has clearly sought answers to two questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially dignity and dignity? In order to reach a clear answer to these two questions and establish a bridge between mysticism and Islamic calligraphy and find the mystical dignity of “manifestation” in it, the meaning of manifestation in religious sources such as verses and hadiths was first discussed. We saw that in this regard, this concept occurs in the most obvious way possible in the noble verse 143 of A’rāf, which is known as “the manifestation verse”. With this meaning, it is from manifestation that the divine names and attributes appear in the world and explain the nature of God’s relationship with his creatures. In addition to the Qur’anic verses, in many Islamic traditions, relying on those verses, especially “the manifestation verse,” God’s relationship with creation is mentioned, especially in sermons 108 and 147 of Nahj al-Balagha, where God manifests himself to his creatures, without them seeing him. And this is where the difference between manifestation and incarnation in Christianity is established. In addition to verses and traditions, this concept finds a special place in mystical texts, especially Ibn Arabi, which is one of the pillars of answering the above questions. Of course, with the mystics before Ibn Arabi (such as Hasan Basri, Rozbahan Baqli, Bayazid Bastami and others), manifestation has an intuitive meaning, meaning that the seeker goes through the states and mystical Authorities one by one with the intuition of the actions, attributes and nature of the Supreme Being. According to Ibn Arabi, a metaphysical (existential) meaning is also meant by it, which explains the system of existence and the way of connecting truth and creation and the connection of the world of multitudes with the absolute unity of truth. While discussing this concept, Ibn Arabi discusses the heart, which is the bearer of divine manifestations, and maintaining its dignity is the duty of the seeker, so that the heart does not have dignity, and the names and attributes of the Most High do not manifest on it. The existential meaning of manifestation according to Ibn Arabi is that for the appearance of different levels of beings, the existence of the absolute one must be determined through manifestation. In the manifestation of absolute existence, the general image of single existences emerges, which he interprets as “Khams”. These gentlemen are the bearers of God’s manifestation, and according to that, the world of the kingdom is the manifestation of the world of the kingdom; The world of the kingdom is the manifestation of the world of strength; The world of strength is the embodiment of the world of nobles; The world of nobles is the manifestation of the divine names (Vāhediat) and the unity is the manifestation of unity. Thus, man has the ability to be the embodiment and full-view mirror of the existence of truth and manifest his truth in the mirror of the human heart. It is from here that we can enter into the discussion of Islamic calligraphy and its connection with manifestation. Apart from the issue of sanctity of calligraphy in Islamic culture, which on the one hand is based on its connection with the writing of the Qur’an and on the other hand, from some Qur’anic verses, referring to texts such as Adab al-Mashq by Babashah Esfahani, in which he enumerates twelve principles for good calligraphy, the eleventh principle It, i.e. “refinement” clearly has a mystical element and is derived from the eternal quality of the human heart according to the likes of Ibn Arabi, to the extent that it manifests itself in the rusted mirror of the human heart. Therefore, “dignity” with all its mystical meanings in the basic form of the principles of calligraphy and is described as a stage that polishes and refines the heart to manifest or reflect the goodness of God, and the sincerity of the word is to say Sultan Ali Mashhadi: “The dignity of the line is the result of the dignity of the heart”.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.

Relations between Iran and the East Asia date back to ancient times. These interactions ranged in function and scale from the initial development of overland trade routes by hopeful merchants, all the way to the political entanglements of ruling dynasties. These relations can be traced through material culture but also through their incorporation into written texts. Although, China (Čīn) and Korea (Silla) had been referenced in relation to the Zoroastrian heroes of the resurrection, Japan did not have any position in this regard according to Persian texts. Additionally, the name China was known for the Middle Persian languages such as Sogdian, Manichean and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts, those texts have never mentioned the name of Japan. Although, many scholarly works have been published on Iran-Japan historical relations, the author believes that some aspects of these relations need to be reviewed. Zoroastrian late texts describe Čīnestān while it is hard to explain the term included Japan and Silla, but this information can be seen frequently in the Early Islamic Periods widely about Silla. According to the Persian texts, Čīn and Silla were two “holy toponyms” where the final (Zoroastrian) savior would come to rescue Iran from the Arabs. Surprisingly heroes-kings like Jamshid, Faridun, Faranak, Zahhak, Garshasb, Sām were entangled with these two toponyms according to Persian texts. Clearly Japan appeared less frequently as a toponym in Persian classic texts. The author believes that believe “refraining to give support to Sasanian princes” should serve as a significant factor in dropping Japan’s name by Persian texts. In this article I will try to answer “why references to Japan are lacking in Persian classic texts?”

This article delves into the intricate evolution of swords and sabers in China and Iran, shedding light on the craftsmanship that shaped these formidable weapons. The article begins by exploring the genesis and progression of sword shapes in China, focusing on the distinct forms that emerged over time. It particularly highlights the stark differences between the straight-edged jian and the various types of dao, which are characterized by their single-edged design. The discourse then shifts to the Persian context, unraveling the true essence of the term ‘shamshir’. Contrary to the common misconception held by numerous scholars and collectors in the West, ‘shamshir’ is not confined to highly curved sabers. Instead, it is a broad term used in Persian to denote any kind of sword, irrespective of its shape. The article further delves into the historical period when curved swords began to gain prominence in both China and Iran. This exploration not only provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of these weapons but also offers insights into the cultural and historical contexts that influenced their development. 

The preserved 6-7th century portraits of royal supporters from the Kucha Caves in Xinjiang show a “patterned” costume and appearance, especially the “standing on tiptoe” posture and the pictorial structure of multiple figures standing side by side, which have a strong connection with Iranian and Central Asian art. The unique “standing on tiptoe” style of the Kucha Grottoes mural depicts a donor pattern that is neither found in the painting and sculpture of Dunhuang or other regions of China, nor seen in Gandhara reliefs, Parthian art, or Near Eastern art of the Parthian period. However, is frequently seen in painting and sculpture from Iran to Central Asia between the 3rd and 7th centuries AD. The origin of the art of Iran and Central Asia the forms of expression are related to the construction of royal identity, religious rituals, and the viewing habits and aesthetic concepts of the people of Kucha. The small number of inscriptions preserved in the Kucha Caves on the donor’s figures indicate that these Kucha kings were real people, and it is highly likely that the painters had met them. However, the way the feet of the figures are drawn is not realistic, but rather stylized, creating a perfect visual pattern that transcends ordinary reality, indicating that the painters were aiming to present all the Kucha kings as an “idealized” manner. The pictorial pattern of “standing on tiptoe” posture influenced by Iranian Sasanian and Central Asian Sogdian art is evident. 

This paper stresses on the polytheistic idolatry worship of the Kushans and Iranian faith as evidenced by coins, relics and documents particularly in the field of numismatics, and historical data. This study can draw the following conclusions, the roots of Dayuezhi Iranian faith’s idolatry worship can be traced back to a combination of orthodox Zoroastrianism and indigenous Iranian faith during the Dayuezhi period. In this period, Dayuezhi used the image of lion to be a symbol of the Iranian goddess Nana on coin. The Kushan culture was influenced by Greek religious art, and later by Buddhist statuary art, but the current archaeological materials have not yet found evidence of existing Iranian deities relics and documents during the early decades of the reign of the Kushan emperors such as Kujula Kadphises, Wima Taktu, and Wima Kadpphises; In fact, polytheistic idolatry worship within the Iranian faith became fully established and flourished during the reigns of Kaniska and Huvishka. In this period, the Iranian faith deities Nana, Mirro, Mao, Orlagno, Athsho, Ardoxsho, Manaobago, Pharro, Lrooaspo, Mozdooano and Oado appear on Kaniska’s coins, and the Iranian faith deities Ardoxsho, Mirro, Mao, Nana, Shaoreo, Athsho, Oanindo, Oaxsho, Mozdooano, Sarapis, Rishti, Teiro, Ahura Mazda, Ashaixsho, Lrooaspo, Yamsho and Oado appear on Huvishka’s coins. Kushano-Sasanian coins revealed information about the rise of Iranian orthodox Zoroastrianism under Sasanian Persia which had conquered the region. The practice of polytheistic idolatry in Iranian faith was gradually declining during the late Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian periods. This decline continued into the Kidara Kushan period as evidenced by the coins.

In this article, I build on my earlier work, which places Manichaean missionary activity within a larger network of court activity from the Roman Empire to Tang China, in which ambassadors, as well as wandering sages and ritual specialists, spread knowledge about cultural difference. These interactions usually took part between neighboring principalities, but they were also enmeshed in the gradual spread eastward of Iranian Manichaeism across Central Asia. Various Manichaean accounts highlight the importance of teaching “wisdom” in the bid for support from local rulers. According to the Cologne Mani Codex, Mani meets an unnamed king, instructing him in wisdom, the Manichaean commandments, as well as the “two natures”. What fragmentary evidence we possess for the spread of Manichaeism to China suggests that it, too, proceeded largely through the activity of traveling sages across court networks. 

Abstract
An archaeological survey was carried out in 2019 with the aim of identifying and investigating the Ilkhanate period on the banks of the Aras River in East Azerbaijan province. The present study focused on the study of the large, wide, mountainous and impassable gates called “Sham Valley”, which was formed by the confluence of two major rivers of the Aras with Aqchay, which extends near the city of Khoy and was important in the field of trade relations and culture. The strategic and geopolitical position of the region with the surrounding regions such as the Caucasus, Turkey and Central Asia, as well as its geoeconomic position as a corridor of communication corridors led to many cultures and civilizations from the second millennium BC to later epochs. Alternating in this area. In other words, the main factor for the emergence of these ancient settlements is the location of the trade routes, the easy inter-regional and supra-regional communication, especially during the Mongolian Ilkhanate period, which played an important role in the development of cultures in the Sham valley. On the other hand, due to the religious importance of this region during the Mongolian Ilkhanate period, based on its foreign policy and the existence of important churches such as the church of Saint Stepanos Monastery, the Qarah Church and Zur Zur Church, which are known in the world and in whose case there are no reports or documents, there is no archaeological activity; therefore, a careful study of this area, as well as the study of the ceramics obtained from these areas, has provided useful information about pottery technology and the social structure of the area in different cultural periods, especially the Ilkhanate period.
Keywords: Northwest Iran, Jolfa, Sham Valley, Ilkhanid Pottery, Petrography.

Introduction
As a result of the study, 53 ancient sites from prehistory to Islamic times have been identified and recorded; areas such as the Naneh Maryam Cemetery and the Chupan Church are the most important. In these areas a significant number of Middle Islamic centuries ceramic pieces were carved in simple glazed form. It is important to identify the constituents of each pottery, to determine the difference in composition and constituents between the samples, to determine the percentage of each constituent, to determine the baking temperature of the pottery based on the available minerals, and finally to archaeologically study its origin and understand the social structure of the area. Knowledge of the pottery’s components can provide us with useful information about the geographical origin of pottery in the region and its consumers.

Materials and Methods
Thin-section petrography is one of the common and widely used methods in geology and archaeology. This method is employed to examine a broad range of materials such as rocks, minerals, ceramics, slag, bricks, and plaster (a mixture of lime and gypsum). In this technique, an extremely thin section of the rock or ceramic object under study is prepared. This section is thin enough to allow light to pass through it. Then, by placing it under a polarizing microscope, the minerals present can be analyzed. Since minerals exhibit different properties and colors under polarized light, petrography specialists can distinguish them from one another; thus, it is possible to identify the types of minerals, their characteristics, shapes, and sizes in rock or ceramic samples (Ellis, 2000). Moreover, ceramic petrography provides valuable information regarding the technical characteristics of ceramics, such as whether the vessels are wheel-thrown or handmade, and the additives incorporated into the ceramic paste (temper). These tempering materials typically include fragments of igneous rocks, siliceous particles, and silt and clay components. All plant-based and organic materials in ceramics are eliminated at temperatures of approximately 200 to 250 degrees Celsius, leaving only their voids behind (Mousavi-Faghih, 2018).
For the microscopic studies of ceramics obtained from the Sham valley survey, a James Swift model polarizing binocular microscope was used. The magnification applied in this study was 4X. To facilitate the presentation and analysis of results, the petrographic data were organized in a table. The first row of the table lists the components constituting the ceramics, and the first column provides the name and number of each ceramic sample separately. The presence of each component or mineral in the sample is indicated by an asterisk (*), while its absence is marked by a dash (–). If the abundance is minor or trace, it is denoted by (tr). The selected samples for this study come from two sites: the Naneh Maryam cemetery area (code C.042) and the Chopan Church area (code C.053). Ceramics consist of two main parts: the paste (matrix) and the tempering materials. In ceramic petrography studies, a significant focus is given to the additives mixed into the paste. Archaeologists typically consider components larger than 0.1 millimeters as temper or inclusions. In the study of ceramic samples from the Darreh Sham sites, the petrographic method was employed to identify the components and compositions present in the ceramic paste.

Conclusion
Since the Sham Valley in northwestern Iran has been considered on the basis of texts and travelogues since the early Ilkhanate period, there is a need to inform the patriarchs about the use of pottery from the Middle Islamic period and its production. Accordingly, petrographic studies were carried out on 12 pieces of pottery from the two sites of the Neneh Maryam cemetery and the Chupan church to determine the place of production of these ceramics. On the basis of the available samples and on the basis of the analyses carried out, it was found that the composition of all the pottery studied was related to the Jolfa area and the river sediments and alluvial deposits of the Aras river, as well as seasonal and local rivers. With regard to the baking temperature of the pottery, with the exception of the site of the Shepherd Church, where all the potteries studied had no calcite and tolerated temperatures above 800 degrees Celsius, potteries from other areas tolerated temperatures below or close to 800 degrees Celsius. Two categories of inclusion or temper are observed in the composition of the paste. One technique was used in the production of all glazed ceramics. In this way, a layer of glaze can be seen on the outer surface of the sample and, depending on the desired color, a layer of metal oxide can be found underneath. Underneath the glaze layer is a porcelain layer (a mixture of fine-grained quartz and white clay), which lies directly on the clay body. Furthermore, based on the composition and petro fabric of the examined ceramic samples from this area, it can be concluded that the ceramics are almost identical and similar in composition and origin. 

The vast territorial expanse and unique geographical position of Sasanian Iran necessitated that major inter-civilizational trade and communication routes between East and West either traverse the Sasanian heartland or skirt its peripheries. This strategic geography played a pivotal role in advancing the Sasanian policy of expansionism and economic monopolization, as well as in facilitating commercial, cultural, and political interactions with regional and trans-regional polities. Within this context, examining the political-cultural relations between the Sasanians and ancient Yemen is of particular significance, given both territories’ possession of maritime fronts and their associated trade networks. Consequently, this research aims to investigate the nature and depth of the political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen, to identify the factors influencing the formation and evolution of these relations, and to assess the reciprocal impact of these relations on the historical developments of both lands. Furthermore, the role of archaeology in elucidating various dimensions of these relations will be considered. Through an analysis of historical and archaeological evidence, this study seeks to answer the following question: What factors led to the formation and perpetuation of political and cultural relations between the Sasanians and Yemen from the 4th to the 7th centuries CE? The findings indicate that hegemony over maritime trade routes played a central role in the interactions between Iran and Yemen during the Sasanian period. Moreover, the results of an examination of the artistic characteristics of specific archaeological finds from Yemen—namely, the Knight relief (from Dhofar), a female figure relief (from Dhofar), a fragment of a decorated textile depicting a Sasanian battle scene with Ethiopians (from Antinoë), and a carved four-faced capital (from the Qalʿa of Ḥasan al-ʿUr in Yemen)—reveal shared features with Sasanian art and corroborate the cultural-artistic influence of the Sasanians in the land of Yemen.

Pottery has long been one of the key mediums for expressing cultural elements in Iran. The decorative motifs used in this art form are deeply rooted in Iranian culture, literature, religion, and political contexts, immortalized through the innovative creativity of Iranian artists. Among these motifs, the “Waq Tree” or “Talking Tree” stands out as one of the most prominent decorative elements, particularly gaining attention during the Ilkhanid period. This motif, which combines natural, imaginative, and mythical elements, was employed in the luster tiles of Takht-e Soleyman and reflects a profound connection between humans, nature, and animals. This study aims to address why this motif was prominently featured and executed by artists during the early Ilkhanid rule at Abaqa Khan’s palace in Takht-e Soleyman. It seeks to explore both visual representations of the examples and their associated cultural foundations. Using a descriptive, analytical, and historical approach, supported by imaging of historical samples, this research concludes that the painters of Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles depicted wild animals such as deer, gazelles, and rabbits instead of humans—who are typically central to illustrations of the Talking Tree. The choice of wild animals over human figures may reflect the nature-oriented tendencies of the Seljuks and Mongols. This selection also highlights the influence of Mongol culture on Iranian art—a culture that introduced animal anthropomorphism as a prominent element in literature and art. The Waq Tree, rooted in Iranian and global folklore, symbolizes a deep connection between humans, nature, and living beings. This mythological concept is intertwined with ideas such as the sanctity of nature and the bond between the human world and the natural world. The depiction of this motif on Takht-e Soleyman’s luster tiles demonstrates the artists’ efforts to convey these concepts, which were innovatively reimagined during the Ilkhanid era.

In the prehistory of western Iran, from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic period, there are some red-slipped potteries that continued to exist with minimal or even without any changes, despite the change in periods and the subsequent change in pottery styles and traditions. This has led to ambiguities and errors in distinguishing these types, and as a result, incorrect identification of the cultural periods of some sites of the Late Neolithic period, especially the Chalcolithic period. Are the red-slipped potteries of the Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period in western Iran really a special type of pottery that continued to exist without any changes despite the changes of cultural periods? What are the differences between the red-coated potteries of the Neolithic period and the Chalcolithic period? The failure of some researchers to distinguish the Red-Slipped potteries of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods creates the assumption that these types of pottery are not mutually exclusive. The present article, using an analytical-comparative method, attempts to answer the questions and hypotheses raised by closely examining the Red-Slipped potteries obtained from the excavations of some significant sites of the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic period in the western regions of Iran, such as Siahbid, Genail, Ghazanchi, Saha Chai Tepe, and Tepe Gheshlagh. The results of this research show that although there are undeniable similarities at first glance between the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period to the end of Chalcolithic, there are subtle differences in the form of the pottery, the degree of firing, temper, and the type and color of the coating, which a careful study will help distinguish the pottery of the mentioned periods from each other. The findings of this research show that the Red-Slipped potteries of the Late Neolithic period has burnished slip, a feature that is not seen in the later period, especially in the J and Dalma period. Also, in the late Chalcolithic period, in addition to changes in the color of the pottery’s coating, carved decorations are seen on the outer body of red pottery, which has not been reported for Red-Slipped potteries from previous periods.

Abstract
Throughout history, interactions between societies have led to the evolution of cultures, with political systems and ruling powers playing a significant and effective role in this process of cultural amalgamation. A key focus of this research is to examine the dominant culture of the Median and Achaemenid societies and the mutual influences between Iranian culture and the non-Iranian cultures present within these states’ territories. In other words, this study aims to explore the causes and factors behind cultural collisions from the seventh to the fourth centuries BCE, the policies pursued by governments regarding the cultures and nations under their control or neighboring them, and the outcomes of the interactions between various cultures and Iranian civilization for both Iranians and non-Iranian communities. Based on these ambiguities and through an examination of available sources and evidence, along with references to historical texts, the results indicate that, in addition to Iran’s geographic position, which welcomed various tribes with diverse cultures, the coexistence of these groups inevitably influenced Iranian society. What accelerated and enhanced the amalgamation and integration of cultures within Iranian society was the presence of a common enemy, particularly threatening powers in the region, which united these tribes. The capabilities and potential of the Median and Achaemenid political systems, which had trans-regional objectives, played a crucial role in the connection and amalgamation of the existing cultures within Achaemenid territory. The Achaemenids aimed to attract non-Iranian forces and establish political dependency through political marriages and social ties, facilitating the cultural integration of subordinate tribes. This policy aimed to prevent separation and regional turmoil while expanding the cultural domain of the Achaemenids by absorbing and assimilating effective elements from various cultures into Iranian culture.
Keywords: Cultural Fusion, Ancient Iran, Media, Achaemenid, Political Marriage.

Introduction
In the evolutionary course of societies, and amidst the presence of significant trans regional powers with rich cultural heritage, one of the principal issues is to determine the nature of the cultural condition of Iranian society during the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid eras. In this period, diverse cultures—from those along the Syr Darya (Sihun) to western Asia Minor and the shores of the Aegean Sea—were integrated into a unified political culture. The key question is whether this diversity and cultural plurality gave rise to a heterogeneous and unbalanced society in which no dominant role can be ascribed to Iranian culture, or whether we are confronted with a balanced synthesis of existing cultural elements, wherein a equilibrium was established—through cultural intermingling and fusion—between the distinctions and commonalities of Iranian and non-Iranian cultural facets.
Furthermore, an examination of the consequences of marital alliances that occurred between various ethnic groups and power holders both within and beyond the borders of Iran—as reflected in historical reports—and, more importantly, the occurrence of political marriages between Iranian governments and non-Iranian states, constitutes a highly significant topic. In this research, these issues will be discussed and analyzed in order to ascertain, independently of their varied political, economic, and security implications, the share and impact that such unions had on the culture of ancient Iranian society during the Median and Achaemenid periods. Additionally, the study will assess the extent to which the aforementioned governments succeeded in advancing their political objectives through recourse to this policy and what changes and transformations they effected in the cultural fabric of the region.
The research methodology employed in this article is based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The author has collected data through a critical examination of available sources and evidence, including primary historical texts (such as ancient historical accounts) and significant recent scholarship. This method relies on citation from library-based and primary sources, proceeding with a precise description of the data followed by their analysis to address the raised ambiguities. Specifically, the research focuses on investigating the causes and factors of cultural encounters, the policies of the Median and Achaemenid governments toward various ethnic groups and nations, and the outcomes of cultural interactions. This qualitative approach utilizes historical and cultural tools to analyze causal connections and cultural fusion, without reliance on quantitative or empirical methods.
This study holds considerable importance as it examines the role of cultural and political interactions in the evolution of ancient Iranian societies, particularly during the Median and Achaemenid eras (seventh to fourth centuries BCE). Its necessity arises from existing ambiguities in understanding the prevailing culture in Iranian society, where the cultural diversity of various ethnic groups (both Iranian and non-Iranian) within the vast Achaemenid realm may have produced a heterogeneous society. However, the research demonstrates that policies such as political marriages contributed to the creation of balance and cultural integration. The significance of this study lies in its exploration of the consequences of these connections on culture, politics, economy, and security, which not only aids in comprehending Iranian identity but also illustrates the role of ruling powers in synthesizing cultures to prevent unrest and extend cultural dominance. In the contemporary world, this research is essential as it offers models of cultural coexistence and diversity management that can serve as inspiration for modern societies, particularly in regions with high ethnic and cultural diversity. Moreover, given the geographical position of the Iranian Plateau as a crossroads of cultures, this study helps fill historical gaps concerning the influence of common adversaries and transregional objectives on cultural fusion.

Discussion
As ancient documents and evidence attest, in antiquity and on the Iranian Plateau, in most cases foreign inhabitants lived alongside the indigenous population. They established commercial relations with one another; marriages occurred between men and women of different nationalities; and at times individuals converted from one religion to another. There were even periods in which people worshipped both their own gods and those of foreigners simultaneously. It also happened that an individual would change his or her name and adopt one from another land, or, in addition to a personal name, take on the name of the people among whom he or she resided (Dandamayev, 1366 [1987]: 60). Through these developments—and particularly through the gradual penetration of the Iranian element into the western regions of Iran—it appears that a relatively new culture became prevalent in this area: a culture that was not purely Iranian, but rather a composite culture formed through the amalgamation of migrant and local elements.
In addition to inheriting the cultural legacy and achievements of the Medes, the Persians engaged in substantial borrowing from the indigenous cultures of the region, especially that of the Elamites, who possessed a state tradition spanning several millennia. More than the Medes, the Persians served as transmitters of the culture established in the southwestern Iranian Plateau—and even of Mesopotamian culture—into the heart of the plateau and the Achaemenid Empire. On the basis of personal names, prevailing religious beliefs, and even existing religious sites in various regions, one can trace the extent of Iranian culture in non-Iranian areas and among non-Iranian peoples. At the outset, however, it must be noted that on the Iranian Plateau, despite the formation of an empire, the custom of political marriages among families and tribes remained firmly in place; as observed, in certain regions—particularly in Fars and Elam—relations and exchanges date back to the period prior to Cyrus’s conquests. For example, in Babylon, from the first quarter of the sixth century BCE, Babylonians bore Iranian names.
The influence and predominance of Iranian culture—along with cultural syncretism resulting from relations between Iranian and non-Iranian peoples—led, during the Achaemenid period, to the adoption of Iranian names by non-Iranians, in addition to those who possessed such names due to mixed ancestry. With the expansion of Median influence, and subsequently that of the Achaemenids, into Asia Minor, these powers encountered an important and advanced civilization such as Lydia, which dominated the Ionian city-states and whose culture had profoundly influenced many Greek polities. Cultural confrontation between Iranians and Greeks, and the cultural impact of the Achaemenid state on the Ionian city-states, was evident from the very beginning of Persian presence in Asia Minor. This cultural intermixture intensified further with the Achaemenid domination of Asia Minor and the conquest of the Ionian islands and city-states. Indeed, one of the reasons for cultural—and even ethnic—convergence between Iranians and Greeks in certain regions was their coexistence. Among the primary causes of this coexistence were the relocation of Ionian populations to parts of Asia Minor and the settlement of Iranian populations in various areas of the same region.
By forging alliances and political marriages between Persians and other peoples and powers, the Achaemenids sought to “Achaemenidize” their domains through the integration of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures and the internalization of Persian culture among non-Iranians. They devoted considerable effort to aligning the interests of allies and affiliates with those of the Achaemenid state. Throughout the Achaemenid period, the expansion of imperial influence, the settlement of Iranians in non-Iranian regions (diaspora), and their presence in subject territories accelerated the process of acculturation.

Conclusion
One of the methods employed to integrate and bring together diverse peoples under a comprehensive culture was the creation of bonds and marital alliances among the people’s subject to the Median and Achaemenid states. Political marriage, as a socio-political phenomenon, was practiced throughout Iranian history with predetermined objectives aimed at consolidating social, political, military, economic, cultural, and religious relations among governments and groups. Rulers and governments consistently resorted to various strategies to ensure the continuation of their political existence, and one of the most effective means of achieving political—and even cultural—cohesion and unity was the establishment of bonds among different members of society through intra- and inter-dynastic marriages.
Accordingly, the Achaemenids’ objective in creating such ties and consenting to political marriages was to attract non-Iranian forces, draw them closer to the seat of power, bind them to the political system of the state, and, in other words, achieve the cultural integration of subject peoples and nations. Through cultural amalgamation and convergence—realized in religious beliefs and through marital alliances among peoples and individuals—the Achaemenids sought to ensure that non-Iranian groups would not regard them as outsiders. In addition to preventing separatism and regional unrest, the establishment of a dominant culture allowed the Achaemenid cultural sphere to extend far beyond its political borders, thereby facilitating the acceptance of imperial authority.
Drawing upon the inherent potential of Iranian culture, one of the Achaemenids’ notable initiatives was the selective adoption of significant, effective, and appealing elements from the cultures of subject peoples, their absorption and assimilation into Iranian culture, and their reticulation within a new cultural framework in which Iranian identity and elements held clear predominance.

Abstract
Khuzestan, a primary center of mudbrick and fired-brick architecture in ancient Iran, witnessed the evolution of vaulted construction from the Elamite to the Late Sasanian periods. Among these, arched vaults served not only as structural elements but also as a demonstration of systematic engineering practices tailored to the region’s warm and semi-humid climate. Despite the abundance of surviving monuments, no comprehensive study has analyzed their technical and structural features to uncover the underlying stability principles. This study aims to examine the structural performance and recurring patterns of stability in arched vaults of Khuzestan. Field surveys, documentation of accessible structures, analysis of 111 identified vaulted buildings, and detailed examination of 21 selected representative examples were conducted. The study focused on the interaction of materials, geometric proportions, construction technology, and human craftsmanship in achieving long-term stability. Results indicate that vault stability depended on: 1) the type and geometry of bricks, consistent mortar thickness, and interlocking strategies; 2) diverse construction techniques, including corbeling, radial arrangements, and combination methods; 3) geometric proportions such as span, rise, and vault thickness; 4) adaptation to climatic conditions; and 5) the skill and experience of the builders. This research highlights the presence of a systematic engineering logic in pre-Islamic vault construction and provides a framework for restoration, conservation, and potential adaptation in contemporary architectural practice. The findings demonstrate that these vaults were not merely empirical or accidental in design but reflect deliberate, replicable, and coherent structural strategies.
Keywords: Structural Stability, Vaulted Architecture, Arched Vaults, Pre-Islamic Iran, Khuzestan.

Introduction
Khuzestan has historically played a pivotal role in the development of vaulted architecture within ancient Iranian civilizations. Vaults represent one of the most sophisticated elements of traditional construction, combining technical mastery, material understanding, and adaptation to environmental conditions. From the Elamite through Late Sasanian periods, vaulted buildings in Khuzestan reveal an evolution in construction techniques, reflecting the accumulation of knowledge and local innovation. Arched vaults, in particular, served as primary structural and functional components in ritual, funerary, administrative, and sometimes military architecture.
The study of these vaults provides insight into the strategies employed by ancient builders to achieve stability over centuries. Stability in traditional architecture encompasses not only physical durability but also cultural, climatic, and technical resilience. Builders utilized local materials, precise geometric proportions, and structured load distribution to respond to environmental and functional challenges. Despite extensive archaeological documentation, there has been limited focus on the technical principles underpinning vault stability, particularly in arched vaults.
This research addresses this gap by systematically analyzing recurring structural features, material properties, construction technology, and geometric patterns that contributed to vault durability. The study examines both historical continuity and the adaptation of techniques over time, demonstrating that pre-Islamic vaulting practices in Khuzestan were informed by deliberate engineering logic rather than trial-and-error. Understanding these principles is critical for bridging knowledge gaps in architectural conservation, informing restoration efforts, and inspiring contemporary applications of traditional construction methods.

Discussion 
Analysis of arched vaults in Khuzestan indicates that their long-term stability resulted from a combination of material selection, construction technology, geometric design, and human skill. Key aspects include:
Materials and Mortar: Builders employed trapezoidal, square, and rectangular bricks, wider and thicker at structural bases to distribute loads effectively. Mortars, including clay, gypsum, and bitumen, were chosen according to moisture conditions, ensuring cohesion and stability.
Construction Techniques: Techniques included inclined corbeling, radial arrangements, and hybrid approaches. Temporary wooden or reed supports facilitated precise execution, while multi-layer vaults with controlled thickness enhanced overall strength. Adjacent vaults were often coordinated to reduce lateral stresses.
Geometric Proportions: Ratios between span, rise, and thickness were carefully maintained across periods. Numerical proportional systems guided vault dimensions, while precise interlocking of bricks ensured efficient load transfer.
Human Skill: Mastery in aligning bricks, controlling mortar thickness, integrating vaults with walls, and designing stress-relief features such as recesses and buttresses reflected high craftsmanship.
The historical evolution from Elamite to Sasanian periods shows gradual refinement. Early Elamite vaults utilized simple rectangular cross-sections and limited brick types, while Late Sasanian vaults displayed sophisticated high-rise arches, modular brick use, and multi-layer arrangements. These developments indicate a cumulative knowledge system that informed construction practices and responded to functional and climatic challenges.
The study highlights that stability was never accidental; rather, it emerged from repeated, rationalized engineering practices. Such findings provide an empirical basis for restoration and reconstruction, enabling the preservation of architectural integrity and informing contemporary design strategies that draw upon historical methods.

Conclusion 
This research demonstrates that arched vaults in Khuzestan were underpinned by systematic engineering principles rather than empirical trial-and-error. Stability resulted from the integrated interaction of materials, construction technology, geometric design, environmental adaptation, and craftsmanship. The study identifies: 
- Strategic use of brick types and mortar selection to optimize structural cohesion.
- Refined construction techniques, including corbeling, radial arrangements, multi-layer vaulting, and controlled thickness.
- Geometric proportionality ensuring balanced distribution of forces.
- Adaptation to climate and environmental constraints.
- High-level craftsmanship in aligning elements and controlling structural behavior.
Historical analysis reveals a continuous technological development, culminating in Late Sasanian vaults that exemplify peak structural refinement. Documenting these features provides a foundation for preservation, restoration, and potential adaptation in modern architectural practice. Future studies may compare these vaults with contemporary structures in neighboring regions or explore the influence on early Islamic architecture in southwestern Iran.
The study confirms that pre-Islamic vault construction in Khuzestan represents a coherent, replicable, and sophisticated engineering tradition, offering valuable lessons for both conservation and contemporary design.

Abstract
The horse held a prominent role in the culture of Iran and Mesopotamia, both from mythological and practical perspectives. The aesthetic treatment of horse equipment, beyond its functional aspect, was an expression of reverence for both the horse and its rider. This study aims to identify and analyze the structure, design, and motifs of horse covers (Jul) in Iran and Mesopotamia during the period from 1906 to 330 BCE. The main research question investigates the distinctive structural and decorative characteristics of horse covers in this era. The necessity of this research arises from the fact that, despite the significance of the horse and its equipment in ancient civilizations, the aesthetic and structural aspects of ancient horse covers have rarely been examined in previous studies. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, the study is based on qualitative analysis of documentary data and archaeological evidence. The data were collected through systematic note-taking, and the statistical population includes all available examples- textile fragments, visual representations, and archaeological findings- through which the structure and design of the horse covers of this period can be identified and analyzed. The findings indicate that horse covers in Mesopotamia and Iran evolved from simple, utilitarian forms in the Assyrian period to more complex and decorative types during the Elamite, Median, and Achaemenid periods. Throughout this evolution, their structure developed in terms of size and composition, progressing from small, undecorated examples to large-scale pieces featuring organized and symmetrical animal and vegetal motifs. Beyond their decorative role, these motifs reflected the aesthetic sensibility and cultural values of their weavers. Technically, the use of both flat-weaving and knotted-pile techniques demonstrates a synthesis of functional traditions and advanced weaving skills of the time. Overall, the stylistic and structural evolution of horse covers (Jul) represents a gradual progression in technical mastery, structural precision, and aesthetic awareness, forming the foundation for the later development of carpet weaving.
Keywords: Horse Cover (Jul), Mesopotamia, Ancient Iran, Carpet Weaving, Design and Motif.

Introduction
The domestication of the second generation of horses (DOM2) between 4500 and 3000 BCE in the Pontic–Caspian Steppe marked a turning point in human civilization. These horses, which replaced the earlier and wilder DOM1 type, played a fundamental role in transportation, warfare, and the broader social, economic, and cultural transformations of ancient societies. Their introduction to Mesopotamia, likely during the Akkadian period and more certainly under the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112–2004 BCE), led to significant advances in equestrian technologies. From the Assyrian period (1906–609 BCE) onward, the full use of horse equipment—including harnesses, chariots, saddlecloths (jul), and bridles—became widespread, granting societies with improved horse breeds military and economic superiority and fostering extensive cultural diffusion across Eurasia.
In both Iran and Mesopotamia, the horse held an important place in mythology as well as in practical life—agriculture, warfare, hunting, and transport. The aesthetic treatment and adornment of the horse, including the weaving of the Jul (saddlecloth), reflected the reverence accorded to the animal and its rider. The Jul was a functional textile placed under the saddle to absorb sweat and protect the horse’s back while also ensuring the rider’s comfort and balance. These cloths, made from materials such as wool, cotton, leather, or silk, were produced in various techniques—knotted-pile, flat-woven, jajim, or felt—and were common among nomadic groups.
Archaeological and historical evidence from 1906 to 330 BCE (corresponding to the Assyrian, Elamite, Median, and Achaemenid periods) indicates that the use of horse saddlecloths was prevalent in Iran and Mesopotamia, though little is known about their structure, design, and motifs. This study adopts a descriptive–analytical approach based on documentary research, including textual, visual, and archaeological evidence. All available samples were examined using census sampling, and the data were analyzed qualitatively. The theoretical framework combines Gordon Child’s evolutionary–historical approach with Leroi-Gourhan’s perspective, enabling analysis of both the technical development and the symbolic and cultural dimensions of horse covers (Jul) in Mesopotamia and Iran.

Discussion
Analysis of Assyrian reliefs indicates that horse saddlecloths (Juls) of this period exhibited limited structural and decorative variation, and equestrian equipment was still in the early stages of development. None of the depictions show saddles, stirrups, or securing straps, suggesting that riders sat directly on the jul with their legs hanging freely. However, the finely carved details of the horse’s headgear, including bridles and bits, demonstrate notable technical refinement in this area. Two main types of Juls can be identified: the first, simpler type—likely made of leather or felt—features two flaps and three girth straps; the second, more elaborate type, structurally resembles modern examples and was probably used for ceremonial or ritual purposes. The designs and borders of this latter group are simple yet harmonious, with recurring motifs such as the four-pealed flower, which also appears on the king’s garments, suggesting symbolic correspondence. Technically, the precise weaving method remains uncertain, though evidence points to techniques derived from traditional floor-weaving practices such as pile or flat weaving. Overall, Assyrian juls reflect a transitional stage from purely functional horse gear toward a more aesthetic and symbolic approach in equestrian equipment.
The analysis of Elamite, Median, and Achaemenid Juls (horse saddlecloths) reveals significant stylistic and structural diversity compared to Assyrian examples, owing to a broader corpus that includes rhyta, reliefs, and two surviving woven pieces. Iranian Juls display a transition from purely functional coverings to highly aesthetic and symbolic works. The Rhyta from Maku and Susa (8th–7th centuries BCE) show large, body-covering Juls adorned with animal and floral motifs—dynamic scenes of leopards, ibexes, boars, birds, and trees—arranged symmetrically or diagonally, reflecting a free, pictorial compositional system distinct from the geometric order of Assyrian designs. In the Achaemenid silver Rhyton from Erebuni (5th century BCE) and a similar woven piece identified by Franses (2019), repeated ibex motifs, symmetry, and minimalism emphasize symbolic harmony rather than narrative complexity. This visual tradition continues in the Pazyryk carpet (5th–4th centuries BCE), where 23 visible Juls share a unified geometric structure: rectangular forms with serrated or tasseled edges, linear borders, and symmetrical, abstract designs suggesting both aesthetic refinement and technical mastery. Comparable Juls appear in the Apadana reliefs at Persepolis and the Greco-Persian sarcophagus from Çan, confirming the consistency of form—rectangular bodies with serrated tassels extending to the horse’s hindquarters—across centuries and regions. Collectively, these findings indicate that Iranian Juls evolved from simple utilitarian gear into intricate, symbolically charged textiles, bridging technical innovation with a distinct artistic vocabulary rooted in ancient weaving and decorative traditions.

Conclusion 
This study analyzes the structure, design, and production techniques of horse covers (Jul) from the Assyrian period to the end of the Achaemenid era (1906–330 BCE), demonstrating that in ancient Iran and Mesopotamia these textiles functioned as more than purely utilitarian objects. Over time, horse covers evolved into multilayered media for aesthetic expression, cultural identity, power relations, and technological advancement in textile production. The findings indicate that, beyond responding to technical and climatic needs, horse covers provided a platform for the manifestation of symbolic systems and visual imagination, serving as an intermediary between functional textiles and ritual carpets.
Comparative analysis of Assyrian and Iranian examples reveals that structural differences—particularly in size and extent of coverage—stem from the interaction of climate, function, and culture. Assyrian horse covers, limited mainly to the horse’s back, reflect a functional and minimalist approach, whereas the expanded coverage of Iranian examples enabled greater visual complexity and decorative development. In terms of design and motifs, the gradual transition from Assyrian geometric simplicity to the richness of Iranian animal and vegetal motifs marks the emergence of a coherent symbolic visual language, culminating in the motifs of the Pazyryk carpet.
The diversity of manufacturing techniques, including felting, leatherworking, flat weaving, and pile weaving, reflects both technical sophistication and a functional hierarchy in which pile-woven textiles held ceremonial and symbolic roles. Archaeological and visual evidence further indicates the social and political significance of horse covers, particularly during the Achaemenid period, when they became symbols of power and courtly display.
Within the theoretical framework, the findings align with Gordon Child’s evolutionary–historical approach and Leroi-Gourhan’s theory of the relationship between technique, body, and symbolic expression, positioning the horse cover as a liminal object between function, technology, and meaning. The study thus highlights the enduring role of horse covers in shaping ancient textile traditions and the visual culture of Iran.