The correct position and the determining role of the second and first millennium BC cultures in the Fars region (Marvdasht plain) which we know as the Shoqa/Timuran cultures and the importance of this culture in the transition from the prehistoric to the historical period (Achaemenid) are still not well known. Despite of extensive archaeological research that has been done in the Marvdasht plain and the presence of significant sites of this period, due to the limited and generally very old excavations in these sites, it is still difficult to understand these developments. During that time, huge developments were taking place in Khuzestan and Fars regions; Changes usually created many conflicts between native cultures and southwestern cultures origin (Elamite).Some archaological findings, such as weapons, are signs of the height of such conflicts in the past. This paper will study and introduce the collection of weapons of Toll-e Shoqa, which were obtained from the excavations of Mahmoud Rad in 1942 and Vandenberg in 1950 in that site, those are now kept in the National Museum of Iran. These collections have been studied recently in the inventory project in the National Museum of Iran archives. So far, few cultural materials from Toll-e Shoqa have been published and more emphasis has been placed on its pottery; the pottery is the basis of the relative chronology of this period in the Fars region. Unfortunately, the results of the archaeological excavations in Shoqa were never fully published and all its cultural materials were not introduced. In the organizing project of the National Museum of Iran which will be described and analyzed in this paper.

Iran holds great significance for the question of the eastward expansion of the Acheulean hominins, as it is situated between the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent, both of which have long and rich records of the Acheulean techno complex. Despite its strategic location, Iran has produced little evidence of the Acheulean techno complex. The only notable examples have been found in the western and northwestern regions of the country. The absence of Acheulean sites in southern Iran cannot be justified. Because this region, located in the northern parts of the Persian Gulf, was one of the main dispersal routes for Acheulean hominins towards the east. Here, we present a report on the discovery of a Lower Paleolithic locality near Dehtal, located in the northern region of the Persian Gulf. Additionally, we discuss the techno-typological characteristics of the lithics found in the area. Dehtal yielded a small, but characteristic lithic assemblage, which included a handaxe, a massive scraper, a large flake, and a flake core. The raw materials used are sandstone and fossiliferous limestone rock, which can be found as cobbles and boulders in secondary contexts on the northern slopes of Par-e Lavar. In addition to these findings, two boulder cores with large removal scars were also documented in the area, indicating large flake production in this locality. The site offers a unique opportunity to study a lithic assemblage in a relatively unknown area within the distribution range of the Acheulean technocomplex.

This paper will compare the characteristics of four ancient Iranian, copper alloy weapons. These weapons are from private collections in the USA at the time of examination. The first two weapons fall into the category of dirks (or daggers). This characterization is based on the overall length of the weapons in question. For comparative purposes, a dagger reaches 30 cm, a dirk is a classification for weapons with overall lengths of 30-50 cm, while a sword would have an overall length of over 50 cm. Because precise archaeological data is absent for these pieces, we examined short-term provenance and microscopic analysis, together with stylistic components to verify the authenticity and general cultural origin of each specimen. The hilt of each weapon is bordered by a ridge, or flange, on both sides that would have allowed for an organic or stone inlay to make the grip more comfortable and functional, as well as adding to the aesthetics of the piece.  The pommels of these weapons all have a similar, crescent shape. Weapon 2, has not only a crescent-shaped pommel but also a more pronounced, crescent-shaped guard. Both of the dirks (weapons 1 and 2) have roughly triangular blades. However, the blade of weapon 1 becomes narrower near the guard while the blade of weapon 2 does the opposite and flares out near the guard. Microscopic examination of the patinas confirms the ancient origin of each piece, however, subtle differences in the patinas suggest that the alloys and/or the burial conditions of each were potentially different. This would be an area where further study would be warranted. 

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
The central plateau and southwestern Iran were two pivotal points to begin social and economic developments during the second half of 5th millennium BC, which played an important role in commercial exchanges and cultural interactions between the east and west of the Iranian plateau in the 4th millennium BC. Technology and industry were the main indicators of complexity in the central plateau, while in the southwestern of Iran, agriculture, animal husbandry and water resources were important in this sense. The level of complexity, the appearance of management technique, and pottery production in the key excavated sites in a range from the central plateau to a part of the eastern plains of central Zagros and the and southwest of Iran, was evaluated and studied. The structural analysis of the interactions between the two regions with a cultural ecology approach and based on five paradigms including assimilation, specialization, synchronization and self-organization, condensation of geo-economy, and concentration of power has shown that some societies during the second half of the fifth millennium BC, based on these five principles, they strengthened each other and created complex societies. We have achieved some results in the framework of economic-sociological indicators which include the creation of production and distribution systems, efficient families, pyramids of power and super elites, the destruction of public consensus and expanding elites. 
Keywords: Complexity Indicators, Central Plateau, Southwest of Iran, Pottery, Management Technique.

Introduction
Due to its economic, cultural and geographical capabilities, Iran has always been at the center of transportation routes. Based on the available settlement maps, the dense and compact geographical structure of the southwest Iran caused the integration and unity of settlements and ultimately the formation of early states. On the other hand, the scattered geographical context of the central plateau had caused its social fragmentation. 
The current research is based on the following questions and hypotheses: 1) how can the studies on the indicators of socio-economic complexity in the central plateau and southwestern Iran in the second half of the 5th millennium BC be evaluated? What are these indicators and why and how did they cause complexity? 2) What does the comparative study of the process of socio-economic complications in the central plateau and the southwestern region of Iran indicate?
Technologies such as pottery and metalworking, intra-regional and extra-regional relations are the main reasons, and agriculture, animal husbandry and exploitation of ground water and irrigation are secondary indicators of the complexities in the central plateau. In the southwest, agriculture, animal husbandry, exploitation of ground water and the intensive agricultural system in the western and eastern Shushan plains and the rainfed system in the middle and high plains (Dehlran plain) are the main characteristics. It seems that the residents of these two regions acted based on adaptation of surrounding environment. The theory of Special Evolution of Culture and interaction between humans and the environment can be used to interpret this topic. They used similar indicators in the process of complexity, but followed different paths in terms of quantity, quality and prioritization of the use of the mentioned indicators.
In the current research, the required documents have been collected through library studies. The method of analysis is to use the method of explaining cultural changes and using theories of socio-economic complexity.

Structural analysis of the interactions of two regions
In the second half of the 5th millennium BC and especially in the late 4th millennium BC, each of the five mentioned paradigms, on the part of the more advanced societies, not only did not endanger the old civilizations, but they strengthened each other and important results brought.
A) Standardization (assimilation): Regions such as the central plateau where the industry formed the basis of daily work and activities, needed standardized weight and measure tools. By applying the principle of standardization, many differences were eliminated or regional and local differences were distinguished from other places. An example in this regard is the making and decorating of pottery in regions such as Shushan, Fars and Central Plateau (such as dot motive pottery, plum ware, and Cheshme-Ali); which provides the possibility of rebuilding inter-regional cultural and ultimately political boundaries.
b) Specialization: With the acceleration of the division of labor, the expert, who only specialized in one profession, took the versatile villager place who worked intermittently. In this way, there was an opportunity for some specialist groups to monopolize the relevant knowledge and specialized professions emerged. The evidence of ancient metalworking in Zaghe, Uzbaki, Cheshme-Ali, and Tepe Gabrestan, as well as the similarity of inscribed buff ware from layers II-V of Qara-Tepe Qomrud with Rahmat-Abad, Gap, Chogha-Ahovan, and Geser sites, is a symbol of the level of specialization.
C) Synchronization (self-organization): Sometimes the concentration of power in societies will cause multiple pressures; and self-organization refers to the formation of patterns that were related to the endogenous factors of societies, and finally, this discipline became evident in a factor called management technique that it leads to the emergence of specialization and convergence. The similarities of the management technique of these regions can be found in the similarity of the seals of Qara Tepe Qomroud and Sialk with Giyan V, Shush A and Bakun A.
d) Density of geo-economy factors: When the economic capabilities of states depend on geographic issues, a geo-economy is formed, whose main goal is not to achieve physical power, but trade and commerce. The geo-economic position of the Central Plateau in line with the industrialists and southwest of Iran in line with increasing agricultural production and regular and permanent surplus production (relying on the data of irrigation canals obtained from Mahme, Sabz and Musian) and growth the development indicators.
e) Concentration of power and stability: the construction of buildings with a view and structures with a special spatial arrangement, such as temples and monuments such as the adobe platform of Shush, Farrokh Abad, Chogha Mish, Jafar Abad and the patterned structures of Zaghe are a sign of the concentration of power for supervision. On economic and religious technological activities.

Conclusion
The five principles proposed in the factions of societies that were becoming more complex were used almost identically and strengthened each other; created some of the most powerful administrative organizations in the societies from 4500 BC and then the 3rd millennium BC and left his special stamp on the civilizations of the 4th millennium BC.
Therefore, the results obtained from the five paradigms in line with economic-sociological indicators led to the creation of production and distribution systems. Early societies, based on their needs, started “necessary innovations”; the appearance of tools and development of the accounting and counting systems are some changes that have happened in Qomroud, Geser, Zaghe, Shush and related sites. Creating efficient families is another result. The nuclear family with relatives could have a standard model.
Some nuclear families were superior to others and caused complexities. Tribal territories are clearly visible in the settlement pattern of the southwest Iran. Chogha Mish and Shush 15 hectares expansion shows the preference of some households over another. Following this issue, pyramids of power and super elites were formed. The technologists and experts of power, who were in charge of the leader, were themselves organized in the hierarchy of elites and sub-elites, and in turn, they were integrated by the comprehensive elites, which consisted of people with various specialties; such as the control of central locations such as Zaghe, Qomroud, Shush, Chogha Mish, Farrokhabad, Bayat, and Jafarabad.
On the other hand, the people had similar and basic needs, and the other hand, a factor called public consensus was considered an attainable goal which its collapse discredited the concept of leadership; sometimes there was a possibility of this event which its analysis is very difficult. Most of the sites of this period, after an amazing prosperity suffered a gradual collapse. The expanding elite is another case in this regard. 
An important factor called the burden of decision is always up to the few who can handle it, unless the number of decisions increases and the decision load abilities of the old ruling groups become weaker; then new elites were placed at the head of affairs in recent periods so that they could handle the decision load burden. Therefore, the level of participation in a society can be less depend on culture and political wills and more about the result of decision-making. Frank Hole considers the organization of the late 5th millennium BC of Susa and its administrative positions to belong to religious people or the existence of a state with hereditary classes. It is not unlikely that centralization occurred in these societies.

Acknowledgment
This article is extracted from the thesis of the first Author entitled “Comparative study of the trend of socio-economic complexities in the central plateau and southwest of Iran in the second half of the 5th millennium BC” which is worthy of the material and administrative support University of Mazandaran Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor, Faculty of Arts And the architecture and archeology department are grateful.

Observation Contribution
The Authors declare that according to the extraction of the article from the doctoral dissertation, the writing of the article was done by the first Author with the guidance and supervision of the second Author and the consultation of the third Author.

Conflict of Interest
The Authors, while complying with the publication ethics, declare the absence of conflict of interest and material and administrative support from University of Mazandaran Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor, Faculty of Art and Architecture, and Department of Archeology.

Abstract
the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf are a large part of southern Iran, which has been of interest throughout history, and many settlements have been formed in thispart of iran. This semi-closed sea has a great value in terms of natural and economic situation and military and political situation Just as the economic and social life of Mesopotamia depends on its two waterways, the Tigris and the Euphrates, and just as the Nile River plays the main and key role in the history of Egypt, in the same way the Persian Sea can be considered an important and vital bottleneck of history and civilization and Iran’s economy. Over thousands of years, this azure and fertile sea has opened its arms to   Iranians and other neighboring nations like a table full of blessings, so that the residents of its shores can benefit from its diverse reserves. The present research has focused on the introduction of pottery objects known as Gopal, which are found in abundance in the southern part of Iran, especially in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf. In this research, two library methods and field visits to some areas of the studied area have been used to collect information. The main questions of the present research are: To what period of time can the Gopals be dated? What is the use of Gopal? In what areas are the Gopals distributed? In addition to introducing Gopals and examining their technical features, the use and relative dating of these objects are discussed and the distribution map of these objects in the plateau of Iran is presented.
Keywords: Gopal, Persian Gulf, Iranian Plateau, Khuzestan, Bushehr, Hormozgan.

Introduction
As a historical and strategic waterway, the Persian Gulf has always been the focus of rulers and throughout history, it has been the place of passage for the ships of Eastern and Western civilizations. The coast of the Pars Gulf is a suitable habitat for the settlement and establishment of human societies. In recent years, as a result of the archaeological surveys of the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Gulf, many prehistoric, historical and Islamic sites and hills have been identified. Among these, a number of ancient sites and mounds of clay objects have been found, which are called Gopal. The present research has studied these objects that are scattered on the banks and back banks of Pars Gulf.
Research questions: In this research, the most important questions include: 1- In what regions is the range of distribution of clay objects known as Gopal? 2- Are Gopals produced in the northern part of the Persian Sea? 3- Do these objects have different types in terms of appearance? 4- Gopals belong to what period of time? 5- What is the use of Gopal?

Gopal classification
Clay objects known as Gopal are clay cylinders whose height varies between 15 and 30 cm and their weight varies between 1 and 4 kg. The upper part of the Gopals is round with a diameter of 10 to 17 cm and the lower part is saucer-shaped with a diameter of 6 to 12 cm. Their floor is rough and uneven, but they are stable to be on the ground. Williamson has introduced the Gopals with the title of base and divided them into four categories, Gavbandi type, Bushehr type, Ganaveh type and Tepe Yahya type (Williamson 1972: 100). According to technical specifications and appearance, Gopals were classified into 9 types. But since this study is mostly in the form of a library and the distribution area of Gopals has not been fully investigated in the field, it is possible that there are more and different species that are hidden from the authors of this study.

Distribution of Gopal in the Persian Gulf
The basis of the study of the distribution of Gopals is the study of survey reports, records and field studies (Table 1) that have been published and published so far, as well as the authors’ visits to a number of sites on the beaches and hinterland of the Pars Sea. The distribution map presented in this research is the beginning of a way to carry out additional studies in the field of these clay objects in the future and undoubtedly has some shortcomings (map 1). The distribution of this pottery was in the beaches and hinterland of the Persian Gulf as Louis Pelly says: they are found along the coast (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). Hertzfeld He writes: “Along the shore, under the ruins of early Islamic houses, large quantities of clay handles are found, which are called Gopals, and are introduced as flakhen, (Herzfeld 1926: 260).
The most distribution of Gopal in Behbahan city is in Zidon section. The Gopal area in the south of Omidieh belongs to the middle Islamic centuries, of this Gopal as “Clay base” (Sadeghi Rad 2018).
In Bushehr province, the distribution of these pottery objects increases significantly and they are found in abundance in almost all of the province. Gopals of different types have been reported from the grounds of Sarkho Castle, Shahzadeh Mohammad Darvishi in Shanbeh and Tasuj sections of Dashti city (Zarei 2018: 143).
In the north-west of Fars province, two samples were introduced from Tell Ahangaran and Tell Khazaneh in Noorabad Mamsani in the study of Askari Chavardi, the first sample is Gopal made of stone. In the west of Fars, in the area of Fathabad in Sarmashed of Kazeroon city, in the research of Parsa Ghasemi, broken samples of Gopal clay were reported, which are “scattered in the plowed lands” (Ghasemi 2010: 327-327).  In the southern part of Fars province, the distribution of Gopals is more and these objects have been reported from six sites. Golrokh hill is located in Chahorz district, Lamard city, (Askari Chavardi, Amiri: 2002) A small round base was found on the surface of Tape Yahya, probably from the second period (Achaemenid period). This type, which is scattered throughout the Jiroft region, can be easily distinguished from the 3D type, and it may be considered the background of the Sassanid foundations.” (Williamson 1972: 100) and in the southern part of the Persian Sea, he refers to Al-Ain in Abu Dhabi, where Bushehr-type clay foundations are scattered there (ibid.).

Examples similar to Gopal
In terms of the overall shape and appearance of the Gopals, there are similarities with objects such as decorative studs obtained from Chaghazanbil, and probably those who consider these objects to be architectural decorations because of the similarity between There were Gopals and studs (Figure 13).
The example of a fire pit (Figure 14) which Mustafavi believes is related to the Seleucid period (Mustafavi 1968: 71) or the base of fire pits made of stone or plaster from Weigal (Javari and Bagh-Sheikhi 2019), Plang-Gard (Alibeigi 2012: 201), Shian (Moradi 2009), Bandian Derghez (Rahbar: 2008), Imamzadeh Mohammad (Askari Chavardi 2010), Tell Shahid, Keshto village and Brazjan (Tawfiqian 2017) and the images of firetemple on the coins of Sasanian kings. , have general similarities with Gopal (Figure 14).
Williamson introduces a type of wooden bases that are painted and were used for Bushheri or Kuwaiti boxes, and these clay bases are the background of wooden bases (Williamson 1972).
A type of tallow burners that became very popular in the Islamic period (Wilkinson 1973) are examples similar to Gopal. Two stone objects have been found from Imamzade Abdullah in Shushtar, which Ahmad Eghtari refers to as fire pits or the base of fire pits belonging to the Parthian period. He classified them except Gopal (Eghtari 1996: 703-702). (Figure 15). Unglazed candlesticks with a similar design have also been found in Merv (Wilkinson 1973: 314) (Figure 15). In Hormozgan province, there is a type of embroidery called Shakbafi, for its weaving and production, they use a tool similar to gopal, called Choghn. A cloth is placed on it (Figure 16). The material of this mortar is sometimes wood and sometimes clay or plastic, which is actually considered a support for a pillow and a base for weaving a tape” (Mokhtari-Dehkordi, Asadi Farsani 2013: 39).

Dating and use of Gopal
Without conducting detailed experiments and extensive and methodical studies, the dating of Gopals will be relative, it is also necessary to know the use of these clay objects in the hills and areas where they are widely produced and used. Methodical archaeological excavations should be carried out. There are many theories and assumptions about the use of Gopals. Lt. Col. Lewis Pelley, says about the Gopals: “I picked up some spirally grooved cylinders of baked clay. Traditions say that these cylinders were the ones that the infidels used to use a leather strap to attack. They threw targets” (Pelly 1863-1864: 44). After pointing out Poly’s opinion and its illogicality, Haynes Gaube mentions these objects as architectural decorations and the limitations of this assumption are listed, including why they are found in Siraf but not in Khuzestan? (Gaube 1980: 384). Herzfeld believes that the use of Gopals is similar to the Assyrian clay studs, whose ends were placed in Diora (Herzfeld 1926: 260). Williamson believes that the Gopals were used as bases for holding wooden chests known as Bushheri or Kuwaiti chests, and later they were replaced by painted wooden bases (Williamson 1972: 101).
Parsa Ghasemi believes that these terracotta objects had an architectural use, similar to the columns used in the Achaemenid building of Dahane Gholaman (Ghasemi 2009: 86). Askari Chavardi mentions clay Gopals as the base of Sasanian vessels (Askari Chavardi 2012, Askari Chavardi 2018) and the type of stone that he considers as the base of the hearth (Askari Chavardi, Pots, Pitri 2013: 149-148).
During a conversation with the residents of Shahr-e Viran in Dilam city, they stated that the nomads use these pieces of clay for weaving ni-chit (Chiq or Chikh) (Figure 17), and it was believed that these tools are used for production Nothing has been used. Kamiyar Abdi believes that these clay objects have industrial use (Abdi 2007).

Conclusion
During this research, the existing Gopals were classified into 9 categories according to their appearance and technical characteristics, their exact typology requires a systematic archaeological investigation in the distribution area of Gopals in the banks. And then the beaches of the Persian Glf. The present studies showed that Gopals are mostly found in the sites related to the Sassanid and Islamic periods.
According to the terminology of Gopal or Gopal, it is not true that this pottery object has a war function, and probably only according to its appearance, they put the name of Gopal or Gopal on it. According to examples similar to Gopal used in the art of embroidery, the assumption that Gopal was probably used as a tool used in sewing or weaving industries. According to the classification done, Gopals probably had various uses. As long as the Gopals are not recovered from their context, determining any use for this clay object will be more of a hypothesis.

Abstract
The third millennium BC marked a period of significant cultural, economic, and commercial exchanges between Iran and neighboring regions, including the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and Central Asia. This article aims to investigate the cultural semiotics and connections between the Bronze Age sites of Southeast Iran, with an emphasis on Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad, and Tepe Yahya. In this research, the seals and seal impressions of sites in the southeast of Iran, including Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, will be studied and analyzed based on comparative studies with important sites in Central Asia, including Balkh, Merv, Mondigak, Altintepe, Gonor Tepe, Dashlitepe, Tughlaq, and Ordos region. Therefore, in the framework of the signs studied on seals and seal impressions, a suggestion is made that there have been cultural connections between these regions in the Bronze Age. Based on this, the research questions have been raised as follows: What are the similarities between the motifs of pottery and seals? What are the similarities between the cultural artifacts found in the southeastern region of Iran and the Central Asian region? Were the visible similarities connected and serving a common purpose? Knowing the cultural interactions of these societies requires the study of the material evidence left by them. According to the distances between the ancient sites of the third millennium BC, these signs can be the result of a specific and guided thought that appeared in the sites of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau. The transfer of ideas from one place to another has occurred due to extensive commercial connections between societies. This shows that the cultural interactions between Central Asia and the eastern and southeastern regions of Iran and part of the Indo-European culture in the Bronze Age could have originated from common beliefs and ideas.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Seal, Semiology, Southeastern Iran, Central Asia.

Introduction
Seals and seal impressions have been obtained from Bronze Age sites in the southeast of Iran, which are comparable to Central Asian seal samples. On many metal seals and the seals impressions, there are patterns that are similar to those created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh and Tepe Yahya. Several theories have been presented about these signs on pottery samples, including their use as the owner’s mark, the potter’s signature or the trade mark of the pottery workshop, and some signs for measuring volume and numerical value. The use of these signs on the seal samples, potteries, containers and human and animal figures in the third millennium BC both individually and in combination as a part of human mentality along with numerous concepts, originated and were drawn.  It seems that some of these signs are same on the pottery that are repeated in the seals, and some of them are similar to the signs from the Proto- Elamite period to the end of the Bronze Age. Markers have created marks with special purpose and thoughts on seals and potteries and have tried to transfer them. The signs could be ownership concepts, rituals and beliefs of the societies of that period. Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions from the studied areas, 206 seals and seal impressions have signs.

History of signs on pottery and seals in the study areas
In many seals of Shahr-e sukhteh and Shahdad, as well as in some study areas of Central Asia, various geometric, animal such as reptiles and birds, plants and human motifs have been found. In addition to motifs, signs can be seen on the seals that are very similar to the signs created on the pottery of Shahdad, Shahr-e sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and other sites, and in some cases, the seal itself is in the form of a sign. Some signs are similar to Proto- Elamite signs, and others are similar to the body parts of gods (hands, feet, and heads). Most of the signs in the Shahr-e Sukhteh are on sherds related to the bottom of dishes and pear-shaped glasses, which were obtained from the layers related to industrial and residential areas, as well as in the surface surveys of the mounds and cemeteries of the city. Most of the signs on the Shahdad pottery are on the intact vessels obtained from the burials. Incised Signs have been seen on the red pottery of Shahdad (Cemetery A)., these signs were created on pieces of hand-made and almost rough pottery in Tepe Yahya. Most of the signs of Tepe Yahya pottery are grooved on the outer body of the vessel and on the upper part of the bottom, and some on the bottom. From Balkh and Marv, signs are placed on the body or under the bottom of bowls and plates. In Altin Tepe, signs on the clay figurines have also been seen, which Mason considers to be comparable to the signs of the Proto- Elamite, Early Sumerian, and Harappan periods. Also, these signs have been seen in the eastern areas of Iranian plateau, Bampur, Baluchistan, Pakistan, and in sites such as Damb Sadat and Quetta, Amri, Balakot and Rahman Dehri in Mundigag in Afghanistan, and some sites of the Chalcolithic period in India. On the seals, in addition to the two key sites of Shahdad and Shahr-e Sukhteh, there are signs from the sites of the northern regions of the Iranian plateau, such as: Tepe Hesar, sites of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, northern Afghanistan, many examples of Altin Tepe settlements, in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dagh mountain range and the abandoned oases of Tughlaq and Gonor related to the Margiana culture were found in the desert plains, in the north of Marv city. In addition, signs on the seals were obtained from the mounds related to the South bacteria culture in the vicinity of Balkh city in Afghanistan and Sapali Tepe and Jarkotan in Uzbekistan, related to the Northern Bacteria culture.  Also, many seals have been found from Ordos, with common signs with the main sites of Central Asia and three sites in the southeastern Iran.

The case studies
Out of the total number of 400 seals and seal impressions in Southeastern Iran and Central Asia, 206 seals and seal impressions contain signs. 11 seals and impressions from Shahr-e Sukhteh and 30 seals and impressions from Shahdad have common signs. Based on the study, it has been determined that there are 33 signs common among the seals and pottery of all three sites of Shahr-e Sukhteh, Shahdad and Tepe Yahya. The commonalities of seals sign and the impressions and potteries in the three sites mentioned in the southeastern Iran and also Central Asia sites have been identified. The studied seals belong to the second half of the third millennium BP. Some pottery samples with similar signs seem to belong to the researched time period. The common signs between seals and the impressions and potteries are divided into three groups, including conceptual, geometric and plant groups (rosette, wheat cluster). According to some beliefs, some signs are derived from the organs of the gods. For example, the picture of the great goddess is frequently seen in many prehistoric potteries from Eurasia. The relevance of these signs with the religious cult of the Great Goddess has been spread and proven in a vast land. In this way, some symbols of the cult of the Great Goddess later became proto-writing. According to the beliefs of the people of the region, these signs are symbols of fertility, vitality and security. It can be acknowledged that these signs as a tool have revealed concepts that cannot be expressed in any other way, in other words, it is a transcendent truth that has become in the form of the symbol. Some of the incised signs, with a qualitative connotation, have emerged over time and have adapted to the spirit of truth-seeking in human and have become symbols.

Conclusion
For better understanding, the signs of seals and the impressions are prepared and shown in tables. The studied signs are in the form of simple and broken crosses (right round and left round), concentric circles, spiral patterns, crossed lines, simple circle and signs in the form of T, S, Y, M, W, stepped shapes, Star and many signs that are unclear. Some signs, including plant patterns in the form of rosettes, wheat stalks, are easily recognizable. Sometimes several signs are seen together on the surface of a seal. Comparative and statistical studies have been done on the signs of seals and potteries. The information obtained from the study of seals and the impressions has led to a detailed investigation and analysis of their patterns. After that, it has been concluded that the signs of the study area are classified into three main types: conceptual, geometric, and plant. Part of the cases, according to their characteristics and importance, the seal is created by the artist in the same form as the sign (picture 7). Another part of the signs that have been grooved on the pottery, have been depicted on the seals in the form of one or more signs (picture 6). In some motifs, the symbols of the gods in human form, the form, and organ and body parts of the gods are reminiscent of the common signs on the pottery and seals of all the three sites of Shahdad, Shahr-e Sukhteh, Tepe Yahya and also the Central Asia sites. This can originate from the thought that some of the organs related to the gods have become a sign of the symbol. The way conceptual signs are placed and arranged can induce message transmission; it is suggested that there are probably early writing signs in the study period, which we have not managed to discover the documentation of them. The commonalities between the signs on the pottery and seals of South-eastern Iran with the seals of some regions of Central Asian are as if their creators had common thoughts and at this time, this tradition of marking on seals and pottery became common. In general, and with collective study of these signs, in any case, it can be said that whatever the use of these signs was, it indicates that the sign makers have used the signs as a message to the future generations and have created these signs on a seal and together and sometimes as a set of signs. The spread of the discussed signs on seals and also on pottery can be considered as an expression of cultural influences and interactions between the mentioned regions in the Bronze Age.

Abstract
Saqanefars are kinds of wooden ritual monuments with religious functionality, found only in Mazandaran province, north of Iran, and date back to the Qajar era. In these buildings, the mourning of Muharram and other mourning rituals are held every year. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran’s Saqanefars, the type of wood used in these buildings has not yet been identified and researches have been focused on their architecture and paintings. In this research, the wood used in different structural members of five Saqanefars in different areas of Qaemshahr including Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK) were examined macro- and microscopically. After extracting a list of wood anatomical features from the stained microscopic sections, each specimen was identified. All studied specimens were of ring-porous hardwoods. Except for GN, other wood samples turned the water golden after immersion. The wood species used in the Saqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were identified as Zelkova (Zelkova carpinifolia) while the Saqanefar of GN were made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). Both kinds of wood are durable, have little moisture uptake, and do not require much repair and maintenance work. Oaks and other tree species with high-quality constructional timber were as widespread as Zelkova in the forests near studied Saqanefars. Hence, the preference for Zelkova could not solely be related to its availability and technical quality. Considering that from the 16th century onwards, Zelkova wood became one of the most popular types of timber for the construction of historical and religious buildings in the Far East (especially in Korea and Japan), and the similarity of the architecture and painting of wooden Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, choosing this wood could partly be influenced by cultural exchanges.
Keywords: Wooden Structure, Cultural Heritage, Sacred Building, Wood Identification, Iran.

Introduction
A Saqanefar is a kind of ritual monument in Mazandaran province, north of Iran. Some older Saqanefars are completely wooden and were built in the late Safavid and early Qajar periods, and due to cultural exchanges between the local people and Chinese merchants, they are partially influenced by the architecture of Buddhist temples. Despite the cultural importance of Mazandaran Saqanefars, the type and age of the timbers used in them has not been investigated so far, and researches have been limited to their architecture and surface paintings. However, knowing the type of constructional timbers used in ancient wooden structures and objects can provide many unknown facts about the history, culture and trades in a region. Moreover, for the maintenance and renovation of ancient buildings, it is essential to know the type of wood used in them. In this research, the types of used timbers in the historical Saqanefars of Qaemshahr city were identified and discussed. The main hypothesis of the research was that due to the sacredness of Saqanefar s, lumbers from a certain tree species was used in their construction.

Materials and Methods 
Five Saqanefars were identified in different areas of Qaemshahr city, located in the villages of Ghadikola Nokandehka (GN), Seyed Abosaleh (SA), Reykandeka (RK), Ahangarkola Bishesar (AB), and Vostakola (VK). Small wooden samples were extracted from different parts of each monument, using a handsaw or an increment borer. The transverse surface of the samples was sanded and first examined macroscopically. Then, thin sections were cut, stained, and analyzed, microscopically. The anatomical features of the wood of each sample were extracted based on the IAWA list of microscopic features for hardwood identification (Wheeler et al., 1989) and finally, each sample was identified.

Results and Discussion 
With the macroscopic and microscopic examination of the samples, it was found that all samples extracted from different structural members of a Saqanefar are made of the same wood species. The wood used in the four Sqanefars of SA, RK, AB, and VK were all from zelkova trees (Zelkova carpinifolia), while the Sqanefar GN was made of Persian oak (Quercus macranthera). This distinction was evident in the golden color of the water after immersing the wood of the first four Saqanefar and the absence of such a state in the last one. Zelkova is a high-quality wood and is known as one of the best construction timbers. Zelkova wood has a low moisture uptake, and in addition to wooden structures, it was also used to make the door and window frames of mosques in Iran (Browicz, 1982). This wood was widely used for construction of historic timber structures (Hwang et al., 2009) and places of worship in the Far East, and is considered the most important hardwood in building of old temples in South Korea (Kim & Choi, 2016). In Japan, Zelkova wood has been used to build temples since the 16th century. In fact, it was the Chinese carpenters who taught the Japanese how to work with this tough wood and suggested its use in the 15th century (Mertz, 2016). Oak has been one of the most popular type of wood for building timber for centuries due to its high durability and the little need for maintenance and repair. 

Conclusion 
Most of the old, timber-structured Saqanefars in the villages of north Iran were made of zelkova, and only one of the five investigated structures was from oak wood. Considering that these two woods are of good and comparable quality, and almost the similar abundance of these two species in the forests around the location of Saqanfears, the preference for using Zelkova is not only due to technical and economic issues, and could be related to cultural reasons. Zelkova wood is mostly used for the construction of shrines and religious sites in the Far East and especially in Korea, and due to the similarity of the architecture and painting of Saqanefars to the temples in these countries, the choice of Zelkova timber for the construction of these places can be partly influenced by cultural exchanges. 

Abstract
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.

Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.

Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.

Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.

Abstract
With the arrival of Islam in Iran, art came into the service of Islam and an interaction between Iranian art and Islamic thought was formed, which can be observed in the art of Islamic architecture in Iran. One of the most obvious types of cultural and religious architecture of the past, which has played an essential role in Islamic architecture from various historical, artistic, religious and social aspects, is tower-shaped tombs. These buildings have a long history in the context of Iranian culture and society, and for this reason, they have a relatively high diversity. The tombs and the blessed shrines after the mosques are the most important elements of religious architecture, in which you can see the beauty, elegance, technique and creativeness of architecture. In this research, it is tried to deal with Iranian art and Shia ideas in the architecture of religious-monumental buildings, as well as the connection between politics and religion in terms of architecture and aesthetics. The ancient region of Kojur (Old Royan) contains a considerable number of Islamic era tomb buildings that, in addition to having the general principles of Islamic architecture, also have special regional characteristics which can contribute to better understanding the native architecture and its function; furthermore, the religious and political link demonstrated in the architectural art of this region. The question raised in this research is, what was the function of the religious buildings of the tower-shaped tombs in the Islamic era? And in response, it can be said that, in addition to the funerary function, these religious elements can also have a religious-political function. The research method of this article in the context of studies was based on the purpose of the fundamental research type and based on the nature and method of the descriptive-historical research style. The way to collect information in this research is through documentary (library) method. The results of this research in the analysis and investigation of the architectural developments of the tower-shaped tombs in the Kojur region have shown the combination of Iranian, Islamic art and native architecture.
Keywords: Iranian Art, Shia Ideas, Tower Tombs, Kojur.

Introduction
The Muslim artist, realizing this meaning and value, designs the face and creates his artwork according to the aspects of Islamic (Shia) thought and wisdom. Religious architecture has also indicated and emerged meanings with the same foundations and concepts. Now considering that the greatness and sanctity of the personality of the prophet of Islam together with the orders given in the Quran and Hadith about his “relatives” and “Ahl al-Bayt” (siblings) caused Muslims to value and respect him from the very beginning and give a special place to their associates. This group, which was initially called by names such as “Al”, “Ahl”, “Zariyah”, “Atrat” and “Aqraba”, was later called “Sadat”, which at the same time they were called because of their sovereignty and glory in the sight of Muslims. Iranians, after converting to Islam, paid special attention to the children and grandchildren of the prophet. Signs of this attention can be observed in the presence of a significant number of memorial and burial monuments (tower-shaped tombs and blessed tombs) of the children and grandchildren of Shia imams in Iran, especially in Mazandaran, decorated with Iranian art and Shia thought.
In Iran during the Islamic era, tomb buildings are among the most numerous architectural works after mosques. The construction of these buildings with different names such as “dome”, “Madfan” (burial place) , “tomb”, “Rouzah”, “Meshhad” (place of becoming martyr), “Maqam” (position), “mausoleum”, “Beqaa”, “Astane”, “dome” , also called “Qasr” (palace) and “Imamzadeh” (son of Imam), became popular from the 4th century AH (Hejri Ghamari) and with the emergence of different local dynasties in the east and north of Iran, which coincided with the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate (Grabar, 1375: 16). 
The local rulers in the Mazandaran region, who had Shia and Alavi tendencies since the second century of Hejri, supported Shia ideas and beliefs in the following centuries. This protection in architecture was more visible in the form of tower tombs on the graves of Shia Imams.

Identified Traces 
The background of tower-shaped tombs: A tower is historically referred to as a tall and circular or polygonal building or “A tall and strong building next to a rampart with a castle or between a road for observation and guarding” (Seyd Sadr, 2001: 90). Sometimes the towers are built as a sign on the graves of the prominent and great figures which are actually considered a kind of tomb. In fact, here, in addition to the function of observation, the function of being seen by the tower itself is mentioned; tomb towers with different forms and shapes were able to demonstrate the effects of different goals and functions in their usages (Pirnia, 1383: 170).
Mausoleums (Shrines) in Kojur: Tomb buildings (shrines) in Kojur and their investigation can clarify many cases and answer most of the surrounding questions. The appearance, structure, materials used, the spaces employed, the dome and the inscriptions of the building represent the existence of a close historical-cultural relationship between the people of the region and their contemporary conditions. Tombs such as the tomb of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani), the tomb of two Imamzadeh Tahir and Motahar (Malek Kiyomarth bin Bistun), which are mentioned in detail as an example.
Tahir and Motahar tomb tower (King Kiyomarth bin Bistun): This building is located in the southwest of Hazar Khal village, near the Kojur-Salehan asphalt road. The cemetery of the people of Khachak and Hazar Khal villages surrounds the building due to the sanctity and respect they have for it, and some of the gravestones in the mentioned cemetery are dated between 1290-1309 AH (Hejri Ghamari).
Mausoleum of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan: Geographical location of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani) tomb (registration number 3659). The mausoleum of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan, known as Imamzadeh Debir Salehani, is located on the east side of Kojur district and Salehan village.

Conclusion 
Regarding the interaction of Iranian art and Shia ideas in Islamic architecture (in general) and religious monuments (tower-shaped tombs) of Islamic mysticism and Sufism, various opinions have been expressed so far and each of which represents a corner of the mellifluous works of Iranian architects; that the speakers of these ideas have accompanied with it from their perspective. Since artistic understanding, like mystical perception, has a taste and personal aspect, according to the author of these lines, it can be concluded that this collection as an architectural work in its form, space and function has characteristics derived from the fundamentals of Islamic mysticism and wisdom. These characteristics and features have been influential both in the formation of the buildings’ figure and decorations and in the formation of internal and external spaces.
Considering the function, it can be said that this collection, which is basically designed for a religious-mystical function, in addition to providing this function considerably has a mystical function and the forms, spaces and architectural decorations in this collection are a kind of reflection of the mystical meanings and they are specific to Shia mysticism; such as asceticism, love, unity and guardianship.  The demonstration of these concepts can be seen most of all in the decorations and the way of spatial communication of this collection.
Taking a look at the decorations used in these monuments indicates the Shia thinking of the Muslim artist in the form of motifs, decorations and inscriptions. Along with the verses and hadiths that reflect the Shia vision. Patterns of trees, birds, and so on are also a reflection of Shia thought and mind. Among the most important manifestations of this, the following can be listed: the use of geometric, plant and animal motifs with mystical symbolic concepts; in the decorations, the use of mystical symbolic colors, respecting the hierarchy of entry into the tomb of this collection in addition to showing the art and mysticism of architects and masters, it also represents the political, social and artistic beliefs of the society. These buildings as a whole, in all their components have symbols indicating the influence of mysticism, especially Shia mysticism.

Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts. 
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22). 
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

Abstract
Medicine is a science by which one can gain knowledge about the qualities of the human body. The exact equivalent of the word Medicine is physic, but in order to be understood at the global level, the equivalent of Medicine is used for it. Three groups of therapists are mentioned in the Avesta Zoroastrian Bible, surgeon, herbalist and psychotherapist. In the Avesta, θarita of the Sam family is the first physician, and Ahura Mazda gives him a jeweled knife to perform surgery. There is information about the medical condition during the Achaemenid and Parthian eras through the writings of Greeks historians, and these is good information left from Sassanid era medicine. In the research, an important part of contribution of ancient Iranians in the expansion and improvement of medical knowledge and treatment methods in ancient Iran is discussed. The questions of this essay are, where did the origin of medicine in Iran come from? Has medicine in ancient Iran been affected by religious teachings? And what was the relationship between culture and medicine in ancient Iran? The hypotheses of the article are as follows: medicine in ancient Iran was influenced by ancient civilizations such as Greece. Medicine in this period was influenced by Zoroastrian religion and in later periods by Islam. This research was done with descriptive and analytical method. Until the new discoveries of archaeologists in Mesopotamia and Nile and Indus valleys and the Iranian plateau, they were mostly of the opinion that scientific ideas originated from Greek scholars and philosophers, but historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians started a new era of scientific creativity and the most obvious sample of that is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Ekbatan.
Keywords: Medicine, Ancient Iran, Treatment, Hygiene, Greece.

Introduction
The word “medicine “comes from Middle Persian. (Bizišk Nyberg, 1997), The assumed form of this word was in ancient Iran, which later became a physic. As for when Iranian medicine began, historians and orientalists believe that in ancient Iranian stories, the beginning and introduction of medicine was attributed to Jamshid, a mythical king, and He was the first person who taught people how to use medicine. Jamshid wanted to create a land for the people where no one would be hungry, thirsty, old or sick and to avoid death.  After the Aryan tribes entered the land of Iran, they inherited the advanced medicine of Egypt and Babylon, which had entered Iran through the Assyrians, and with this experience, they became the owners of a special school called “Moghan”.  In the Avesta, the Zoroastrian Bible, three types of doctors are recognized; the one who heals with a knife (surgeon), the other one who treats with healing herbs (the herbalist) and the third one who heals with the divine word (Mobad).  The most obvious aspect of the Avesta tradition in medicine is in the field of environmental health and disease prevention.  Most of these customs and teachings included the principles that are the basis of today’s disinfection and prevention methods.  Body, clothes, house and environment, water, wind, fire and soil and what is available to should be away from any pollution.

Iranian medicine in different historical periods
The medical history of Iran is limited to three periods due to the lack of written sources.
- The first period: from the Avesta and pre-Avesta era to the golden age of the Medes and Achaemenids and until the rise of the Sassanids.  Unfortunately, apart from short references in the Avesta and its continuation in some Pahlavi books and limited references in Greek sources, there are no other references from this long period; The most important scientific events of this era are the establishment of universities during the Median and Achaemenid kingdoms, which unfortunately, apart from scattered writings, there is no documented scientific evidence of scientific specializations and how to teach in these universities.
 The second period: It is the Sassanid era, fortunately, the works left from this period are not complete, but they sufficiently represent the medical knowledge of Iranians.  The establishment of Jundishapur Hospital is one of the important events in the medical history of Iran, and especially the “Anoushirvan” period, which historian’s call this period “Scientific and Literary Revolution of Ancient Iran”, many authors and researchers have praised in their books show the genius of Iranians in this period.
Jundishapur played an important role in the history of Iranian medicine; It is said that the initial establishment of this city dates back to the time before the arrival of the Aryans and was later rebuilt by Shapur.  His primary goal of this renovation was to create a place to settle Roman and Greek captives and use their expertise. 
The third period: It is the Islamic period when many scientists emerged from Iran, and without a doubt, the Iran of the Islamic period cannot be compared to any other period.  In this period, with the disappearance of class differences and the possibility of education for different strata of society, as well as the developments that appeared in calligraphy, Iranians surpassed the whole world in various scientific fields.  During this period, great Iranian scientists such as Ibn Sina and Razi created a great revolution in medical knowledge with their genius, which has aroused the wonder and admiration of the world to this day, and the human society has been influenced and borrowed from Iranian knowledge.

Hegmatane Medical School / Ekbatan
The first cultural institution that was established in the Mede era in the Hegmetane throne was Maghan Madhe Seminary, or as it is called today, the Iranian Academy of Sciences in ancient times. It was one of the great Maghans of ancient Iran in the Mede era, “Sina” was one of the most prominent Zoroasters.  ;  ``Sina’’, the son of Ahom Setut, came from Khwarazm or Sogd along with a number of Zoroastrian converts in the direction of Hegmatana in the early 6th century BC during the time of Ho and Kashtra to spread the religion to the kings of the Medes.  Sinai is considered one of the ancient Iranian spiritual magnates and the head of Iran’s medical lineage. The Greek school of Hippocratic medicine has greatly benefited from the Sinai School of medicine in Iran.  The members of Hamadan Sinai Academy were hundreds of Sinai graduates who were always engaged in studying and researching there.  The Greeks called it the school of the Ekbatan century.  “Plutarch mentioned Akbatan as the spiritual center of ancient Iran and the residence of Mughan.  He entered the school and personally observed It has been said that fields such as wisdom, astronomy, medicine and geography were taught there.

Conclusion
Until the dark curtains of ancient history were removed and the new discoveries of archaeologists in the ancient Mesopotamian plain, the Nile-Sand valleys and the Iranian plateau, most of them believed that scientific ideas originated from Greek sages and philosophers.  Historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians displayed a new round of their scientific creativity, and in this regard, the most specific example is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Akbatan; The university that housed a collection of scientists of that time is called Hegmatan, which means the center of scientists, and there was an association with the membership of 100 scientists.  The indisputable value of a university with that size at the end of the 8th century BC is a clear sign of scientific progress and the influence of Iranians on the knowledge of mankind. In the Avesta, as the root of all diseases is from the devil, Ahura Mazda is introduced as a god who is the source of all It is knowledge and it transmits its knowledge to the faithful and chosen people with grace. There is no doubt that the prophets played an essential role in the development of human societies with their divine knowledge.  Medical knowledge is one of the characteristics of most prophets, Zoroaster is also one of these prophets.  Zoroastrian teachings, unlike the ancient religions that consider the heart as the organ of thinking, recognizes the mind as the organ of thinking, the poems of the Gathas above all reveal the wisdom of Zoroaster in guiding the society to knowledge and truth and achieving spiritual perfection in the Gathas to acquire knowledge.  And knowledge and its dissemination are emphasized and in general, man is called to rationalism.
The above material shows that the ancient Iranians were the source and origin of the greatest service to human sciences and knowledge with their belief in human ethics and virtues and with good thinking, uprightness of speech and uprightness of action.  Although the occurrence of wars and the invasion of foreign nations to this land, including the extinction of the Achaemenid dynasty by Alexander the Great and then the Seleucid dynasty by the Greeks in Iran, destroyed the cultural prosperity of Iran compared to the past era, and educational places were destroyed and books and scientific documents were destroyed.  It was lost and destroyed and created many shortcomings, but in the end it has not been able to prevent the message of genius and knowledge of ancient Iranians from reaching the future generations.  Also, the inseparable connection between medicine and religious teachings during the Sassanid era caused the commitment of doctors of that period to ethics and spirituality, and made them a worthy model for other sections of the society, as the religion of men.  The progress of Sasanian medical science was such that patients from other nations were brought to Sasanian medical centers and were treated; so the hypothesis of the relationship between religion and medicine in ancient Iran is confirmed.

Abstract
Excavations at Gird-iAshoan, An Archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, provided remarkable insights into cultural traditions characterizing the region in the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwest Iran, Caucasia, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. of the total of four architectural phases presently known from the Chalcolithic deposits of Gird-i Ashoan, the two upper phases were recorded in the first season. Phase 1 consisted of dry-laid stone walls in the northern quadrant of the trench,while Phase 2 was represented by perpendicular mudbrick walls beginning from -3.43m and ending at -3.62m. The recovered mudbricks measured 40 × 60 cm. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the cultural relations of the Zab basin with other regions by presenting a detailed stratigraphy, and an analysis of the recovered architectural remains. To conclude, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the fourth millennium, the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would eventually be replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. In this article, we will introduce the Architecture remains and the methods. With its thick deposit of 8.65 m, Gird-i Ashoan in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.
Keywords: North-West Iran, Pisdeli, Late Chalcolithic Period, Mud-brick Architecture, Chaff-Tempered (CFW).

Introduction
The opening of the 5th millennium BC coincided with the arrival of the Dalma cultural tradition, which extended over vast territories (Hamlin 1975; Henrickson 1983; Henrickson and Vitali 1987). It was to be superseded in the mid-5th millennium or somehow later by the Pisdeli tradition (Dyson 1968; Dyson and Young, 1960: 20). The Pisdeli horizon, designated as Hasanlu Period VIII, was dated between 4300‒ 4500 BC (Voigt and Dyson 1992), which is also corroborated by radiocarbon dates (Danti et al., 2004). It was eventually replaced by the cultural tradition of the Late Chalcolithic in the region. An outstanding question about the period in northwest Iran concerns the little-known phases of Late Chalcolithic III‒II. The time-span is of particular import for the regional archaeology as it has a bearing on the phenomenon of social complexity and the beginning of the urbanization. Unfortunately, ambiguities remain about the chronology of the period due to the lack of regular excavations. Although recent discoveries have provided new information in this regard, the absence of serious excavations of the Chalcolithic deposits deprives us of the attributes of the coeval culture. Mellaart regards the Ubaid as a Late Chalcolithic culture (1966). Helwing splits it into three sub-periods, with the earliest being the Pisdeli (LCh I) (Helwing, 2012: 204) and the Chaff-Faced Ware (CFW) typifying the subsequent LCh III ‒II (Helwing, 2005). In Iran, related material is currently known from Gird-i Ashoan and Kul Tepe, while beyond the Iranian borders they occur at several sites, among them being Çadır Höyük, Kenan Tepe, Arslantepe, Barcın Höyük and Höyük in Anatolia and Leyla Tepe, Beyuk Kesik, Mentesh Tepe, and Alchan tepe in Caucasia (Baxşeliyev, 2010).
Following preliminary inspections, Gird-i Ashoan was selected for excavation in 2019 as the key Late Chalcolithic site. Among the main objectives of the present study were gaining an insight into the settlement sequence, examining the Hasanlu VIII cultural tradition of the Zab basin in light of recent archaeological finds, and investigating the cultural interactions of the local populations with the neighboring regions. Attempts were made to obtain a better understanding of the Late Chalcolithic cultural horizon. The excavation at Gird-i Ashoan yielded a assemblage of Pisdeli painted ware (LCh I), while the LCh III ‒II ceramics, the so-called Chaff-Face Ware native to northern Mesopotamia, were attested in abundance. In the period that immediately followed the Ubaid, North and South Mesopotamia each began to proceed along different directions culturally. Hence, the southern sphere witnessed the spread of the Uruk tradition, while the northern one would be overwhelmed by the Chaff-Faced Ware culture (Kepinski, 2011:65). This ware type occurs over vast territories, which also includes northwest Iran, where the related material culture and chronology share wide affinities with the sites of North Mesopotamia, Syria and East Anatolia, in particular by the latter half of the 4th millennium (Helwing, 2004:16). The location of Gird-i Ashoan close to northern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia significantly contributed to the materialization of the shared traditions. 
  East Anatolia, South Caucasia and Northwest Iran served as the milieus for the genesis and further development of the Chaff-Faced Ware tradition and later the Kura-Araxes culture. The regions have always been the crossroads of various peoples with diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations, and most of the migrant or invading groups would cross them in their east-west movements over the centuries. 
Geographic Location of Gird-i Ashoan 
The mound lies at UTM X.520062 Y.4057880 at an altitude of 1415 m, at the eastern fringes of the Piranshahr plain, on the east bank of the Lavin River. The northern and western flanks of the mound are about 330m and 450m off the riverbed, respectively. The site is within the boundaries of the modern village, flanked by its buildings. It is a mound with a circular base of about 55 m in diameter. Measuring about 55m north-south and 50m east-west, it occupies a total area of ca. 2750 sq. m. The east and south slopes gently descend against the walls of the villagers’ houses. 

Pottery
Pottery represents the most abundant category in the artefactual assemblage. The pieces are plain, with a profusion of chaff and fine grit added as temper to their fabric, leaving them with a pockmarked appearance, thus the designation “chaff-faced pottery.
The sherds from Gird-i Ashoan have brown, orange, and grey surfaces, are poorly fired, and bear a thick slip, though rare examples of thin slip are also attested. The applied ornamental elements include carved motifs and incised grooves. The ceramics of the Late Chalcolithic III and II are invariably chaff-tempered and handmade.
The pottery falls into three categories: plain, incised and painted. The last is represented by three sherds of Pisdeli type bearing black motifs on a buff ground. As regards morphology, the excavated pieces can be divided into several groups: 1. Open pithoi with everted rim, which are the most common form at Gird-I Ashoan and exhibit the closest ties with different regions of Anatolia, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. 2. Open bowls. 3. Shallow trays, albeit in extremely limited numbers. 4. Closed jars. 

Architectural Remains
Mudbrick wall: Part of a brick wall (F.1017) was exposed along the southern section of the trench. It began from -2.35 m and continued to the depth of 3.19m. The individual grit and sand tempered mudbricks variously measured 60×40× 9cm, 56×39× 9 cm and 56×32× 9 cm, and ranged from brown-buff to red-brown in color. Both the bricks and the wall oriented north-south. The surfaces of the wall was lined with a clay coating that contained the same grit and sand particles. The small segment uncovered at the center of the trench near the southern section represented the corner of two perpendicular walls: the north-south wall of F. 1017a and the east-west wall of F. 1017b . The associated floor surface was recorded at -3.19m. It consisted of a compacted silt-clay deposit mixed with sand, charcoal particles and ash. In is notable that the floor surface sealed a layer of debris that was accumulated over time. 
At a depth of 3.62 m near the western section, a pottery vessel was found to be intentionally included into a 55×55 cm mudbrick. This poorly fired vessel was made of a chaff-tempered fabric with a black core. Quite interestingly, the embedded vessel was meant to serve as reinforcement.
Mudbrick floor: Near the western section, the mudbrick floor (F. 1021) was encountered at -3.5m. The structure was formed by laying down brown mudbricks of varying dimensions. Recorded were square (55×55cm) and rectangular examples as well as fragmentary bricks set, rather irregularly, into a red -brown clay mortar. In two cases, the mudbricks were reinforced by embedding insufficiently fired pottery vessels of a paste with black core. The exposed part of this flooring extended 0.7m north-south and about 0.4m east-west. A very small part of a second flooring (F.1022) was cleared in the southeast quadrant of the operation at the depth of 3.95m.
With its thick deposit of 8.65m, Gird-i Ashoan sited in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran. 

Conclusion 
Excavations of Gird-i Ashoan revealed an LCA deposit, which extended from the depth of 1.00 m down to a depth of -9.65 m. Results from the excavations of the site are indicative of the interactions and cultural similitudes of the occupants of Gird-i Ashoan with northwest Iran, north Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Caucasia. The period is marked by the spread of the technological horizon of Chaff-Faced ware, a widespread cultural phenomenon covering vast territories, (Palumbi, 2011: 211; Helwing , 2012:  204) which displays fairly consistent cultural attributes (Helwing 2012:  207).
The material culture from the site exhibits close relationships with those of the coetaneous centers of the Lake Urmia region, on the one hand, and Anatolia, Caucasia and Mesopotamia, on the other. In effect, given the geographic location of the Zab basin as a cross-regional crossing, we may conjecture that Gird-i Ashoan might have served a transitional role in this communication network. The hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the discovery of the obsidian pieces. To conclude with, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the 4th millennium the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would be eventually replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. 

Abstract
Prior to L. Afshari’s fieldwork in Ramhormoz, the known Achaemenid sites from the plain only amounted to 17 in number. Yet, given factors such as favorable climate and fertile soil for agriculture, existence of important rivers such as Kupal and Sandali, proximity to such trade routes as the Susa-Persepolis royal road as well as to the two major Achaemenid capitals of Susa and Persepolis, we deemed the figure to be rather underrated, believing that there must be much more concomitant settlements in this plain. During our investigation, the sites recorded by the previous team were re-visited and new coeval sites were also identified. The survey of 2020, directed by one of the authors (L. Afshari), did not encompass the entire Ramhormoz plain. Covering only its middle part straddling the Ala River with a total area of about 53000 hectares (530 sq. k), the survey recorded 36 Achaemenid settlements. Identification of the relevant sites was based on Khuzestan’s local pottery of the Achaemenid period reported from Tape Daroughe. In this study, the impact of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the genesis and prosperity of settlements was evaluated. The surface architectural finds are suggestive of interactions between rural and nomadic communities. Results of the surveys indicated the proximity to ancient royal roads and access to water sources and pastures to be the determining factors in the distribution pattern of Achaemenid settlements over the Ramhormoz plain. This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia.
Keywords: Southwest Iran, Khuzestan, Ramhormoz Plain, Settlements, Achaemenid Period.

Introduction
The vast region of Ramhormoz stretches up to the mountain belt of Khuzestan to the north. Sitting in the eastern Khuzestan plain at an elevation above sea level of 120 m, the plain of Ramhormoz encompasses a total area of 620 sq. km. All across southwestern Iran, Ramhormoz is the region with the least archaeological investigation. Despite this paucity of work, recent studies have demonstrated the regional settlements (in both mountains and plains) to be integral to any understanding of the culture of the Achaemenid period. Geographic location of the region, the nature of settlements in the transition zone between plains and mountains, and their continuity and cultural ties with each other also furnish a pattern for grasping the Achaemenid world’s settlement policy. In addition, given its strategic location during the concerned period, the plain assumed a central role in the interactions between Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia. It is of great importance also because of its location on the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis.
The southwestern region of Iran played an important role in establishing cultural, economic, and political interactions with surrounding areas such as Mesopotamia and Anatolia throughout the 1st millennium BC. The number of archaeological studies conducted in the Ramhormoz area has been quite limited. Despite the lack of archaeological information, the studies carried out in recent years have shown the significant role the cultures in the region (both the mountain and plain settlers) played in understanding the Achaemenid Culture.
The significance of the region was further revealed with the surface surveys carried out by Donald Mc Cown in the region and the excavations he conducted at Tol-e Geser (McCown, 1949, 1954). Surveys conducted by Wright and Carter in 1969 also pointed to connections between the region’s lowland and mountainous parts of southwestern Iran (Wright and Carter, 2003). Although the dimensions are different, it has been observed that the settlements share some common features with the mountainous parts of Persian geography. As a result of contemporary archaeological resources and the survey conducted under my supervision, the characteristics of the Achaemenid settlements in the Ramhormoz plain in Southwest Iran were reanalyzed. The influence of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the formation and prosperity of the settlements and the relations between sedentary, rural, and nomadic communities were studied. Also, the transformations in the settlement system, distribution, and population differences during the Achaemenid period were revealed and subsequently / mapped.

Discussion
This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia. The realization of the latter aim will have important implications for the Achaemenid archeology of southwestern Iran, altering the existing views. In light of our findings, it is possible to propose a distribution pattern for the settlements in the middle of the Ramhormoz plain as being clustered in two regions, viz. northwest and southeast, on both banks of the Ala River. The finds of primary importance from the settlements of the plain are pottery assemblages. To explore the Achaemenid pottery, they were first classified by shape, which consisted of the five groups of carinated bowls, bowls with a spherical body and a simple rim, necked jars, short-necked jars, and storage jars. This was followed by comparative studies for dating the pottery. Our observations show that the Achaemenid pottery traditions continued well into the subsequent period after the demise of the empire.
Thus, it is notable here that the materials and settlements discussed in this paper can potentially extend in date to as late as a century after the Achaemenid period. In terms of technical characteristics, the pottery splits into five groups: common, light green-slipped, red-slipped, eggshell, and painted wares.
Drawing on historical sources and archeological findings as well as the conducted studies, the villages across the plain tend to be clustered around or be related to the Susa-Persepolis trade route. The rich geography of the plain has informed the dynamics of its settlements over time. Notwithstanding the severe disturbances induced by modern settlements and agricultural and industrial activities, the identified settlement centers reveal direct or indirect link with the commercial or military routes of the Achaemenid times. In other words, their formation along the commercial routes was primarily meant to facilitate intra- and cross-regional contacts. The proximity of settlements to the royal road between Susa and Persepolis evinces the integral role the road played in the cultural interactions of the Achaemenid period. Therefore, archaeological studies directed by Esmail Yaghmai are important in detecting the remains of settlements along the royal road linking Susa to Persepolis as they reveal the characteristics of the settlement policy. 

Conclusion
With the completion of the archaeological investigation in the Ramhormoz plain and the study of the findings and data obtained from this investigation, it seems that a general understanding of the cultural remains related to the Achaemenid period and the distribution of the sites of this period can be achieved to some extent. It was thus revealed that proximity to commercial roads and access to water resources and pasture were the main determinants in the distribution model of Achaemenid settlements. Rich pastures for nomads, the potential for irrigated agriculture for settlers, and access to communication routes provided advantages for both lifestyles. Therefore, the settlement pattern is more associated with roads. When the location of the settlements and their distance to each other are examined, it is seen that the frequency of settlements on the Susa-Persepolis Royal Road is very high. Settlements are located on the road within short distances of each other, which shows that the road is a determining factor on settlements in the region due to its socio-economic advantages.
Ramhormoz plain shows that the Achaemenid settlements in this plain maintained strong intra- and cross-regional cultural and economic ties. In terms of extent, Tol-e Ishan Seyyed Shabib or Tol-e Toupi, Tape Mava, Tape Mehr Alnesa and Tape Kheyr Alnesa appear to be examples of such type of villages. With respect to the location of settlements and their distance from each other, a concentration of settlements is discernible along the Royal Rod—they are clustered along this road at close intervals. This fact indicates that routs played a decisives role in the formation of regional settlements, and that the Royal Road yielded multiple economic and political advantages. In general, it is possible to say that most of the settlements in the Ramhormoz plain lie on the riparian areas or along the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis, and judging by the pottery collections, there clearly were close interrelations between these settlements and interactions with neighboring regions. On this very basis, one may safely surmise that a local and highly advanced pottery industry prevailed in the plain during the Achaemenid period. Cross-comparisons of the surface pottery assemblages from the Ramhormoz plain with the excavated material from sites in southwestern Iran, southern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia indicate the presence of early, mid- and late Achaemenid ceramics, suggesting that the Achaemenid cultural horizon continued uninterruptedly over the plain between 330‒550 BC.

Abstract
The concept of “manifestation” (Tajalli) is one of the fundamental concepts of Islamic wisdom and mysticism, which has its roots in the Holy Qur’an and the traditions of the innocents (peace be upon them), and from this passage, it enters the tasteful language of Muslim mystics, especially Ibn Arabi, pay special attention to it. they do. With this description, since the issue of manifestation in art finds a special place in mystical discussions and since one of the basic principles of the art of calligraphy is indeed “refinement” (Sh’an) and until the rust is not removed from the heart and refinement is not achieved, an image in it will not be manifested; Therefore, it seems that through the expression of this concept of manifestation, a close bond is established between mysticism and calligraphy. Based on this, the current research has tried to answer these two questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially “refinement” and “dignity” (Safā)? In order to reach a clear answer to these two questions and to establish a bridge between mysticism and Islamic calligraphy and to find the mystical dignity of “manifestation” in it, therefore, first the meaning of manifestation in religious sources such as verses and narrations was discussed and then in mystical texts (according to Ibn Arabi and mystics before him) has understood its meaning. In the following, the category of sanctity in calligraphy is discussed and based on the twelve principles governing it (according to the text of Babashah Isfahani’s Adab al-Mashq), the connection of “manifestation” with “refinement” and “dignity” in Islamic calligraphy and its relationship with its beauty (Hosn) is examined.
Keywords: Manifestation; Principles of Refinement and Dignity, Islamic Calligraphy.

Introduction
The fact is that there are not many sources about the wisdom of the origin of calligraphy and the investigation of its intellectual foundations among different Islamic nations. Therefore, there is no escaping the issue of having an opinion on the intellectual foundations of some Islamic sages and thinkers, although of course they have not directly addressed this specific issue and their talk has always been art in general. But what stands out more than anything else in the study of the wisdom of Islamic art is its wealth of terms such as intuition, presence, manifestation, imagination, discovery, dignity, love, etc. These terms find a special place among great people such as Suhrawardi, Ibn Arabi, Mulla Sadra and others. Meanwhile, the issue of “manifestation” in art has a special place in his mystical discussions. Therefore, it seems that since one of the very important principles of calligraphy (among its twelve principles) is indeed “dignity” - and a special meaning is meant by it and it is the foundation of the next stage, namely “dignity” - there is an inseparable relationship between mysticism and Calligraphy is in place. Therefore, the main preoccupation of this article is to find convincing documents and proofs related to the keyword “manifestation”, both in sacred and mystical texts and in texts related to calligraphy, to prove the mentioned claim. Based on this, the present research pursues two specific questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially refinement and dignity?

Discussion
Holiness has a long history in Islamic calligraphy. Undoubtedly, calligraphy has taken its sanctity from the Qur’an, which, as the first and most glorious Islamic art, has actually been the closest companion to the Word of Revelation. References in the Holy Qur’an such as “Nun. By the Pen and the [Record] which [men] write” (Qalam, 1) and the use of words such as tablet, pen, chair, line, cut letters, etc. also confirm this sanctity. Calligraphers in this position, knowing this sanctity, pay attention to the beauty of their handwriting so that the truth hidden in words is not hidden in the image form of calligraphy and is revealed in the best way. Calligraphic writing is not the same as calligraphy, but it implies a meaning, and the external role is to express a hidden role. Rumi has mentioned this in this regard: “No calligrapher writes line by technic/ The same line is not readable” (Rumi, 2013: Book 4). On the other hand, the wisdom of Islamic art, with its mystical base, is full of terms such as intuition, presence, manifestation, imagination, discovery, dignity, love, etc., which cannot be expressed and interpreted except with the language of judgment, and the audience as well. If he is not familiar with this language, he will not be able to understand it. With this description and according to the opinions of Islamic mystics - the most important of which was given in the first part of this research - the manifestations of holiness in the lives of Muslims are revealed. By generalizing his opinions to the field of religious art, Islamic art and sacred art, we can find the mysteries in Islamic calligraphy. The juxtaposition of the old popular myths with the opinions of Islamic thinkers, symbols, codes and its influence on Sufi intellectuals and popular culture, all lead to the discovery of relationships that show the sanctity in this art more than ever before.

Conclusion
The current research has clearly sought answers to two questions: 1. What is manifestation and what is its place in our sacred and mystical texts? 2. What is the relationship between manifestation and the theoretical foundations of Islamic calligraphy, especially dignity and dignity? In order to reach a clear answer to these two questions and establish a bridge between mysticism and Islamic calligraphy and find the mystical dignity of “manifestation” in it, the meaning of manifestation in religious sources such as verses and hadiths was first discussed. We saw that in this regard, this concept occurs in the most obvious way possible in the noble verse 143 of A’rāf, which is known as “the manifestation verse”. With this meaning, it is from manifestation that the divine names and attributes appear in the world and explain the nature of God’s relationship with his creatures. In addition to the Qur’anic verses, in many Islamic traditions, relying on those verses, especially “the manifestation verse,” God’s relationship with creation is mentioned, especially in sermons 108 and 147 of Nahj al-Balagha, where God manifests himself to his creatures, without them seeing him. And this is where the difference between manifestation and incarnation in Christianity is established. In addition to verses and traditions, this concept finds a special place in mystical texts, especially Ibn Arabi, which is one of the pillars of answering the above questions. Of course, with the mystics before Ibn Arabi (such as Hasan Basri, Rozbahan Baqli, Bayazid Bastami and others), manifestation has an intuitive meaning, meaning that the seeker goes through the states and mystical Authorities one by one with the intuition of the actions, attributes and nature of the Supreme Being. According to Ibn Arabi, a metaphysical (existential) meaning is also meant by it, which explains the system of existence and the way of connecting truth and creation and the connection of the world of multitudes with the absolute unity of truth. While discussing this concept, Ibn Arabi discusses the heart, which is the bearer of divine manifestations, and maintaining its dignity is the duty of the seeker, so that the heart does not have dignity, and the names and attributes of the Most High do not manifest on it. The existential meaning of manifestation according to Ibn Arabi is that for the appearance of different levels of beings, the existence of the absolute one must be determined through manifestation. In the manifestation of absolute existence, the general image of single existences emerges, which he interprets as “Khams”. These gentlemen are the bearers of God’s manifestation, and according to that, the world of the kingdom is the manifestation of the world of the kingdom; The world of the kingdom is the manifestation of the world of strength; The world of strength is the embodiment of the world of nobles; The world of nobles is the manifestation of the divine names (Vāhediat) and the unity is the manifestation of unity. Thus, man has the ability to be the embodiment and full-view mirror of the existence of truth and manifest his truth in the mirror of the human heart. It is from here that we can enter into the discussion of Islamic calligraphy and its connection with manifestation. Apart from the issue of sanctity of calligraphy in Islamic culture, which on the one hand is based on its connection with the writing of the Qur’an and on the other hand, from some Qur’anic verses, referring to texts such as Adab al-Mashq by Babashah Esfahani, in which he enumerates twelve principles for good calligraphy, the eleventh principle It, i.e. “refinement” clearly has a mystical element and is derived from the eternal quality of the human heart according to the likes of Ibn Arabi, to the extent that it manifests itself in the rusted mirror of the human heart. Therefore, “dignity” with all its mystical meanings in the basic form of the principles of calligraphy and is described as a stage that polishes and refines the heart to manifest or reflect the goodness of God, and the sincerity of the word is to say Sultan Ali Mashhadi: “The dignity of the line is the result of the dignity of the heart”.

Abstract
One of the facts that can be seen in the archaeological contexts of the late Bronze Age in the abandonment or excessive reduction of the enclosures. At the end of the Bronze Age, many sites and settlements in the Iranian Plateau and outside the Iranian Plateau collapsed suddenly and unexpectedly, or the growing process of these societies has stopped. Researchers have considered several factor such as floods, earthquakes, immigration of newly arrived ethnic groups, etc. for this event, to these factors we can also add the effect of factors such as over urbanization, which has not been addressed much. As a result of over urbanization, challenges such as; Regional thermal changes, destruction of habitat and biodiversity and ecosystem as accelerating factors in the crises of this period could further worsen the situation. The result of this research show that after the increase in population in urban centers due to the lack of administrative planning to control the conditions caused by dense urbanization and as a result the disruption on environmental order and natural balance, the society has tried to restore the natural conditions as a stable system this attempt to return to the balance has been manifested in various ways, such as the decision to leave large settlements and move to peripheral and peripheral areas with sufficient food and water resources. The evidence of this event can be seen in areas such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, and Doab areas in eastern Sind; in some cases, the crisis in the societies has increased and it has appeared in the form of newer problems such as famine and epidemics, inter regional conflicts and such things, which have led to the collapse of societies.
Keywords: Bronze Age crisis, Late Bronze, Over Urbanization, Eastern Iran, The Decline of Settlements and Civilization. 

Introduction
Over urbanization or excessive urbanization is generally used in cases where the urban population has grown unplanned and beyond the capacity of the environment and city administration, which causes the transformation and sometimes degeneration of urban communities (see Sovani, 1964). Therefore, the increase in the number of the population and the lack of environmental resources in the administration and organization of the urban population could act as a factor to disrupt the path of the Bronze Age societies. The decline of settlements and civilizations at the end of the Bronze Age is very important, and the first major collapses of the prehistoric era took place at this time, which occurred widely and in large areas of the old land. The Bronze Age in the archaeological literature refers to a period when societies gradually more from rural to more complex or urban and create trans-regional connections. Obviously, what is expected is the continuation of the development and progress of societies towards the emergence of larger and more complex civilization and states, which reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age (see Tosi, 1976: 168). But what happened in the late Bronze Age is the abandonment of sites and depopulation of a large number of them, which can be seen as a chronological break in many Ancient sites? The evidence indicates an event during which large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968). Mohenjodaro (Wheeler, 1968), Harappa (Wheeler, 1968), Altin Tepe (Masson, 1981), collapsed, although some small settlements such as Tekem Tepe (Kohl, 1984) continued to exist without any interruption. The concentration of population in urban areas and the impossibility of providing in frastructure needs in urban life due to the occurrence of over urbanization had led to disorder in social structures and population decline in Mohenjodaro and Harappa settlements. If the elites of the society do not manage or solve the problems caused by excessive urbanization, difficult conditions will arise and the society will probably solve the problem or become a problem in the form of a self-organizing system. The evidence shows that in some settlements such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Altin Tepe, people decided to leave the large settlements and settled in peripheral areas, and this caused the settlements to become uninhabited in the late Bronze Age. 

Identified Traces
Urbanization, which was actually a cultural and social revolution, appeared sometime between the end of the fourth millennium and the beginning of the third millennium bc in western Asia, Egypt and Mesopotamia (Childe, 2019:1). But at the end of the Bronze Age in a wide area of the east, especially the southeast region of Iran and even beyond the current borders of Iran, such as; Central Asia and the Indus valley, many large settlements such as Shahr-I Sokhta (Tosi, 1968), Tepe Hesar (Schmidt, 1937; Dyson, 1989), Namazga (Kohl, 1981) area have declined and shrunk excessively. There are several theories about the crisis of the late Bronze Age, such as the invasion of the Aryan tribes (Girshman, 1954), disease (Robbins Schug et al., 2013), famine and earthquakes (Nur, 2009), etc., but since this discussion is about societies with an advanced level of technology and in constant relations with are their peripheral areas. The factor of excessive urbanization can be added to the above. Rapid urban growth will have consequences for the urban society. Such as the lack and absence of drinking water, urban heat island effects, unpredictable rainfalls, and increasing demand due to population growth cause environ mental destruction and air pollution. For example, in the Indus valley in period IIIC, due to extra-regional trade and large inward migrations, the previous organized settlement pattern was disrupted. The houses in the main areas of the city were thrown into the streets and then at the end of the Harappan phase, the population density decreased and some of them were concentrated in the main areas of the city and the other part moved to the east. In Turkmenistan, even though the archaeological data indicates a decrease in the Kopedagh area, no settlements are abandoned in Atak and other areas, especially Merv and Balkh.

Conclusion
In general, based on archaeological findings, the cities were formed from the old Bronze Age and reached their peak of prosperity during the middle Bronze Age. But at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second millennium B.C. the evidence indicates that the sites were excessively shrunk and empty of inhabitants, or the collapse of large settlements. This could have been caused by over urbanization on the basis that whenever the society’s population grows beyond the environmental resources and facilities necessary to organize people, it can create crises for urban societies. Crises such as; the increase in urban rainfall and temperature, the increase in urban waste, the lack of drinking water sources and the destruction of the environment for human well-being in large societies with high population. With the increase of urban population and the lack of resources to organize people it leads to an increase in crime, marginalization and disorder in urban organization, and when the political rulers cannot solve or manage the created problems, the people of the society left the cities and went to the marginal and peripheral areas with stable food and water resources, such as Merv, Northern and Southern Balkh, to continue their lives.

Relations between Iran and the East Asia date back to ancient times. These interactions ranged in function and scale from the initial development of overland trade routes by hopeful merchants, all the way to the political entanglements of ruling dynasties. These relations can be traced through material culture but also through their incorporation into written texts. Although, China (Čīn) and Korea (Silla) had been referenced in relation to the Zoroastrian heroes of the resurrection, Japan did not have any position in this regard according to Persian texts. Additionally, the name China was known for the Middle Persian languages such as Sogdian, Manichean and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts, those texts have never mentioned the name of Japan. Although, many scholarly works have been published on Iran-Japan historical relations, the author believes that some aspects of these relations need to be reviewed. Zoroastrian late texts describe Čīnestān while it is hard to explain the term included Japan and Silla, but this information can be seen frequently in the Early Islamic Periods widely about Silla. According to the Persian texts, Čīn and Silla were two “holy toponyms” where the final (Zoroastrian) savior would come to rescue Iran from the Arabs. Surprisingly heroes-kings like Jamshid, Faridun, Faranak, Zahhak, Garshasb, Sām were entangled with these two toponyms according to Persian texts. Clearly Japan appeared less frequently as a toponym in Persian classic texts. The author believes that believe “refraining to give support to Sasanian princes” should serve as a significant factor in dropping Japan’s name by Persian texts. In this article I will try to answer “why references to Japan are lacking in Persian classic texts?”

This article delves into the intricate evolution of swords and sabers in China and Iran, shedding light on the craftsmanship that shaped these formidable weapons. The article begins by exploring the genesis and progression of sword shapes in China, focusing on the distinct forms that emerged over time. It particularly highlights the stark differences between the straight-edged jian and the various types of dao, which are characterized by their single-edged design. The discourse then shifts to the Persian context, unraveling the true essence of the term ‘shamshir’. Contrary to the common misconception held by numerous scholars and collectors in the West, ‘shamshir’ is not confined to highly curved sabers. Instead, it is a broad term used in Persian to denote any kind of sword, irrespective of its shape. The article further delves into the historical period when curved swords began to gain prominence in both China and Iran. This exploration not only provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of these weapons but also offers insights into the cultural and historical contexts that influenced their development. 

The preserved 6-7th century portraits of royal supporters from the Kucha Caves in Xinjiang show a “patterned” costume and appearance, especially the “standing on tiptoe” posture and the pictorial structure of multiple figures standing side by side, which have a strong connection with Iranian and Central Asian art. The unique “standing on tiptoe” style of the Kucha Grottoes mural depicts a donor pattern that is neither found in the painting and sculpture of Dunhuang or other regions of China, nor seen in Gandhara reliefs, Parthian art, or Near Eastern art of the Parthian period. However, is frequently seen in painting and sculpture from Iran to Central Asia between the 3rd and 7th centuries AD. The origin of the art of Iran and Central Asia the forms of expression are related to the construction of royal identity, religious rituals, and the viewing habits and aesthetic concepts of the people of Kucha. The small number of inscriptions preserved in the Kucha Caves on the donor’s figures indicate that these Kucha kings were real people, and it is highly likely that the painters had met them. However, the way the feet of the figures are drawn is not realistic, but rather stylized, creating a perfect visual pattern that transcends ordinary reality, indicating that the painters were aiming to present all the Kucha kings as an “idealized” manner. The pictorial pattern of “standing on tiptoe” posture influenced by Iranian Sasanian and Central Asian Sogdian art is evident. 

This paper stresses on the polytheistic idolatry worship of the Kushans and Iranian faith as evidenced by coins, relics and documents particularly in the field of numismatics, and historical data. This study can draw the following conclusions, the roots of Dayuezhi Iranian faith’s idolatry worship can be traced back to a combination of orthodox Zoroastrianism and indigenous Iranian faith during the Dayuezhi period. In this period, Dayuezhi used the image of lion to be a symbol of the Iranian goddess Nana on coin. The Kushan culture was influenced by Greek religious art, and later by Buddhist statuary art, but the current archaeological materials have not yet found evidence of existing Iranian deities relics and documents during the early decades of the reign of the Kushan emperors such as Kujula Kadphises, Wima Taktu, and Wima Kadpphises; In fact, polytheistic idolatry worship within the Iranian faith became fully established and flourished during the reigns of Kaniska and Huvishka. In this period, the Iranian faith deities Nana, Mirro, Mao, Orlagno, Athsho, Ardoxsho, Manaobago, Pharro, Lrooaspo, Mozdooano and Oado appear on Kaniska’s coins, and the Iranian faith deities Ardoxsho, Mirro, Mao, Nana, Shaoreo, Athsho, Oanindo, Oaxsho, Mozdooano, Sarapis, Rishti, Teiro, Ahura Mazda, Ashaixsho, Lrooaspo, Yamsho and Oado appear on Huvishka’s coins. Kushano-Sasanian coins revealed information about the rise of Iranian orthodox Zoroastrianism under Sasanian Persia which had conquered the region. The practice of polytheistic idolatry in Iranian faith was gradually declining during the late Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian periods. This decline continued into the Kidara Kushan period as evidenced by the coins.